Mao Zedong’s Reflection on and Practice of “Never Becoming Li Zicheng” and Its Enlightenment

Mao Zedong was a man of deep feeling who also placed great emphasis on drawing experience and wisdom from history. At various historical moments of the Party, Mao Zedong repeatedly warned all Party comrades to learn from the lesson of the failure of Li Zicheng, the leader of the late-Ming rebel army. Especially at the moment when New China was about to be established, Mao Zedong repeatedly stressed that we were on the “road of ‘taking the examination’” [1]1 “Their actions were mostly rebellions” — Mao Zedong’s original phrase, implying reckless or purely destructive actions rather than disciplined revolutionary struggle. and must “never become Li Zicheng”, and after entering Beijing, he adopted a series of concrete measures, thereby fulfilling his promise and consolidating the newly established regime. Use history to illuminate the present and draw wisdom from history. In 2013, at the symposium commemorating the 120th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth, General Secretary Xi Jinping stressed: “The whole Party must bear in mind Comrade Mao

毛泽东是一个十分有情怀同时非常重视从历史中探寻经验智慧的人。在党的各个历史时刻，毛泽东曾经多次告诫全党同志，一定要汲取明末起义军领袖李自成的失败教训。特别是新中国即将建立的时刻，毛泽东反复强调，我们在“赶考”的路上“决不当李自成”,并且在进京之后采取了一系列的实际举措，从而践行了自己的诺言，稳固了建立的新政权。以史鉴今、以史启智。2013年，习近平总书记在纪念毛泽东同志诞辰120周年座谈会上强调指出，“全党要牢记毛泽东同志提出的‘我们决不当李自成’的深刻警示”。应当说，毛泽东对“决不当李自成”的思考、实践在当今仍然具有非常重要的启示意义。过去，学界对毛泽东“决不当李自成”的思考有一些阐释介绍性的文章，但对毛泽东在“决不当李自成”上的具体实践归纳挖掘较少，也较缺乏在此基础上更深层的总结分析，本文拟在这些方面做进一步的探讨。

I. Mao Zedong’s Long-Term Attention to Li Zicheng and His Reflection on “Never Being Li Zicheng”

一、毛泽东对李自成的长期关注和“决不当李自成”的思考

Li Zicheng is a famous peasant leader in Chinese history. The peasant uprising army he led once captured Beijing and hastened the fall of the Ming Dynasty, but after entering Beijing, the uprising army quickly became corrupt and was defeated in a very short time, creating a historical tragedy (which we may summarise for the purposes of this article as “the defeat of Li Zicheng”). This provoked deep thought. From his youth, Mao Zedong paid attention to this peasant uprising leader Li Zicheng. In various historical periods after joining the revolution, Mao Zedong engaged in a certain amount of reflection on “the defeat of Li Zicheng” and at the same time proposed that it should be taken as a profound lesson.

李自成是中国历史上一位著名的农民领袖，他领导的农民起义军曾经攻陷北京、促使明朝灭亡，但在进驻北京后，起义军却很快腐化并在很短的时间内败亡，酿成历史悲剧(本文姑且概括其为“李自成失败”),这引发人们深思。从年少起，毛泽东就关注到李自成这位农民起义领袖，在参加革命后的各个历史时期，毛泽东对“李自成失败”都进行了一定的思考，同时提出要对其进行深刻镜鉴。

(A) Mao Zedong’s Preliminary Reflections on “the Defeat of Li Zicheng” during the Great Revolution and the Agrarian Revolution Period

(一)大革命、土地革命时期毛泽东对“李自成失败”的初步思考

As is well known, when studying at a private school, Mao Zedong loved to read “miscellaneous books”, among which there were books about Li Zicheng’s peasant uprising army. The deeds of Li Zicheng leading the broad masses of poor peasants to struggle against the feudal ruling clique, “equalising land and exempting grain taxes”, were deeply imprinted in his mind.

众所周知，毛泽东在读私塾时，就爱看一些“杂书”,其中就有关于李自成农民起义军的书籍，而李自成率领广大贫苦农民与封建统治集团作斗争、“均田免粮”的事迹深深地印在了他的脑海里。

According to historical materials, the earliest reflection of Mao Zedong’s thought on “the defeat of Li Zicheng” was when he gave a speech in 1921 at the Third Normal School in Hengyang. He introduced to the students the deeds of successive peasant uprisings in Chinese history (including the Li Zicheng uprising). When summing up the experiences and lessons of the uprisings, he pointed out that the main reason for their failure was that they lacked the leadership of an advanced class and political party. In 1926, when teaching students at the Guangzhou Peasant Movement Training Institute, Mao Zedong once again cited “the defeat of Li Zicheng”. When evaluating “the defeat of Li Zicheng”, Mao Zedong both affirmed the positive side of the Li Zicheng uprising in history and pointed out the main reason for its defeat and demise, namely that “their actions were mostly rebellions” [1]1 “Their actions were mostly rebellions” — Mao Zedong’s original phrase, implying reckless or purely destructive actions rather than disciplined revolutionary struggle.. After the failure of the Great Revolution, Mao Zedong declined invitations from Qu Qiubai and others, did not go to work in the Party Central Committee in Shanghai, refused to “live in high towers and great mansions”, but instead wanted to “go up to the mountains and make friends with forest outlaws”, ultimately establishing the Jinggangshan Revolutionary Base Area. Clearly, this was the result of Mao Zedong’s reflection on and drawing lessons from “the defeat of Li Zicheng”. In 1929, at the Gutian Conference [2]2 Gutian Conference — A meeting of the CPC’s Ninth Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army held in Gutian, Fujian Province, in December 1929, which adopted resolutions on Party building and military work., Mao Zedong emphatically pointed out that it was necessary to struggle against “Li Chuang-type roving-rebel ideology”, because this kind of “roving-rebel ideology” had in fact already become “impermissible in the present environment”. Here, “roving-rebel ideology” mainly refers to Li Zicheng’s “lack of consolidated base areas”.

据史料记载，最早反映毛泽东对“李自成失败”进行思考是他1921年在衡阳第三师范学校作演讲时，他向学生介绍中国历史上历次农民起义(其中就包含李自成起义)的事迹，在对起义经验教训进行总结时指出，他们失败的主要原因是没有先进阶级和政党的领导。1926年，毛泽东在广州农民运动讲习所为学员授课时，再一次引用了“李自成失败”。在对“李自成失败”进行评价时，毛泽东既肯定了李自成起义在历史上积极的一面，也指出了其败亡的主要缘由，即“他们的举动，多为暴动”。大革命失败后，毛泽东拒绝瞿秋白等人的邀请，不到位于上海的党中央工作，“不住高楼大厦”,而是要“上山结交绿林朋友”,最终创建了井冈山革命根据地。显然，这是毛泽东对“李自成失败”思考借鉴的结果。1929年，在古田会议上，毛泽东强调指出，要与“李闯式的流寇主义”作斗争，因为这种“流寇主义”实际上已经“为今日的环境所不许可”。在这里，“流寇主义”主要是指李自成“没有巩固的根据地”的意思。

From the above, it can be seen that when summing up the experiences and lessons of “the defeat of Li Zicheng”, Mao Zedong summarised two main causes: the lack of leadership by an advanced class or organisation and the lack of consolidated base areas. It was on the basis of this summation that Mao Zedong combined the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution and created theories such as “encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing power by armed force” and “building the Party branch on the company”.

由上看出，毛泽东对“李自成失败”进行经验教训总结时，归纳了两个主要原因，即没有先进阶级或组织的领导及没有巩固的根据地。正是在这一总结的基础上，毛泽东将马克思主义的普遍真理与中国革命的具体实践结合起来，创立了“农村包围城市，武装夺取政权”及“将支部建在连上”等理论。

(B) Mao Zedong’s In-depth Reflections on “the Defeat of Li Zicheng” during the War of Resistance Against Japan

(二)抗日战争时期毛泽东对“李自成失败”的深入思考

After the Japanese invaders entered China, Mao Zedong emphasised again during the War of Resistance that in history there had been many “peasant wars of the roving-rebel type”, but none ultimately succeeded. Only by “thoroughly overcoming roving-rebel ideology” ideologically and extensively establishing base areas throughout the country could “it be beneficial for long-term sustained guerrilla warfare”.

日寇入侵中国后，在抗战中毛泽东再次强调，历史上有过很多“流寇主义的农民战争”,最后都没有成功，只有从思想上“彻底地克服了流寇主义”,并且在全国各地广为建立根据地，“才能有利于长期支持的游击战争”。

In the first half of 1944, two things prompted Mao Zedong to pay more attention to the historical lesson of Li Zicheng’s turn from victory to defeat. One was reading the *Yongchang Romance* [3]3 Yongchang Romance — A historical novel about Li Zicheng, written by Li Jianhou, focussing on the Shun dynasty era name Yongchang (1644–1645)., recommended by Li Dingming, Vice-Chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government, and written by Li Jianhou, which describes the deeds of the Li Zicheng uprising. The other was reading the historical treatise *The 300th Commemoration of the Jia Shen Year* [4]4 The 300th Commemoration of the Jia Shen Year — A historical essay by Guo Moruo, published in 1944, reflecting on the fall of the Ming dynasty (the Jia Shen year, 1644) and the lessons of Li Zicheng’s defeat. written by Guo Moruo. After carefully reading the *Yongchang Romance* and writing a letter to Li Dingming, Mao Zedong expressed that if the *Yongchang Romance* could be revised according to a new historical viewpoint, it would be “extremely useful for educating the people”. On 19 March 1944, Guo Moruo’s historical treatise *The 300th Commemoration of the Jia Shen Year* (hereinafter “Guo’s article”), totalling 20,000 characters, was mainly a summation of the lessons from the fall of the Ming Dynasty and the Li Zicheng peasant uprising from rise to defeat. The article was serialised in the Chongqing *Xinhua Daily* [5]5 Xinhua Daily — A newspaper published by the CPC in Chongqing during the War of Resistance, serving as a mouthpiece for the Party.. After Guo’s article was published, it received great attention from Mao Zedong. He instructed that it be printed as a separate pamphlet and explicitly designated it as one of the rectification documents for the Party. In Mao Zedong’s view, the defeat of the Li Zicheng uprising had many causes, but the most crucial was arrogance and underestimation of the enemy, which Mao Zedong mentioned many times. In April 1944, when Mao Zedong gave the speech *Study and the Current Situation* at the Yan’an High-Level Cadres Meeting, he pointed out that the Party’s history had “once manifested great arrogance on several occasions”, and for this, all Party comrades “must take it as a warning”. In November of the same year, Mao Zedong wrote to Guo Moruo, pointing out that Li Zicheng was “arrogant with small victories, and even more arrogant with great victories”, so he “suffered setbacks again and again”, and also raised the question of how to avoid such faults in the future, which “really merits attention”.

1944年上半年，有两件事促使毛泽东更加关注李自成由胜利转向失败的历史教训。一件是阅读了陕甘宁边区政府副主席李鼎铭推荐、李健侯撰写的描述李自成起义事迹的《永昌演义》,另一件是阅读了郭沫若撰写的《甲申三百年祭》史论。在认真阅读《永昌演义》后致信李鼎铭时，毛泽东表示《永昌演义》如能按新历史观点加以改造，将“极有教育人民的作用”。1944年3月19日，郭沫若撰写达2万字的《甲申三百年祭》(以下简称“郭文”)的史论，主要是总结明朝灭亡和李自成农民起义从兴到败的教训，文章在重庆《新华日报》上连载发出。郭文发表后，受到了毛泽东的高度重视，他指示将其印成单行本并明确为党的整风文件之一。在毛泽东看来，李自成起义失败有多方面原因，但最为关键的是骄傲轻敌，这曾为毛泽东多次提及。1944年4月，毛泽东在延安高干会议上作《学习和时局》讲演时指出，党的历史上“曾经有过几次表现了大的骄傲”,对此，全党同志“都要引为鉴戒”。同年11月，毛泽东致信郭沫若时指出，李自成“小胜即骄傲，大胜更骄傲”,所以“一次又一次吃亏”,同时还提出如何才能避免今后犯此种毛病，“实在值得注意”。

On the eve of victory in the War of Resistance, Mao Zedong introduced his reflection on “the defeat of Li Zicheng” into the question of how to keep the Party and political power from ever deteriorating. In early July 1945, Mao Zedong met with the patriotic democratic personage Huang Yanpei [6]6 Huang Yanpei (1878–1965) — Chinese educator and political figure, founder of the China Democratic League, who visited Yan’an in 1945 for peace talks., who came to Yan’an for visits and consultations. During the meeting, Huang Yanpei, on the one hand, deeply believed that the CPC was about to exercise power nationwide, but on the other hand, he said to Mao Zedong that looking through history, it had never been able to escape the cyclical pattern of “flourishing with a rush and perishing with a sudden rush” [7]7 “Flourishing with a rush and perishing with a sudden rush” — A phrase from the *Zuo Zhuan* (Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals) describing the rapid rise and fall of states.. Clearly, “the defeat of Li Zicheng” is such a typical case. Precisely because of this, Huang Yanpei hoped that the CPC could “find a new path” to escape the domination of the historical cycle. To Huang Yanpei’s concern, Mao Zedong gave a confident answer: we have already found a new path, and that “is democracy”, that is “letting the people supervise the government”. Mao Zedong’s answer reflected his deeper-level reflection on “the defeat of Li Zicheng”.

抗战胜利前夕，毛泽东将对“李自成失败”的思考引入到如何保持党和政权永不变质上来。1945年7月初，当时毛泽东会见来延安访问商谈的爱国民主人士黄炎培。会见中，黄炎培一方面深信中共即将在全国执政，但另一方面，他又对毛泽东说，纵览历史，始终是未能跳出“其兴也浡焉，其亡也忽焉”的周期率。显然，“李自成失败”是这样的典型案例。正是鉴于此，黄炎培希望中共能“找出一条新路”来，从而可以跳出历史周期率的支配。对黄炎培的担忧，毛泽东给出了自信的回答：我们已经找到了一条新路，这“就是民主”,就是“让人民来监督政府”。毛泽东的回答反映了他对“李自成失败”更为深层次的思考。

(C) Mao Zedong’s Reflections on “Never Being Li Zicheng” in the Late Period of the War of Liberation

(三)解放战争后期毛泽东对“决不当李自成”的思考

At the moment when major victories had been won in the War of Liberation and the focus of work was shifting from the countryside to the cities, how to prevent “the defeat of Li Zicheng” from recurring was still lingering in Mao Zedong’s mind. In light of this, Mao Zedong adopted certain measures. These measures represented Mao Zedong’s reflection on “never being Li Zicheng” and were the result of profoundly drawing lessons from “the defeat of Li Zicheng” and even the laws of order and chaos, rise and fall throughout history.

在解放战争取得重大胜利、工作重心由农村向城市转移的时刻，如何防止“李自成失败”的发生，还一直在毛泽东脑海中萦绕。鉴于此，毛泽东采取了一定的举措，这些举措代表了毛泽东对“决不当李自成”的思考，是对“李自成失败”乃至历史上治乱兴衰规律深刻借鉴的结果。

First, proposing the “Two Musts” [8]8 Two Musts — The two requirements proposed by Mao Zedong at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee: “the comrades must be taught to remain modest, prudent, and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work; the comrades must be taught to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle.”. In spring and summer 1949, the Chinese revolutionary situation had reached a critical moment of great transformation, and the Party faced the test of exercising power nationwide. At the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee, Mao Zedong issued a resounding warning to the entire Party. He pointed out that because of victory, sentiments such as “arrogance within the Party” and sentiments of “seeking pleasure and unwillingness to continue a hard life” might grow. It can be seen that the “sentiments” Mao Zedong listed—such as “arrogance”, “resting on one’s laurels as a meritorious official”—were all behavioural manifestations that the Li Zicheng uprising army had exhibited upon arriving in Beijing. Mao Zedong believed that this situation could also occur within the Party, so it was necessary to prevent it. Precisely because of this, Mao Zedong explicitly proposed the “Two Musts”. Clearly, the proposal of the “Two Musts” was highly targeted; it was his subsequent reflection on or response to reading Guo Moruo’s *The 300th Commemoration of the Jia Shen Year* during the Yan’an period and to the “cave dwelling dialogue” with Huang Yanpei.

一是提出“两个务必”。1949年春夏之际，中国革命形势已经发展到大转折的关键时刻，党在全国范围内面临着执政的考验。毛泽东在七届二中全会上对全党发出了振聋发聩的警示，他指出，由于胜利，“党内的骄傲”等情绪，还有“贪图享乐不愿再过艰苦生活”的情绪，有可能滋长起来。可以看出，毛泽东列举的“骄傲”“以功臣自居”等“情绪”都是李自成起义军到北京后曾有过的行为表现，毛泽东认为这种情况也可能在党内发生，因此要做好预防。正是鉴于此，毛泽东明确提出了“两个务必”。显然，“两个务必”的提出具有很强的针对性，是他对在延安时期阅读郭沫若的《甲申三百年祭》文及与黄炎培进行“窑洞对话”等的后续思考或回应。

Second, laying down discipline and rules. Under the circumstances of imminent nationwide victory, Mao Zedong not only warned all Party comrades that they must be modest and prudent, guard against arrogance and rashness, and work hard, but also emphasised the need to lay down discipline and rules to enhance the seriousness of discipline. First, he placed great stress on the importance and seriousness of discipline. In September 1948, at the Central Political Bureau meeting in Xibaipo, Mao Zedong opposed the state of anarchy and lack of discipline and put forward the strategic task: “Army advance forward, production grows an inch, strengthen discipline.” [9]9 “Army advance forward, production grows an inch, strengthen discipline” — A slogan Mao Zedong put forward in 1948 at the Xibaipo meeting, emphasising military advance, economic growth, and organisational discipline. When chatting with his bodyguards, Mao Zedong reminded them to observe discipline, pointing out that “no one is allowed to violate discipline”. Second, he laid down necessary discipline and rules. Once, when talking with leading comrades from the Central Committee and some larger regions, Mao Zedong said that New China was about to be established, and we could not be like Li Zicheng when he first entered Beijing; we must “draw up a few chapters of agreement”. These “few chapters of agreement” were finally put into action; they were the “Six-Point Regulations” decided at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

二是订立纪律规矩。在即将取得全国胜利的形势下，毛泽东不仅告诫全党同志必须谦虚谨慎、戒骄戒躁和艰苦奋斗，而且还强调要订立纪律规矩，增强纪律的严肃性。首先，高度强调纪律的重要性和严肃性。1948年9月，在西柏坡召开的中央政治局会议上，毛泽东就反对无政府无纪律状态，提出了“军队向前进，生产长一寸，加强纪律性”这一战略任务。在与身边卫士聊天时，毛泽东提醒他们要守纪律，指出“谁也不准违犯纪律”。其次，订立必要的纪律和规矩。一次在与中央和一些大区同志谈话时，毛泽东说道，新中国马上快成立了，我们不能像李自成当初进北京那样，“要约法几章”。“约法几章”最后付诸了行动，这就是党的七届二中全会上定下来的“六条规定”。

Third, carrying out warning education. Mao Zedong not only reminded all Party comrades at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee to be vigilant against the attack of the bourgeoisie’s “sugar-coated bullets”, but also used various opportunities to carry out ideological education and issue instructions for warning education work. When chatting with his chief bodyguard Li Yinqiao, he cautioned that they must not “fall prey to the bourgeoisie’s sugar-coated bullets, must not become Li Zicheng”. After the liberation of Beiping, when educating the first batch of People’s Liberation Army troops entering the city, he also instructed everyone to rehearse and watch programmes such as *Chuang Wang Enters Beijing* [10]10 Chuang Wang Enters Beijing — A play or opera depicting Li Zicheng (known as Chuang Wang, “the Rebel King”) entering Beijing after capturing it in 1644, often used as a cautionary tale against arrogance and corruption. to warn them to take it as a lesson.

三是开展警示教育。毛泽东不仅在党的七届二中全会上提醒全党同志要警惕资产阶级“糖衣炮弹”的攻击，还利用各种机会进行思想教育和指示开展警示教育工作。在和卫士长李银桥聊天时，他告诫一定不要“中了资产阶级的糖衣炮弹，不要当李自成”。北平解放后，在对解放军首批入城部队开展教育时，他还指示大家排演观看《闯王进京》等节目,告诫大家要以之为鉴。

II. Mao Zedong’s Practical Exploration of “Never Being Li Zicheng” after “Taking the Examination to Enter Beijing”

二、“进京赶考”后毛泽东对“决不当李自成”的实践探索

Why did Li Zicheng fail so quickly? From the above, it can be seen that the external cause was his subjective underestimation of the enemy, but the root cause lay in the corruption of his leading group. It should be said that “the defeat of Li Zicheng” gave the CPC great enlightenment. As the Party leader, after “taking the examination to enter Beijing”, Mao Zedong adopted a series of measures on how to “not become Li Zicheng” and avoid repeating Li Zicheng’s mistakes, fully demonstrating the action and responsibility of a mature politician.

李自成为什么失败得这么快?由上看出，外在原因是其主观意识上的轻敌，而根源则在于其领导集团的腐败。应当说，“李自成失败”给了中共很大的启迪。作为党的领袖，毛泽东在“进京赶考”之后，对如何“不当李自成”、避免重蹈李自成覆辙，采取了一系列的措施，充分展现了一名成熟政治家的作为和担当。

(A) Setting an Example by Taking the Lead: Taking the lead in self-discipline to establish a good work style, and warning those around him and the entire Party to always maintain the political character of hard struggle

(一)以身作则：带头自律树立良好作风，并告诫身边人及全党，要始终保持艰苦奋斗的政治本色

As the leader of the uprising army, although Li Zicheng was “very plain” and could “share hardships with his subordinates”, because he could not restrain others and found it difficult to “prevent the soldiers from becoming lax and violating military discipline”, the entire uprising army rapidly became corrupt. This is the most profound lesson. In today’s language, Li Zicheng “bore leadership responsibility”. In this respect, Mao Zedong’s behaviour was completely different from Li Zicheng’s.

作为起义军的领袖，李自成虽然“十分朴素”,能“与其下共甘苦”,但是由于他不能约束众人、难以“使士卒不要懈怠而败了军纪”,从而导致整个起义军迅速腐化，这是最深刻的教训。用今天的话讲，李自成是“负有领导责任”的。对此，毛泽东与李自成的表现浑然不同。

In the early days of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong was the supreme leader of the Party, the military, and the government. In the eyes of his relatives and friends, he was a big figure with great power and authority. Seeking help from relatives and friends and relying on their recommendation is a common psychological tendency in people, and Mao Zedong’s relatives and friends were no exception. At that time, some relatives and friends wrote letters to him (including his cousin Wen Yun-chang and the elder brother of Yang Kaihui, Yang Kai-zhi), hoping that he would recommend work for them or arrange for them to come to Beijing to work, but Mao Zedong did not agree. Mao Zedong believed that, as the leader of the Party and the state, he should take the lead in self-discipline and not seek special privileges. To help his relatives and friends grasp the boundaries, Mao Zedong set down the “Three Rules” [11]11 Three Rules — Mao Zedong’s three rules for dealing with requests from relatives: no recommendation for work, no assignment of official positions, no special treatment.. At the same time, Mao Zedong also especially emphasised “making a clear distinction between public and private matters”. By his own actions, he set a good example for the entire Party. Mao Zedong deeply understood that if he wanted to educate the whole Party to “never be Li Zicheng”, he must first set an example by taking the lead.

新中国成立初期，毛泽东是党政军的最高领导人，在亲友们看来，是拥有了很大权力权威的大人物。寻求亲友帮助、依靠亲友提携，是人心理上的共通之处，毛泽东的亲友们亦如此。在当时，有一些亲友写信给他(其中包括表兄文运昌和杨开慧的兄长杨开智),期望予以推荐工作或安排来京工作，但毛泽东没有答应他们。毛泽东认为，作为党和国家的领导人，自己应当带头自律、不搞特殊化。为了让亲友们把握好界限，毛泽东定下了“三条规矩”。与此同时，毛泽东还特别强调“公私分明”,他以自己的行动表现在全党起到了良好的示范作用。毛泽东深知，自己要教育全党“决不当李自成”,那就必须首先以身作则、率先垂范。

New China was established on a foundation of poverty and blankness, so finances were not abundant. In view of this, Mao Zedong first strictly controlled his own expenditures, practising thrift and frugality as much as possible, so as to drive others to work hard together. On the eve of convening the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), Mao Zedong met democratic personages such as Zhang Lan [12]12 Zhang Lan (1872–1955) — A prominent Chinese democratic activist, chairman of the China Democratic League, who participated in the founding of New China. wearing patched clothes, earning respect from those present. Mao Zedong’s diet and daily life were also very simple and not fussy. Gifts he occasionally received were generally handed over to the public. At the same time, Mao Zedong’s family rules were very strict; he did not allow his children to seek privileges. Mao Zedong understood well the principle that “those above set an example, those below follow”. He wanted to establish a clean style of governance through his own concrete actions. In November 1956, at the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee, Mao Zedong explicitly proposed “promoting hard struggle”. At the same time, he told two meaningful stories about “pickled vegetables” and “apples” to warn the entire Party.

新中国是在一穷二白基础上建立的，因此财政上是不宽裕的。鉴于此，毛泽东首先是严控自己开支，尽可能地勤俭节约，以带动他人一起艰苦奋斗。在筹建政协会议之际，毛泽东身着补丁衣服见了张澜等民主人士,受到了在场人员的尊敬。毛泽东的饮食生活也非常简单，不讲究。对平时收受的礼品，他一般都是嘱咐交公。与此同时，毛泽东的家规很严，不允许孩子们搞特殊。毛泽东非常懂得上行下效的道理，他要以自己的实际行动来树立廉政的风气。1956年11月，毛泽东在党的八届二中全会上明确提出要“提倡艰苦奋斗”。同时，他讲了关于“酸菜”和“苹果”两个意味深长的故事，以此告诫全党。

(B) Clearing Away Obstacles: Proposing to Pursue the Routed Enemy with the Courage to Exhaust, Maintaining a Clear Mind, and Sweeping Away Enemies Threatening the New Regime

(二)扫除障碍：提出宜将剩勇追穷寇，保持清醒头脑，扫除威胁新政权的敌人

After entering Beijing, being unaware of the powerful enemy nearby, lacking ambition, and only seeking “pleasure and enjoyment” – this was the tragedy of Li Zicheng’s peasant uprising army. Based on the lesson of “the defeat of Li Zicheng”, Mao Zedong proposed maintaining a clear mind and, with the spirit of “pursuing the routed enemy with the courage to exhaust”, sweeping away all enemies threatening the new regime.

进入北京后，重敌在旁却浑然不觉、不思进取，只求“贪图享乐”,这是李自成农民起义军的悲剧所在。基于“李自成失败”的教训，毛泽东提出保持清醒头脑，以“宜将剩勇追穷寇”的精神状态，去扫除威胁新政权的所有敌人。

After the Three Great Campaigns [13]13 Three Great Campaigns — The Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingjin campaigns (1948–1949), decisive military victories that established CPC control over northern and central China., the CPC had basically secured victory and achieved superiority in military strength. The objective at that time was to break through the natural defence of the Yangtze River and directly attack the Nationalist capital, Nanjing. However, the Nationalist side put forward the illusion of “dividing the country along the river”, and at that time both the United States and the Soviet Union urged the Communist Party to negotiate peace with the Nationalists. At the end of 1948, the Nationalist side asked the Soviet Union to mediate the conflict between the Nationalists and the Communists. Facing hints and pressure from Stalin and others, Mao Zedong published the article *Carry the Revolution Through to the End* at the turn of the New Year, stating outright that the CPC’s aim was not to be content with a corner of the country, but to establish a strong and unified “people’s democratic dictatorship republic”. In April 1949, the CPC Central Committee made the decision to launch the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, further annihilating the effective strength of the Nationalists, and then pursued the victory, driving Chiang Kai-shek to Taiwan. After the founding of New China, it continued “the struggle to eliminate bandits and counter the local tyrants” to sweep away these long-standing criminal enemies of feudal society.

三大战役之后，中国共产党已经基本奠定胜局，实现在军队力量对比上的优势，当时的目标是突破长江天险，直捣国民党的首府——南京。但是，国民党一方抛出了“划江而治”的臆想，而当时的美苏两国都曾力促共产党与国民党和谈。1948年底，国民党一方请求苏联居中调停国共之争。面对斯大林等人的暗示和施压，毛泽东于新年之际发表《将革命进行到底》一文，直言中国共产党的目的不是要偏安一隅，而是要建立一个强大统一的“人民民主专政的共和国”。1949年4月，中共中央作出了发起渡江战役的决定，进一步消灭国民党有生力量，之后又乘胜追击，将蒋介石赶到了台湾。新中国成立后，又继续“进行清匪、反霸斗争”,扫除这些封建社会长期存在的罪恶敌人。

Not long after the founding of New China, the international situation was volatile. First, the United States sent troops to Korea, and then sent the Seventh Fleet to blockade the Taiwan Strait. This caused war clouds to gather over Northeast Asia, the important security shield for China’s northeast. Mao Zedong, who was very well versed in history, thought of the lesson of Li Zicheng’s Great Shun regime strategically neglecting the “problem beyond the Pass” [14]14 “Problem beyond the Pass” — An allusion to the Qing dynasty (Manchu) threat from beyond the Shanhai Pass, which Li Zicheng neglected; used here as a metaphor for external military threats like the US intervention in Korea. and losing the area beyond the Pass, leading to rapid defeat in a short time, and therefore could not repeat such a catastrophic mistake. Precisely because of this, Mao Zedong overrode all objections and, after a difficult decision-making process, made the decision to “resist US aggression and aid Korea”. In a letter to Zhou Enlai, he pointed out that the Chinese People’s Volunteers “should and must enter Korea to participate in the war”, and emphasised that this was “extremely beneficial” for China and even the world. It should be said that the “War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea” demonstrated the nation’s spirit. From then on, China’s northeast security shield was stable and safe, and the new people’s regime was consolidated.

新中国成立不久，国际形势风云变幻，首先是美国出兵朝鲜，之后，又派第七舰队封锁台湾海峡。这使得中国东北安全的重要屏障——东北亚燃起了战云。对历史十分熟知的毛泽东，联想到了李自成大顺政权从战略上忽视“关外问题”而痛失关外，最后短时间内败亡的教训,所以不能再犯这种颠覆性的错误。正是因为此，毛泽东力排众议，在经历艰苦抉择后作出了“抗美援朝”的决定。在致信周恩来时他指出，中国人民志愿军“应当和必须入朝参战”,并强调，这对中国乃至世界“都极为有利”。应当说，“抗美援朝”战争打出了国人的气势，自此，中国东北屏障安全稳定，新生的人民政权得以稳固。

(C) United Front: Clearly Proposing to Jointly Establish a Democratic Coalition Government with Various Democratic Parties and Non-Party Personages, and Extensively Carry Out United Front Work

(三)统一战线：明确要与各民主党派、无党派人士共同建立民主联合政府，广泛开展统一战线工作

As a peasant leader, Li Zicheng also lacked foresight. Li Zicheng’s peasant uprising army did not heed the Chongzhen Emperor’s “policy of reconciliation” and form a national united front with him, and ultimately “forced Wu Sangui to rebel” [15]15 Wu Sangui (1612–1678) — A Ming general who defected to the Qing dynasty after Li Zicheng took Beijing, allowing the Qing to conquer China. Guo Moruo’s essay highlighted Li Zicheng’s failure to win over Wu.. Based on his reflection on the lesson of Li Zicheng’s failure in this respect, Mao Zedong placed special emphasis on making good use of the magic weapon of the united front, as concretely reflected below.

作为农民领袖，李自成也是缺乏远见卓识的。李自成的农民起义军没有顾及崇祯的“和解政策”并与之达成一个民族统一战线，且“终于把吴三桂逼反了”。基于对李自成在这方面失败教训的思考，毛泽东特别重视运用好统一战线这一法宝，具体体现如下。

First, this was reflected in the policy for taking over cities. After the Party gradually achieved nationwide victory, taking over and building cities became an important agenda. In this process, how to arrange for the personnel of the old government was an important issue facing the new regime. In response, the Party and government adopted a policy of “taking them all under the wing” and “giving everyone a way out”. It should be said that reforming and retaining the personnel of the old regime was an effective policy for turning negative factors into positive ones. On the one hand, it was beneficial for the transition between the old and new regimes; on the other hand, it could also unite more people to carry out socialist construction. Among the personnel of the old Nationalist regime at that time, there were no lack of various types of talents and people of insight, whom New China urgently needed for construction.

首先，体现在对城市接管的政策上。党在全国逐渐取得胜利后，接管、建设好城市成为一项重要日程。在此过程中，如何安排旧政府人员，是新政权面临的重要问题。对此，党和政府采取的是“包下来”的政策，并“使所有的人都有出路”。应当说，改造和留用旧政权人员，是一项化消极因素为积极因素的有效政策。一方面，有利于新旧政权的交接过渡；另一方面，还可以团结更多的人开展社会主义建设。在当时国民党旧政权中，不乏各类人才和有识之士，这恰恰是新中国建设所急需的。

Second, this was reflected in the establishment of a democratic coalition government. With the victorious development of the War of Liberation, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core, with broad-mindedness and magnanimity, invited various democratic parties and non-party personages to Beijing to participate in the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and to discuss the establishment of a democratic coalition government. In the new government, some non-Communist figures were also absorbed to hold leading positions. Mao Zedong also emphasised that it was necessary to “break down sectarianism”. It was precisely because of the CPC’s frankness that non-Party democratic personages gradually eliminated their scruples and actively supported the CPC and the great cause of New China’s construction.

其次，体现在民主联合政府的建立上。随着解放战争的胜利发展，以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央以广阔的胸襟和气度，邀请各民主党派、无党派人士到北京来参加政治协商会议，并将就成立民主联合政府问题进行商讨。在新政府中，一些非中共人士也被吸收担任领导干部。毛泽东还强调，一定要“打破关门主义”。正是中国共产党的坦诚相见，党外民主人士才逐渐消除顾虑，从而积极拥护支持中共及新中国建设伟业。

Finally, this was reflected in the unity with the national bourgeoisie and others. In June 1950, the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee was held. Mao Zedong delivered the speech *Don’t Attack on All Fronts* at the meeting, pointing out that facing such a complex struggle, it was necessary to handle the relationships with all sides well, and “do a serious and careful job of united front work”. Building a united front with the national bourgeoisie and others made the revolutionary forces stronger, which also played a very important role in consolidating the new regime. This policy and strategy were at a completely different level from the Li Zicheng clique’s “making too many enemies”.

最后，体现在对民族资产阶级等的团结上。1950年6月，党的七届三中全会召开。毛泽东在会上发表了《不要四面出击》的讲话并指出，面对这样复杂的斗争，必须处理好同各方面的关系，“要认真地、谨慎地做好统一战线工作”。与民族资产阶级等建成统一战线，使得革命的力量更加强大，这对新生政权的稳固同样起到了非常重要的作用。这种政策策略与李自成集团的“树敌太多”相比判若两重境界。

As is well known, a scale may swing back and forth before the weights on both sides increase or decrease. In the early days of New China, some people’s political attitudes were still wavering. Through united front measures, Mao Zedong not only won the support of the broad masses of workers and peasants, the “biggest weight”, but also won over more intermediate progressive forces, thus ultimately tipping the scales in favour of the CPC.

众所周知，天平在两边砝码不断增减之前，是可能会来回摆荡的。新中国成立之初，一些人的政治态度仍存在摇摆不定的情况。毛泽东通过统一战线的举措，不仅赢得了工农大众这个“最大砝码”的支持，而且也赢得更多中间进步力量的支持，从而使天平最终倒向了中共这一边。

(D) Linking with the Masses: Emphasising Not to Practise Bureaucracy, Not to Separate from the Masses, and to Keep in Mind the CPC’s Purpose of Serving the People

(四)联系群众：强调不搞官僚主义，不脱离群众，牢记共产党为人民服务的宗旨

Guo Moruo once said that after the Li Zicheng uprising army entered Beijing, “in a bustle, in a daze”, they only cared about “enjoying pleasure in the capital”. This was a serious separation from the masses. For Mao Zedong, he deeply understood the principle that “water can carry a boat but also overturn it”: during the revolutionary period, we firmly relied on the masses and ultimately won victory; after the founding of New China, we absolutely must not separate ourselves from the masses.

郭沫若曾讲到李自成起义军进京后，“纷纷然，昏昏然”,只顾“在京城里面享乐”。这实际上是严重脱离了群众。对毛泽东来说，他深深懂得水可载舟亦可覆舟的道理：革命时期，我们紧紧依靠人民群众，最终夺取了胜利；新中国成立后，我们也决不能就此与群众分隔开来。

The CPC takes serving the people as its purpose, and maintaining close ties with the masses is the Party’s fine tradition. From the moment of “taking the examination to enter Beijing”, Mao Zedong was very careful not to disturb the normal life of the masses as much as possible. At that time, the People’s Liberation Army held the entry ceremony only three days after entering the city. In order to correct the work style of the troops entering the city, before entering the city the military control commission “drafted entry regulations” and universally conducted “education on entry discipline”. The People’s Liberation Army, strictly observing discipline, received universal praise from the people of Beiping.

中共是以为人民群众服务为宗旨的，密切联系群众则是党的优良传统。从“进京赶考”的那个时刻开始，毛泽东就非常注意尽量不要打扰群众的正常生活。当时，解放军在入城的三天后才举行入城仪式。为了端正入城部队作风，在入城之前，军管会就“拟定了入城守则”,并普遍进行了“入城纪律教育”。严守纪律的人民解放军，受到北平人民的交口称赞。

Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasised not to practise bureaucracy and not to separate from the masses. In 1949, on the eve of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong personally presided over the drafting of the *Common Programme* [16]16 Common Programme — The provisional constitution of the People’s Republic of China, adopted by the CPPCC in September 1949, outlining the principles and policies of the new state.. Article 18 of the *Common Programme* stipulated that all Chinese state organs must practise a “revolutionary work style” of honesty and simplicity, prohibit corruption and waste, and “oppose the bureaucratic work style of separating from the masses”. Emphasising hard work, simplicity, and opposing bureaucratic style in such an important document displayed Mao Zedong’s foresight. In 1956, in his concluding speech at the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee, he once again explicitly proposed to heighten vigilance and not “allow bureaucratic work style to grow” or form a “privileged stratum cut off from the masses”.

毛泽东曾多次强调不搞官僚主义，不脱离群众。1949年新中国成立在即，毛泽东亲自主持起草制定了《共同纲领》,其中第十八条规定中国的所有机关，都应当要厉行廉洁朴素的“革命工作作风”,禁止贪污和浪费，要“反对脱离人民群众的官僚主义作风”。在这么重要的文件中强调艰苦朴素，反对官僚主义作风，显示了毛泽东的高瞻远瞩。1956年，在党的八届二中全会总结讲话时，他再次明确提出要提高警惕，不要“滋长官僚主义作风”及形成“脱离人民群众的贵族阶层”。

Mao Zedong also resolutely opposed bureaucratism in practical work. In early 1950, when Chairman Mao returned from his visit to the Soviet Union and passed through the three northeastern provinces, he criticized the waste phenomena in the receptions at various places. In Harbin, he inscribed for the Heilongjiang Provincial Party Committee: "Learn," "Struggle," "Do not be tainted by bureaucratism." In Changchun, Mao criticized the practice of imposing martial law to keep common people off the streets, pointing out that it was "too divorced from the masses." At a meeting of leading cadres in Shenyang, he cited the allusion of Li Zicheng and others, [17]17 The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (十九届中央纪委六次全会) was held in January 2022, focusing on discipline inspection and supervision work. sharply remarking: "You want to be Liu Zongmin, [18]18 "One body with two wings" (一体两翼) is a Chinese idiom describing two complementary parts that support a single whole. but I do not want to be Li Zicheng!"

毛泽东还在实际工作中坚决反对官僚主义作风。1950年初，毛主席访苏回国途经东北三省时，对当时各地接待中的浪费现象进行了批评。在哈尔滨，他还为松江省委题词：“学习”“奋斗”“不要沾染官僚主义作风”。在长春，毛泽东对戒严不让老百姓出来的行为进行了批评，指出是“太脱离群众”。在沈阳召开的领导干部会上，他引用了李自成等人的典故尖锐指出：“你们要做刘宗敏，我可不想当李自成啊!”

The trip to the northeast after the visit to the Soviet Union was in fact an important investigation by Mao Zedong, and the problems it reflected might have been universal. Mao Zedong's words were so "sharp" and he gave no face to these "local officials" because he was keenly aware that such bureaucratism and extravagance divorced from the masses would erode the flesh of the Party and the people's government, harming the newborn regime; he hoped that by "knocking them about" he could achieve a deterrent effect.

访苏后的东北之行实际上是毛泽东的一次重要调研，其反映的问题可能具有普遍性。毛泽东之所以言辞“激烈”,不给这些“地方官员”面子，就是因为他敏锐地意识到，这种脱离群众的官僚主义、奢靡之风，会侵蚀党和人民政府的肌肤、伤及新生政权，他希望通过“敲打”他们起到震慑作用。

(5) Preventing trouble before it happens: To prevent official corruption, organizing the "Three-Anti" Campaign, [19] dealing with corrupt elements like Zhang Zishan and Liu Qingshan [20]

(五)防患未然：为防止官员腐化，组织“三反”运动，处理张子善、刘青山等腐败分子

As mentioned earlier, after Li Zicheng's army entered Beijing, it rapidly became corrupt. It was precisely for this reason that in his speech at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, [21] Mao Zedong specifically noted that some Communists might "be defeated by sugar-coated bullets." [22] As Mao Zedong expected, soon after the founding of New China, corrupt phenomena frequently appeared within the Party and state organs.

前面提到，李自成的军队进入北京后，迅速腐败。正是因为此，毛泽东在党的七届二中全会讲话中，特别提到有一些共产党人可能会“在糖弹面前要打败仗”。正如毛泽东所料，新中国成立后不久，党和国家机关中的贪腐现象便频频出现。

Truly, as the tree desires stillness but the wind does not cease, and the boat desires stability but the waves do not stop. Shortly after the founding of New China, some Communists began to get carried away and degenerate. Facing this grim situation, what to do and what measures to take became an important test for the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core. In May 1950, the Central Committee of the CPC issued instructions to launch a large-scale rectification campaign within the whole Party, in order to further correct the sentiments of complacency over achievements and the ideological bud of "revolution is over" that existed among Party cadres. Based on the corruption problems previously exposed, Mao Zedong promptly deployed the "Three-Anti" Campaign. Regarding the original intention of organizing the "Three-Anti" Campaign, Mao Zedong pointed out in related speeches that only in this way could it be possible for many Party members to avoid "being corroded by the bourgeoisie," and could it be possible to prevent the situation foreseen at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee from actually occurring.

诚如树欲静而风不止，船欲稳而浪不停。新中国刚成立后不久，有一些共产党人就开始忘乎所以、蜕化变质。面对这一严峻形势，究竟何去何从、采取什么样的应对措施，成为对以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央的重要考验。1950年5月，中共中央发出指示，要求在全党范围开展一次大规模的整风运动，以进一步纠正党员干部中存在的居功自傲情绪和“革命到头”思想苗头。根据之前所揭示出来的贪腐问题，毛泽东又及时部署了“三反”运动。对组织“三反”运动的初衷，毛泽东在相关讲话中指出，只有这样，才能使很多党员避免“被资产阶级所腐蚀”,才能防止党的七届二中全会所预料的情况在现实中发生。

In the "Three-Anti" Campaign, many leading cadres were sentenced to death. Among them, Liu Qingshan and Zhang Zishan, whom Mao Zedong resolutely decided to execute, were typical. Both of them had rendered meritorious service in the hail of bullets, but after taking up leading positions in governing and holding power, they began to degenerate and became seriously corrupt. When someone came to plead for them, Mao Zedong said that it was precisely because their contributions were great and their influence was great that "it was necessary to resolutely execute them." Only in this way could it be possible to save more "cadres who had made mistakes of varying degrees." That is to say, only by dealing with them could more cadres be deterred from emulating corruption, and could it be possible to "not be Li Zicheng."

在“三反”运动中，不少领导干部被判处死刑。其中被毛泽东下决心处决的刘青山、张子善就是其中的典型，这两人都曾在枪林弹雨中立过功，但是在执政掌权担任主要领导干部以后，就开始蜕化变质，贪污严重。当有人去为他们求情时，毛泽东说，正是因为他们两人的功劳大，影响大，“所以才要下决心处决他们”。只有这样，才有可能挽救更多“犯有各种不同程度错误的干部”。也就是说，只有处理他们，才能让更多的干部不敢仿效去腐败，才能“不当李自成”。

(6) Institutional guarantees: Establishing political and economic systems such as the people's democratic dictatorship, and advocating the establishment of important systems such as letters and visits from the masses

(六)制度保障：建立人民民主专政等政治经济制度，倡导建立人民群众来信等重要制度

As mentioned earlier, Mao Zedong once evaluated Li Zicheng: "Their actions were mostly insurrections." Because they were merely "insurrections," the regimes they established still represented a minority, and thus it was difficult to escape the historical fate of "rise and fall in a flash." [23] In his deep reflection on "Li Zicheng's failure," Mao Zedong recognized that the reason for the constant alternation of feudal societies lay in the fact that their systems represented and protected the interests of a minority, and the people could not supervise the government. Only when a system safeguarding the interests of the broadest masses of the people was truly established could it be possible to leap out of the "predestination" of the historical cycle. [24]

如前所述，毛泽东曾评价李自成“他们的举动，多为暴动”。由于只是“暴动”,所以建立的政权还是代表少数人，因此也难逃“兴亡忽焉”的历史命运。毛泽东在对“李自成失败”深度思考中认识到，封建社会之所以不断更迭，在于其制度是代表和保护少数人的利益，人民无法监督政府。而只有当维护最广大人民群众利益的制度真正建立起来，才有可能跳出历史周期率的“宿命”。

After the founding of New China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core carried out top-level design for the systems of the Party and the state, and highlighted its "people" attribute. In September 1948, at an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC, [25] Mao Zedong explicitly stressed: "At all levels of government, the word 'people' must be added, and all organs of political power must add the word 'people'." On September 29, 1949, Article 12 of the Common Program [26] adopted at the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference [27] clearly stipulated: "State power belongs to the people." In summary, as pointed out in the Party's third historical resolution, [28] China has realized a great leap from "feudal autocratic politics to people's democracy" over several thousand years.

新中国成立后，以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央对党和国家的制度进行了顶层设计，并突出了它的“人民”属性。1948年9月，在召开的中共中央政治局扩大会议上，毛泽东就明确强调，“各级政府都要加上‘人民’二字，各种政权机关都要加上‘人民’二字”。1949年9月29日，中国人民政治协商会议第一届全体会议通过的《共同纲领》第十二条则明确规定“国家政权属于人民”。综上，正如党的第三个历史决议所指出的，我国实现了几千年来由“封建专制政治向人民民主”的伟大飞跃。

While establishing political systems such as the people's democratic dictatorship, based on the principle that the economic base determines the superstructure, Mao Zedong also clarified solutions in the economic system to ensure the core interests of the people. After the founding of New China, China carried out nationwide land reform. However, at that time, land was changed from previous landlord private ownership to individual peasant private ownership, and there still existed the risk of land reconcentration. The slogan shouted by peasant uprisings like Li Zicheng's was to equalize land and wealth. To fundamentally solve this problem, when the time was ripe, Mao Zedong advanced the socialist transformation, promoting the transition from New Democracy to socialism. Through the agricultural cooperation movement, [29] land was changed from previous peasant private ownership to two forms of public ownership—state ownership and collective ownership—thereby institutionally preventing the privatization and large-scale concentration of land.

在建立人民民主专政等政治制度的同时，根据经济基础决定上层建筑的原理，毛泽东还明确了确保人民核心利益的经济制度解决方案。新中国成立后，我国进行全国性的土地改革，但是这时土地只是从以前的地主私有改成了农民个人私有，仍存在土地再度集中的风险，而李自成等农民起义喊的口号就是均田均贫富。为从根本上解决这一问题，在时机成熟的时候，毛泽东推进了社会主义改造，促进了从新民主主义向社会主义的转变。通过农业合作化运动，土地由之前的农民私有改变成国有和集体所有的两种公有制形式，从而从制度上避免了土地私人化和大量集中现象的发生。

On May 16, 1951, Mao Zedong instructed on relevant documents: "We must attach importance to the people's letters," and regard this as an effective method for "the Communist Party and the people's government to strengthen ties with the people." At the same time, Mao Zedong took the lead by insisting on handling letters from the masses personally. At the same time, he required leading cadres at all levels to handle letters themselves as much as possible. The first principle of the work of letters and visits is to always regard oneself as a member of the masses, and always keep one's heart close to the common people. It should be said that the system of letters and visits work is an important system for maintaining ties with the masses, and also an important manifestation of allowing the masses to supervise the government.

1951年5月16日，毛泽东在相关文件上批示，“必须重视人民的通信”,要将之看成为“共产党和人民政府加强和人民联系”的一种有效方法。与此同时，毛泽东还率先垂范，坚持亲自处理群众来信。同时，他要求各级领导干部也尽量自己处理来信。信访工作的第一要义，就在于始终把自己当作人民群众中的一员，时刻把自己的心和老百姓贴在一起。应当说，信访工作制度，是联系群众的重要制度，也是让人民群众来监督政府的重要体现。

3. Practical Enlightenment from Mao Zedong's Reflection and Practice on "Never Be Li Zicheng"

三、毛泽东对“决不当李自成”思考实践的现实启示

From the above, it can be seen that after the founding of New China, Mao Zedong carried out a series of practical explorations on "never being Li Zicheng," thereby consolidating the newborn regime and handing in an excellent answer sheet on the road of "going to Beijing to take the examination." [30] On July 11, 2013, General Secretary Xi Jinping came to Xibaipo, [31] emphasizing: "We must continue to do well in the 'examination' that the people have set for our Party, and in the various tests our Party is undergoing and will undergo, and strive to hand in excellent answer sheets." So, how to hand in new excellent answer sheets to history and the people on the new road of taking the examination, and realize the Party's long-term governance, requires us to constantly draw more inspiration and wisdom from Mao Zedong's reflection and practice on "never being Li Zicheng."

由上看出，在新中国成立后，毛泽东在“决不当李自成”上进行了一系列的实践探索，从而巩固了新生政权，在“进京赶考”路上交出了一份很好的答卷。2013年7月11日，习近平总书记来到西柏坡，强调“要继续把人民对我们党的‘考试’、把我们党正在经受和将要经受各种考验的‘考试’考好，努力交出优异的答卷”。那么，如何在新的赶考之路上向历史和人民交出新的优异答卷，实现党的长期执政，这需要我们不断从毛泽东对“决不当李自成”思考实践中得出更多的启迪和智慧。

(1) Must pay attention to drawing wisdom from history

(一)必须注重从历史中汲取智慧

The reason why Mao Zedong paid so much attention to "Li Zicheng's failure" is because the lessons and experiences it provides are the most profound. Except for a very few individuals like Li Yan, [32] who was suspected and mistakenly killed but had a relatively sober mind, others in Li Zicheng and his leading group did not know how to draw lessons from the rise and fall of history, resulting in tyranny, corruption, and their short-term decline being inevitable. How to avoid turning into the opposite of the people and becoming a new privileged class after gaining the ruling position by overthrowing the old rulers remains a major issue currently and in the future. After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong strongly supported Yao Xueyin [33] in completing the long historical novel "Li Zicheng," and the significance lies precisely in this. From this point of view, Mao Zedong's long-term attention to Li Zicheng during the revolutionary period and his profound reflection on "never being Li Zicheng," as well as his practical exploration after the founding of New China, are undoubtedly a valuable political legacy he left to future generations. Whether this legacy can be well inherited and applied is undoubtedly related to whether the Communist Party of China can achieve long-term governance and long-term prosperity.

毛泽东之所以对“李自成失败”这么关注，是因为它给人的启示经验教训最深刻。李自成和他的领导集团成员中，除了极少数人如被猜忌遭误杀的李岩等头脑较清醒外，其他人都不懂得从历史兴衰中去汲取教训，结果导致暴政、贪污腐化，其短期内走向败亡也是必然。如何避免在推翻旧统治者获得执政地位后又走到人民的对立面成为新的特权阶层，仍然是当前与今后一个重大的课题。新中国成立后，毛泽东非常支持姚雪垠完成长篇历史小说《李自成》的创作，其意义也就在此。从这点来看，毛泽东在革命时期对李自成的长期关注和对“决不当李自成”的深刻思考、新中国成立之后毛泽东对“决不当李自成”的实践探索，无疑是他留给后世的一份宝贵政治遗产。能否很好地继承这份遗产并将之运用好，无疑事关中国共产党是否长期执政以及长兴不衰。

History is the best textbook and also the best teacher for humanity. At every historical juncture, our Party summarizes its own history and draws wisdom from it, thereby better grasping the historical initiative. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping, on the basis of summarizing China's historical experience of strict governance of officials and the Party's historical experience of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, has proposed and implemented the strategy of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, thereby managing some problems that were previously desired but could not be managed, and thus accomplishing some major tasks that were previously desired but could not be accomplished. On the occasion of the centenary of the founding of the Party, the Party Central Committee promoted the study of the "Four Histories," [34] launched Party history study and education, and formulated the third historical resolution; its purpose is also to continue summing up historical experience and drawing wisdom from it, so as to be used for today's governance.

历史是最好的教科书，也是人类最好的老师。每到历史关头，我们党都会总结自己的历史，并从中汲取智慧，从而更好地把握历史主动。新时代，习近平总书记在总结中国历史上的从严治吏和党史上的从严管党治党经验基础上，提出和实施了全面从严治党战略，从而管住了过去想管但管不住的一些问题，因此也办成了过去想办而办不成的一些大事。在建党百年之际，党中央推动“四史”学习、开展党史学习教育、制定第三个历史决议，其目的也在于继续总结历史经验、从中汲取智慧，从而为今天的治国理政所用。

(2) Always maintain a sense of vigilance in times of peace

(二)时刻保持居安思危的忧患意识

Mao Zedong was a great revolutionary and strategist; his profound vision could often penetrate historical events a hundred or even more years ahead. The sense of vigilance in times of peace is a reflection of his strategic thinking. History has confirmed Mao Zedong's predictions. For example, when the revolution was about to win, he predicted that some people would not withstand the attack of "sugar-coated bullets," and accordingly took some measures to curb it. For example, Mao Zedong once worried that the Party and the regime in a socialist country might change their nature and possibly lead to the collapse of the Party and the state; this was later verified in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. We should attach great importance to Mao Zedong's sense of vigilance in times of peace and his strategic thought of keeping the Party and the regime from changing their nature forever, and to a certain extent prevent trouble before it happens.

毛泽东是一位伟大的革命家和战略家，他深邃的目光往往能穿透百十年乃至更长时间的历史风云。居安思危的忧患意识是他战略家思维的反映。历史曾经证实了毛泽东的预判，比如在革命即将胜利的时候，他就预测部分人会经不住“糖衣炮弹”的攻击，为此采取了一些措施去遏制。又如毛泽东曾担心社会主义国家的党和政权会变质，并可能导致亡党亡国，这一点后来在苏联和东欧也得到了验证。对毛泽东居安思危的忧患意识及其保持党和政权永不变质的战略思想，我们应当高度重视并一定程度地去防患未然。

The more times of victory, the more we must admonish ourselves to be vigilant in times of peace. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized on many occasions that all Party cadres must maintain a mindset of taking the examination. On the centenary of the founding of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping once again issued a warning to the whole Party, emphasizing the need to always be vigilant about whether our Party will become "senile and sick," and not to handle its own problems "slowly and softly." This fully demonstrates his sense of vigilance in times of peace. It should be said that in today's overall planning of both domestic and international situations, and in the complex international social environment, phenomena such as "black swans" and "gray rhinos" [35] are always present. We must always alert ourselves, resolve problems in a timely manner, persist in self-reform, maintain a youthful and normal state, always prevent trouble before it happens, and ensure nothing goes wrong.

越是赢得胜利的时候，越要告诫自己居安思危。新时代，习近平总书记在许多场合都强调了全体党员干部要保持赶考的心态。建党百年之际，习近平总书记再次向全党发出告示，强调要时刻警惕我们的党会不会变得“老态龙钟、疾病缠身”,对于自身存在的问题不能“处理动作慢腾腾、软绵绵”,这充分显示了他居安思危的忧患意识。应当说，在当今统筹国内国际两个大局中，在复杂的国际社会环境中，“黑天鹅”“灰犀牛”等现象是随时存在的，我们要始终警醒自己，及时化解问题，坚持自我革新，永葆青春常态，始终做到防患于未然，万无一失。

(3) Persistently carry forward the Party's glorious traditions

(三)持之以恒发扬党的光荣传统

It should be said that it was precisely by relying on fine traditions such as close ties with the masses and hard work that the Chinese Communist Party achieved victory in the revolution. In the 1940s, Tan Kah Kee, [36] a patriotic overseas Chinese leader from Nanyang, [37] visited Yan'an. At that time, Mao Zedong entertained him with dishes made from vegetables he grew himself and chickens raised by Yan'an villagers. By comparing the banquet in Yan'an with the reception banquets of the Nanjing government, Tan Kah Kee asserted that in the future, "the one who will win the world is the Communist Party!" Maintaining close ties with the masses and the deep bond between the army and the people are also our Party's fine traditions. After the founding of New China, due to work needs, most of the central organs moved into Zhongnanhai [38] for office work, but Mao Zedong never entered the Forbidden City. [39] To some extent, this was a way for him to constantly admonish himself "not to be Li Zicheng" and not to divorce himself from the masses. Mao Zedong also vividly compared the relationship between the Party and the masses to that between fish and water, emphasizing that Party cadres should not become estranged from the masses and should always understand the truth that "fish cannot live without water."

应当说，正是依靠密切联系群众、艰苦奋斗等优良传统，中国共产党取得了革命的胜利。20世纪40年代，南洋爱国侨领陈嘉庚来到延安访问，当时毛泽东正是用自己种的菜和延安老乡养的鸡所做饭菜招待了他。通过将延安与南京政府的招待宴席相比较，陈嘉庚断言将来“得天下者，共产党也!”。密切联系群众、军民鱼水情也是我们党的优良传统。新中国成立后，因工作需要，中央机关大部分都搬进了中南海办公，但毛泽东却从不进故宫。这在某种程度上是他时时告诫自己“不当李自成”、不脱离群众的一种方式。毛泽东还形象地将党和人民群众的关系比作鱼水关系，强调党员干部不要与群众产生隔阂，始终明白“鱼离不开水”的道理。

In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized: "The country is the people, and the people are the country," and "Public support is the greatest political principle." All these insightful views are inheritance and development of our Party's close ties with the masses and the viewpoint of the people. At the same time, General Secretary Xi Jinping also emphasized that no matter when, "the thought of hard work, thrift, and economy can never be discarded." On the new journey, only by always maintaining the fish-and-water relationship and flesh-and-blood connection between the Party and the masses, always maintaining the fine style of hard work and plain living, and persistently carrying forward the Party's glorious traditions, can we lay the foundation for long-term governance, and can we fully build a modern socialist country and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

新时代，习近平总书记反复强调，“江山就是人民，人民就是江山”,“民心是最大的政治”。所有这些真知灼见，都是对我们党密切联系群众、人民观点的继承和发扬。与此同时，习近平总书记还强调，无论什么时候，“艰苦奋斗、勤俭节约的思想永远不能丢”。新征程中，只有始终保持党同群众的鱼水关系和血肉联系，始终保持艰苦奋斗的优良作风，持之以恒发扬党的光荣传统，才能为长期执政奠定基础，才能全面建成社会主义现代化强国和实现中华民族伟大复兴。

(4) Persist in unswervingly improving conduct and enforcing discipline

(四)坚持持之以恒正风肃纪

Fine conduct and strict discipline are the secret of why the Chinese Communist Party has gone from one victory to another. In various historical periods, strengthening conduct and discipline has been an important guarantee for the Party to achieve results. "The Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention" [40] was an important sign distinguishing the Chinese Communist Party's army from the old armies. In July 1944, John S. Service, [41] then a diplomat at the U.S. Embassy in China, came to Yan'an. In a report, he wrote that he and the members of the observation group had a common feeling that they seemed to have "met a different kind of people in a different country." These "different people" were the Chinese Communist Party members and their army "armed" with iron discipline and the fine style of hard struggle. Fine conduct and strict discipline were also reflected when entering the big cities of Beijing and Shanghai. For example, after capturing Shanghai, hundreds of thousands of People's Liberation Army soldiers slept on the streets. It was precisely because of this fine conduct that many people were willing to choose to stand on the side of the Chinese Communist Party, deciding to stay on the mainland to participate in the construction of New China.

作风优良、纪律严明，是中国共产党从一个胜利走向另一个胜利的奥妙所在。在各个历史时期，加强作风和纪律建设是党取得成果的重要保证。“三大纪律，八项注意”,是中国共产党军队区别于旧军队的重要标志。1944年7月，时任美国驻华使馆外交官谢伟思来到延安，他在一份报告中写道，他和观察组成员有一种共同的感觉，好像在一个不同国度“遇见了不同的人民”。这些“不同的人民”,就是用铁的纪律、艰苦奋斗的优良作风所“武装”的中国共产党人与他的军队。作风优良、纪律严明在进入大城市北京、上海时也都有体现。例如，攻克上海后，数十万解放军露宿街头。正是有了这种优良作风，许多人才愿意选择站在中国共产党这边，决定留在大陆参加新中国的建设。

In the New Era, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core attaches great importance to improving conduct and enforcing discipline, striving to pass on this fine tradition throughout the Party. In December 2012, the Central Eight-Point Regulations and the Six Prohibitions [42] were successively promulgated and implemented. Through comparison, it can be found that three of the Central Six Prohibitions exactly correspond to the "Article 9: No gift-giving" in the Six Regulations [43] formulated at Xibaipo. In order to better govern the Party according to regulations, the Central Committee has also revised the "Regulations on Disciplinary Action of the Communist Party of China" three times and formally formed six aspects of discipline. At the 20th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping explicitly proposed the "Three Musts." [44] From the "Six Regulations" to the Central Eight-Point Regulations in the New Era, from the "Two Musts" [45] to the "Three Musts," it reflects the Party's fine tradition of attaching importance to conduct and discipline. Now, the times have given new examination questions; the Party's "examination" is far from over. It must, as always, attach importance to improving conduct and enforcing discipline in order to hand in good answer sheets on the new road of "taking the examination."

新时代，以习近平同志为核心的党中央对正风肃纪高度重视，努力使这种优良传统在全党传承。2012年12月，中央八项规定、六项禁令先后颁布实施。通过对比可以发现，中央六项禁令中有三项恰好就对应在西柏坡制定的六项规定中的“不送礼”。为了更好地依规治党，中央还三次修订《中国共产党纪律工作条例》,并正式形成了六个方面的纪律。党的二十大，习近平总书记又明确提出了“三个务必”。从“六条规定”到新时代的中央八项规定，从“两个务必”到“三个务必”,反映的是党重视作风纪律建设的优良传统。如今，时代又给出了新的考题，党面临的“赶考”远未结束，必须一如既往地重视正风肃纪，才能在新的“赶考”路上交出好的答卷。

(5) Always maintain the tenacity and perseverance that the fight against corruption is always on the way

(五)始终保持反腐败永远在路上的坚韧执着

The fight against corruption is the most thorough self-revolution. In the early days of the founding of New China, for the major embezzlers Liu Qingshan and Zhang Zishan who were discovered, Mao Zedong advocated severe punishment, reflecting Mao Zedong's resoluteness in the fight against corruption. Facts have proved that the "Three-Anti" and "Five-Anti" Campaigns [46] effectively curbed the corruption phenomena existing within the Party and society at that time, and played a role for a long time, so that corruption within the Party was curbed. Mao Zedong's handling of these cases had both a far-sighted side and a vigorous and resolute side. He very clearly believed that corrupt elements were "traitors and poisonous insects," and "major embezzlers are enemies of the people," and must be completely and thoroughly purged.

反腐败是最彻底的自我革命。新中国成立初期，对查出的大贪污犯刘青山、张子善，毛泽东主张予以严刑，反映了毛泽东在反腐败斗争上的坚决果断。事实证明，“三反”“五反”运动有效地遏制了当时党内和社会上存在的腐败现象，并且长时期发挥作用，使得党内腐败现象得到遏制。毛泽东在这些案件的处理上，既有深谋远虑的一面，也有雷厉风行的一面。他很清楚地认为，腐败分子是“叛徒和毒虫”,“大贪污犯是人民的敌人”,必须要彻底干净地进行肃清。

In the New Era, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, focusing on the overall strategic situation of Party governance, with the heroic spirit of "the more difficult the journey, the more forward we must go," and the mission and responsibility of "offending thousands of people to live up to 1.4 billion," has insisted on striking hard and dealt with a large number of bad apples. "Cracking down on tigers," "swatting flies," and "hunting foxes," [47] the Party Central Committee has severely investigated and dealt with a number of leading cadres who have degenerated and major cases, achieving an overwhelming victory in the fight against corruption. However, we must clearly recognize that the soil for corruption, imperfect institutions, and the temptation and corrosion of the material world on human nature still objectively exist. Every Party cadre is actually facing a severe test of Party spirit and personal character. The overwhelming victory and its continuous consolidation will be a tug of war; the fight against corruption is always on the way. Only by always maintaining the tenacity and perseverance that the fight against corruption is always on the way can we create a prerequisite for promoting the Party's self-revolution and keeping the Party full of vigor and vitality.

新时代，以习近平同志为核心的党中央着眼于管党治党战略全局，以“越是艰险越向前”的英雄气概，以“得罪千百人、不负十四亿”的使命担当，坚持重拳出击，处理了一大批害群之马。“打虎”“拍蝇”“猎狐”,党中央严肃查处了一批已经腐化变质的领导干部和重大案件，迎来了反腐败斗争的压倒性胜利态势。然而，我们必须清醒地认识到，腐败的土壤、制度不完善、物质世界对人性的诱惑腐蚀还依然客观存在，每一名党员干部实际上都面临着党性与人品的严峻考验。压倒性胜利并不断巩固将是一场拉锯战，反腐败斗争永远在路上，只有始终保持反腐败永远在路上的坚韧执着，才能为推动党的自我革命、使党永葆生机活力创造前提基础。

(6) Coordinated use of the "two answers" to break the historical cycle

(六)统筹用好“两个答案”破解历史周期率

Since taking office as General Secretary at the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has been contemplating the "historical cycle of rise

从党的十八大上任总书记起，习近平就在思考黄炎培当年提出的“历史兴亡周期率”问题。2013年12月26日，在出席纪念毛泽东同志诞辰120周年座谈会时，他强调要“着力解决好‘其兴也勃焉，其亡也忽焉’的历史性课题”。言必有诺，在党的十九届六中全会第二次全体会议上，习近平总书记指出，对跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率的探索，延安时期，毛泽东曾给出“让人民来监督政府”的答案。历经百年奋斗后，党又给出第二个答案，“这就是自我革命”。这反映了习近平总书记对跳出历史周期率问题思考的心路历程。毛泽东和习近平对跳出治乱兴衰历史周期率答案的相继给出，充分体现了中国共产党人在这一问题上的接力，也充分显示了党的领导人的责任担当。

At the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that over the past century, the Party has relied both on "developing people's democracy and accepting people's supervision" and on "comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and advancing self-revolution" to ensure its continuous growth and enduring vitality. From this, it can be seen that self-revolution and democratic supervision are like two wings of the same body for the Party to break out of the historical cycle, working in coordination internally and externally, combining internal and external forces, and driven by dual wheels—this is the embodiment of adhering to dialectics. Doing self-revolution well is to keep the Party always advanced and pure, ensuring that the Party does not deteriorate, change color, or alter its essence, thereby making it possible for people's democracy and people's supervision of the government. Only by letting the people supervise the Party and government can the consciousness and urgency of self-revolution be further enhanced. For this reason, the "two answers" must be used in an integrated manner, exerting force together, without bias toward either side. Among them, the most important point is to promote the actual establishment of systems for the people to supervise the government, and to further improve the institutional normative system for the Party's self-revolution, so that they work in coordination.

在党的十九届中央纪委六次全会上，习近平总书记曾强调，百年来，党既靠“发展人民民主、接受人民监督”,又靠“全面从严治党、推进自我革命”,从而确保了自身不断发展壮大、长盛不衰。由此可以看出，自我革命和民主监督如同中共跳出历史周期率的一体两翼，二者内外协同、内外结合、双轮驱动，这就是坚持辩证法的体现。做好自我革命是为了让党始终保持先进性、纯洁性，确保党不变质、不变色、不变味，从而使人民民主、人民监督政府成为可能。而只有让人民来监督党和政府，才能进一步增强自我革命的自觉性和紧迫性。正是鉴于此，“两个答案”必须统筹来用，一起发力，不可偏颇某一方。而其中最为重要的一点是，要推动人民群众监督政府的相关制度真正建立以及进一步健全党的自我革命制度规范体系，并使之协同发挥作用。

(Fund: Major Innovation Project of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (2024YZD017))

（基金：中国社会科学院重大创新项目(2024YZD017)）

(Author biographies: Liu Haifei, Associate Researcher at the Institute of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Chen Liannian, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者简介：刘海飞，中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院副研究员，中国社会科学院大学；陈恋念，中国社会科学院大学）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心