On the Program of 'The Great Union of the Popular Masses' to Transform Chinese Society

"The Great Union of the Popular Masses" is a famous piece written by the young Mao Zedong under the influence of the Russian October Revolution and especially inspired by the May Fourth Movement [3]3 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was a patriotic and anti-imperialist protest movement initiated by Chinese students and intellectuals against the Chinese government's weak response to the Treaty of Versailles, marking a turning point in modern Chinese history., in which he attempted to transform Chinese society through reformist means. It is the most representative work of Mao Zedong's youth. The article was published serially in the second, third, and fourth issues of the *Xiangjiang Review* [4]4 *Xiangjiang Review* was a weekly newspaper founded by Mao Zedong in July 1919 in Changsha, known for its radical criticism of warlords and imperialism.. After its publication, it aroused strong repercussions in intellectual circles and was soon recommended and reprinted by popular periodicals such as *New Youth*, *The Current Affairs Gazette*, *Morning Post*, and *Weekly Review*. Reading the full text carefully, one can clearly discern the young Mao Zedong's views on transforming Chinese society under the influence of the October Revolution and the May Fourth Movement, while also glimpsing the mental journey of the majority of young Chinese intellectuals of that era and their arduous exploration of a way out for the nation.

《民众的大联合》是青年毛泽东在俄国十月革命影响下，特别是在五四运动感召下，执笔撰写的试图以改良方式改造中国社会的名篇，是青年时期毛泽东最具代表性的著作。文章以连载的方式分别刊登于《湘江评论》第二、三、四期。文章刊出后，引起业界的强烈反响，很快被《新青年》《时事新报》《晨报》《星期评论》等热门报刊推荐、转载。仔细品读全文，可以清晰地看出十月革命和五四运动影响下的青年毛泽东改造中国社会的主张，同时也可以窥见那个时代中国多数青年知识分子思想转变的心路及探寻国家出路的奋斗足迹。

I. The Motivation for Writing "The Great Union of the Popular Masses"

一、《民众的大联合》的写作动因

In the 1910s and 1920s, after China had endured national humiliation, the suffering of its people, and the tarnishing of its civilization, young intellectuals who had been baptized by the New Culture Movement [5]5 The New Culture Movement (mid-1910s–1920s) was an intellectual and cultural reform movement in China, promoting Western ideas such as democracy and science, and criticizing traditional Confucian values. stepped forward one after another, devoting themselves in various ways to the patriotic movement to save the country and the nation, seeking a path out of their shameful fate. The young Mao Zedong was one such famous representative. Before becoming a Marxist, Mao Zedong, like most intellectuals of his time, wrote books and articles based on his own understanding under the push of the currents of the era, expressing his personal political views. "The Great Union of the Popular Masses" was a highly influential representative work of the young Mao Zedong. It was first published in the second issue of the *Xiangjiang Review* on July 21, 1919, and then serialized in the same month on the 28th and on August 4, with subtitles respectively: "Based on Small Unions" and "The Situation of China's 'Great Union of the Popular Masses'". The creation of this work had specific motivations.

20世纪一二十年代，经历了国家蒙辱、人民蒙难、文明蒙尘的中国，使得接受新文化运动洗礼后的青年知识分子们纷纷挺身而出，以各种方式投身于拯救国家与民族的爱国运动之中，寻找摆脱耻辱命运的道路，青年毛泽东就是其中之一的著名代表。在成为马克思主义者以前，毛泽东与当时的大多数知识分子一样，在时代潮流的裹挟下以自己的认知著书立说，抒发个人的政治见解，《民众的大联合》就是青年毛泽东颇具影响的代表作。《民众的大联合》首刊于1919年7月21日出版的《湘江评论》第二期，此后又以连载方式于同月28日和8月4日连续刊发同名文章，分别加上“以小联合作基础”“中华‘民众的大联合’的形势”的副标题。这一作品的问世，有着特殊的写作动因。

(I) The Stimulus of Warlord Separatist Rule and Intrigue

（一）军阀割据混战的刺激

Born and raised in the darkest era of China's transition from the late Qing dynasty to rule by the Northern Warlords [6]6 The Northern Warlords (Beiyang warlords) were a group of military factions that controlled northern China and the central government after the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1912. (Beiyang warlords), Mao Zedong personally witnessed the turbulence and chaos of Hunan and the whole of China, thereby nurturing a grand ambition to change this state of affairs. In 1911, after arriving in the provincial capital from a remote mountain village to study, Mao saw the old world of Qing autocratic rule collapsed by the Xinhai Revolution with irresistible force, but the new life that the people had hoped for—the transformation from empire to republic—did not arrive. "The national independence, democracy, and social progress that people had expected before the revolution did not come; on the contrary, in a very short time, Japan forced China to accept the 'Twenty-One Demands' [7]7 The Twenty-One Demands (1915) were a set of demands made by Japan to China, which would have reduced China to a Japanese protectorate., Yuan Shikai [8]8 Yuan Shikai (1859–1916) was a Chinese military and political leader who served as the first president of the Republic of China and briefly declared himself emperor in 1915–1916. restored the monarchy, Zhang Xun [9]9 Zhang Xun (1854–1923) was a Qing loyalist warlord who attempted to restore the Qing dynasty in 1917. staged a restoration farce [10]10 The "Manchu Restoration" of 1917, when Zhang Xun installed the deposed emperor Puyi back on the throne for twelve days., the separatist intrigues and wars among various warlords intensified, and in the intellectual world a countercurrent arose promoting the worship of Confucius and the study of the classics." Under the rule of the Northern Warlords, China's political scene was in turmoil, and the people were destitute. The southern province of Hunan was likewise mired in suffering. Zhang Jingyao [1]1 Zhang Jingyao (1881–1933), a Beiyang warlord who governed Hunan from 1918 to 1920, notorious for misrule and extortion., who controlled Hunan, was no different from other warlords: not only did he exploit the people's wealth, but he also allowed his soldiers to loot wantonly, causing deep resentment among the people of Hunan. The darkness of Hunan society and the tragic plight of the people at that time can be seen from the "Ten Major Crimes of Zhang Jingyao Accused by the Hunanese," which Mao Zedong submitted to the Northern Warlords government during the "Campaign to Expel Zhang" [2]2 The Campaign to Expel Zhang (Jingyao), a movement by Hunan intellectuals and students in 1919–1920 to oust the warlord Zhang Jingyao from Hunan.: "He let his soldiers terrorize the people... so that peasants could not farm and merchants could not trade"; "financial circulation was blocked, leaving people without means of livelihood"; "public and private enterprises were bankrupt, with no hope of recovery"; "he forced the people to plant opium... damaging the national body and making China a laughingstock worldwide"; he destroyed education, "so that students had no school to enter and no knowledge to seek"; "he assassinated citizens, violating the criminal law"; "freedom of speech was completely wiped out"; he increased the salt tax, "so that salt prices soared and ordinary people had to eat bland food. He violated the salt laws and showed no regard for the central government"; he arbitrarily added taxes, "taking hefty bribes without caring for the people's suffering"; "he fabricated public opinion, destroyed organizations, and used them for his own benefit." This situation deeply stung the young Mao Zedong, making him feel choked, and he deeply felt that "the state had reached the nadir of decay, humanity had reached the nadir of suffering, and society had reached the nadir of darkness." So he cried out passionately: "The world is our world, the state is our state. Society is our society. If we do not speak, who will? If we do not act, who will?"

出生并成长于晚清向北洋军阀统治过渡的中国最黑暗年代的毛泽东，亲身见识了湖南乃至整个中国的动荡与混乱，由此滋生了改变这一现状的宏大志向。1911年，从闭塞山乡来到省城求学的毛泽东看到了辛亥革命摧枯拉朽地冲塌了清朝专制统治的旧世界，但没能迎来百姓期盼的皇朝变成共和后的新生活。“人们在革命前所预期的民族独立、民主和社会进步不仅没有到来，相反，在很短的时间里，日本强迫中国接受‘二十一条’，袁世凯恢复帝制，张勋又演出复辟闹剧，各路军阀的割据混战愈演愈烈，思想界也掀起一股尊孔读经的逆流。”北洋军阀统治下的中国，政坛动荡不堪，百姓民不聊生，地处南方的湖南同样深陷苦难之中。掌控湖南的张敬尧与其他军阀如一丘之貉，不仅借机大肆搜刮民脂民膏，还纵容士兵肆意抢掠，致使湖南人民怨声载道。关于当时湖南社会的黑暗和百姓的悲惨境遇，可以从“驱张运动”期间毛泽东向北洋政府递交的《湘人控张敬尧十大罪》即可知晓：“纵兵殃民”“以致农不得耕，商不得市”；“金融枯塞，无以为生”；“公私破产，恢复无期”；“勒民种烟”“毁伤国体，腾笑全球”；毁坏教育，“致学生无校可入，无学可求”；“暗杀公民，身蹈刑律”；“言论自由，扫地以尽”；增加盐税，“致盐价骤涨，小民食淡。破坏盐法，目无中央”；乱加赋税，“坐收厚赃不顾民瘼”；“伪造民意，破坏团体，供一己利用”。这种状况深深地刺激了青年毛泽东，使他如鲠在喉，深感“国家坏到了极处，人类苦到了极处，社会黑暗到了极处”。于是，他慷慨疾呼：“天下者我们的天下，国家者我们的国家。社会者我们的社会。我们不说，谁说？我们不干，谁干？”

(II) The Impact of the Victory of the October Revolution

（二）十月革命胜利的冲击

The Russian October Revolution, which erupted in the later stage of World War I, opened a new epoch in human history with its new posture. As World War I neared its end, the Russian Empire, an important member of the Allied Powers and the weakest link in the imperialist chain, erupted in the world-shaking October Revolution in November 1917. The Bolsheviks, relying on the power of the great union of the popular masses, "overthrew the nobility, expelled the rich, and the workers and peasants jointly established a committee government. The Red Army charged east and west, sweeping away many enemies. The Allied Powers changed their countenance, and the whole world was shaken." The thunderous artillery of the Russian October Revolution echoed from Europe to the Far East: "Hungary rose up, and Budapest saw a brand-new workers' and peasants' government. Germans, Austrians, and Czechs followed suit, struggling to the death against their domestic enemies. The angry waves traveled westward, then turned eastward. Britain, France, Italy, and the United States experienced numerous great strikes; India and Korea erupted in great revolutions." The Chinese nation, long known for its patriotic spirit, also roared out after years of silence: "Defend our sovereignty abroad, punish the traitors at home." The young Mao Zedong called this "the 'May Fourth Movement' that occurred between the Great Wall of China and the Bohai Sea." The outbreak of the May Fourth Movement [3]3 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was a patriotic and anti-imperialist protest movement initiated by Chinese students and intellectuals against the Chinese government's weak response to the Treaty of Versailles, marking a turning point in modern Chinese history. was no accident; it stemmed both from the Chinese people's awakening after the humiliation of diplomatic failure at the Paris Peace Conference [11]11 The Paris Peace Conference (1919) where the Allied Powers decided to transfer German concessions in Shandong to Japan, triggering the May Fourth Movement. and from the inspiration of the distant victory of the October Revolution. This movement fully demonstrated the great patriotic enthusiasm of the Chinese people in their thorough, uncompromising anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle. Driven by this enthusiasm, on the land of China, "the banners went south, crossing the Yellow River to the Yangtze. Shanghai and Hankou staged one drama after another; the Dongting Lake and the Min River raised higher waves. Heaven and earth were revived; the evil and treacherous were routed." In Mao's view, the powerful May Fourth patriotic movement was the result of an unprecedented great union of the Chinese masses, and the ancient land of China underwent tremendous changes as a result. What unfolded before the young Mao Zedong was an stirring picture: "The time has come! The tide of the world is surging faster! The sluice gates of Dongting Lake have moved, and are open! The mighty new thought tide has already surged and roared along the banks of the Xiang River!" With this in mind, the ambitious Mao Zedong naturally felt an urge to write.

爆发于第一次世界大战后期的俄国十月革命以崭新的姿态开辟了人类社会的新纪元。在一战接近尾声之际，作为协约国阵营的重要成员，曾是帝国主义链条里最薄弱环节的俄罗斯帝国在1917年11月爆发了震动世界的十月革命。布尔什维克党人依靠民众大联合的力量，一举“打倒贵族，驱逐富人，劳农两界合立了委办政府，红旗军东驰西突，扫荡了多少敌人，协约国为之改容，全世界为之震动”。俄国十月革命的隆隆炮火，由远及近，从欧洲波及至远东，“匈牙利崛起，布达佩斯又出现了崭新的劳农政府。德人奥人截克人和之，出死力以与其国内的敌党搏战。怒涛西迈，转而东行，英法意美既演了多少的大罢工，印度朝鲜，又起了若干的大革命”。历来以富有爱国主义精神著称的中华民族在沉寂多年后也发出“外争国权，内惩国贼”的怒吼，青年毛泽东把它称为“中华长城渤海之间，发生了‘五四’运动”。五四运动的爆发绝非偶然，既有中国人经历了巴黎和会外交失败耻辱的彻底醒悟，更有远方十月革命胜利的感召，这场运动充分展现了中国人民彻底的、不妥协的反帝反封建的伟大爱国热情。在这股热情的推动下，中国大地上“旌旗南向，过黄河而到长江，黄浦汉皋，屡演活剧，洞庭闽水，更起高潮。天地为之昭苏，奸邪为之辟易”。在毛泽东看来，声势浩大的五四爱国运动就是中国民众前所未有的大联合的结果，古老的中国大地因此发生了巨大的变化。此时展现在青年毛泽东面前的是一副“时机到了！世界的大潮卷得更急了！洞庭湖的闸门动了，且开了！浩浩荡荡的新思潮业已奔腾澎湃于湘江两岸了”的激动人心的画卷。鉴于此，胸怀大志的毛泽东自然萌生起创作的冲动。

II. The Main Content of the Program for Transforming Chinese Society in "The Great Union of the Popular Masses"

二、《民众的大联合》改造中国社会方案的主要内容

"The Great Union of the Popular Masses" was the most influential and strongly resonant work published during the month between the founding of the *Xiangjiang Review* and its closure. With a unique perspective, sharp views, and stirring prose, the article profoundly expounded the necessity, possibility, and path of a great union of the masses. It inherently contained the necessity of transforming China, the forces to rely on, and the specific methods, thereby preliminarily displaying the young Mao Zedong's exploratory program for transforming Chinese society and saving the nation from its ordeal.

《民众的大联合》系《湘江评论》从创刊到被查封的一个多月时间里刊登的影响最大、反响最强烈的作品，文章以独特的视角、犀利的观点、激扬的文字深刻阐述了民众大联合的必要性、可能性以及实现路径，内在地蕴含着改造中国的必要性、依靠力量和具体方式，初步展示了青年毛泽东对改造中国社会、拯救民族危难的探索方案。

(I) The Necessity of Transforming Chinese Society

（一）阐述了改造中国社会的必要性

As mentioned earlier, during the period of rule by the Northern Warlords under the manipulation of Western powers, the army was privatized and became a tool for various warlord factions to fight for power and territory. Because the warlords lacked a national spirit and social consciousness, they considered their primary duty to be seeking private gain and indulging in militarism. They allied with local forces to dominate and fight continuously, plunging the people into misery. Growing up on this land, Mao Zedong naturally knew well the sufferings of the people around him, and this feeling deepened as his experience and knowledge grew. If young people living in the ivory tower of the campus still had hopes for the government and society, then after leaving campus and stepping into society, the social chaos they saw would be laid bare before them as living reality. This was the case with the young Mao Zedong after graduating from Hunan First Normal School. At first, Mao once placed his hope for transforming Chinese society on individual "strongmen." After reading *Biographies of World Heroes and Heroes* at Dongshan Higher Primary School, he fantasized about the emergence of heroes like Washington, Lincoln, or Napoleon to save the people from misery. When he founded the New People's Study Society in 1918, he again placed his hopes on reforming thought and morality, improving people's hearts and customs, and finding a way out for China. After being baptized by the May Fourth Movement, Mao founded the *Xiangjiang Review* largely to awaken the masses and ultimately transform Chinese society. However, the plight of the Hunan people under Zhang Jingyao's rule made the young Mao Zedong see clearly: "The union of the powerful, the nobility, and the capitalists has reached its extreme; therefore, the state has reached the nadir of decay, humanity has reached the nadir of suffering, and society has reached the nadir of darkness." In other words, it was precisely because the foreign powers and the warlords, nobility, and capitalists colluded that China, which once led the world, had become a puppet of the Western powers. The country was fragmented: "The eighteen provinces are in a mess, producing three governments, three parliaments, and more than twenty military governors, kings, and commanders-in-chief. The common people are being killed and raped every day, their property emptied, and foreign debts pile up like hemp." If no thorough transformation was carried out, the country and the nation would never see the light of day, and the people would continue to suffer.

前文所述，西方列强操纵下的北洋军阀统治时期，出现了军队私有化的乱象，军队变成了各派军阀用来争权和抢地盘的工具。由于军阀缺乏国民精神和社会意识，认为其最重要的职责便是谋取私家之利，穷兵黩武。他们与地方势力联合割据称霸，战乱不断，导致百姓民不聊生。成长于这块土地上的毛泽东，对身边百姓的遭遇自然了然于胸，而且这种感受必然随着见闻的增加和阅历的增长而愈加深刻。如果说生活在象牙塔般校园里的青年对政府和社会尚寄存希望的话，那么走出校园踏入社会后，目光所及的社会乱象必然以活生生的现实赤裸裸地展现在面前，从湖南第一师范毕业后的青年毛泽东便是如此。起初毛泽东一度把改造中国社会的希望寄托于个别“强人”身上，他在东山高小读书阅读了《世界英雄豪杰传》后，曾幻想中国能出现华盛顿、林肯、拿破仑式的英雄以救民出水火。1918年创建新民学会时，他又寄希望于革新思想与道德，改善人心风俗，找到中国的出路。经过五四运动洗礼后的毛泽东创办《湘江评论》，在很大程度上也是想借此唤醒民众，最终改造中国社会。然而，张敬尧统治下的湖南百姓的遭遇，让青年毛泽东清醒地看到：“强权者，贵族，资本家的联合到了极点，因之国家也坏到了极点，人类也苦到了极点，社会也黑暗到了极点。”换言之，正是列强与军阀、贵族、资本家沆瀣一气，曾经引领世界的中国，此时已然成为西方列强的玩偶，国家四分五裂，“十八省乱七八糟，造成三个政府，三个国会，二十个以上督军王巡按使王总司令王，老百姓天天被人杀死奸死，财产空荡，外债如麻”。倘若不进行彻底的改造，国家、民族便永无出头之日，百姓只能继续深陷苦难之中。

(II) The Forces to Rely On in Transforming Chinese Society

（二）阐述了改造中国社会的依靠力量

After the news of the victory of the October Revolution reached China, Mao Zedong, who was working as an assistant librarian at Peking University Library, came under the influence of the library director Li Dazhao [12]12 Li Dazhao (1889–1927) was a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party and a leading intellectual who introduced Marxism to China. and began to turn his attention to Russia from the perspective of current political hot topics. He examined this new thing with the sharp eyes of a young man and happily discovered that the October Revolution was the result of the united masses awakening the soldiers of the tsarist army with their cries, causing them to turn their guns against the nobility and the capitalists. Therefore, Mao realized that "we should rise up and imitate" the Russian method—that is, use the power gathered through the great union of the popular masses to change the situation where "the state has reached the nadir of decay, humanity has reached the nadir of suffering, and society has reached the nadir of darkness." In his view, as long as the great union of the popular masses was truly achieved, it would be possible to "fear neither heaven, nor devils, nor the dead, nor bureaucrats, nor warlords, nor capitalists." The same applied to other fields: once the masses were truly united, then "in religion, there was the 'Reformation,' resulting in freedom of belief. In literature, there was [a shift] from aristocratic literature, classical literature, and dead literature to the literature of the common people, modern literature, and living literature. In politics, it changed from autocratic politics to representative politics, from limited suffrage to unlimited suffrage. In society, it changed from a dark society ruled by a few classes to a bright society where all people could develop freely. In education, there was the principle of education for the common people. In economics, there was the equalization of labor and reward. In thought, there was pragmatism. In international affairs, there was the League of Nations."

十月革命胜利的消息传入中国之后，在北京大学图书馆担任助理管理员的毛泽东受到图书馆主任李大钊的影响，开始把关注时政热点的视角转向俄国。他以青年人的锐利眼光审视着这一新生事物，并欣喜地发现十月革命是联合起来的群众以呼声唤醒了沙俄军营里的兵士，让他们调转枪口对准贵族和资本家的结果。因此，毛泽东意识到像俄国的方法，“我们应该起而仿效”，即用民众大联合聚集起来的力量此改变“国家坏到了极处，人类苦到了极处，社会黑暗到了极处”的境遇。在他看来，只要真正做到民众大联合，就能达到“天不要怕，鬼子不要怕，死人不要怕，官僚不要怕，军阀不要怕，资本家不要怕”。其他领域同样如此，民众一旦真正联合起来，那么“见于宗教方面，为‘宗教改革’，结果得了信教自由。见于文学方面，由贵族的文学，古典的文学，死形的文学，变为平民的文学，现代的文学，有生命的文学。见于政治方面，由独裁政治，变为代议政治。由有很（限）制的选举，变为没有限制的选举。见于社会方面，由少数阶级专制的黑暗社会，变为全体人民自由发展的光明社会。见于教育方面，为平民教育主义。见于经济方面，为劳获平均主义。见于思想方面，为实验主义。见于国际方面，为国际同盟”。

Thus, it can be seen that the young Mao Zedong believed that the great union of the popular masses was the only way and the fundamental force to rely on for transforming Chinese society. The great union of the popular masses had not only historical basis but also practical necessity. First, it was an inevitable trend of historical development. Mao believed that movements throughout history had been realized through varying degrees of union. "In all religious reforms and resistance, academic reforms and resistance, political reforms and resistance, and social reforms and resistance, there must have been their respective great unions." Mao also believed that in history, "the unions of the powerful, the nobility, and the capitalists have been more numerous." That is, the unions of the powerful came first, and when their unions reached an extreme, they inevitably led to the corruption of state power and the suffering of the people, eventually giving rise to a countervailing great union of the popular masses. For example, France [13]13 The French Revolution (1789–1799) is here referred to as a great union of the popular masses achieving political reform. achieved "political reform" through a great union of the popular masses, and Russia [14]14 The Russian October Revolution (1917) is referred to as a great union of the popular masses achieving social reform. achieved "social reform" through a great union of the popular masses, both achieving victory and triggering imitations in other countries. In particular, as the people's cognitive level and ideological consciousness continuously improved, their actions toward union would inevitably become more determined, because they had already realized that "the masses of a country are always more numerous than the nobility, capitalists, and other powerful people of that country." Moreover, through the tempering of revolution, they gradually saw through and learned the three means used by the nobility and capitalists to realize their unions: "knowledge," "money," and "force." "The common people have already seen through the three methods of the nobility and capitalists, and also seen through that they use these three methods through the means of union. They have also realized that their numbers are so small, and our numbers are so many, so they will unite greatly." Second, the practical necessity and path of realization of the great union of the popular masses. Mao believed that every group has common interests, and all oppressed groups also share common interests. This is the basis for achieving the great union of the popular masses. Each group—for example, peasants, because they face the same problems—"How do the landlords treat us? Are the rents and taxes heavy or light? Are our houses comfortable? Are our bellies full? Is the land scarce? Are there people in the village who have no land to farm?"—can form a peasant group. Workers, students, women, primary school teachers, police, rickshaw pullers, etc., because they also have the same interest in escaping their respective sufferings, can form their own groups. Because the various groups share the common interests of solving the problems of survival and social transformation for liberation and freedom, they can move toward a great union: "Many small unions have common interests among them, so they can establish a great union." This is the proposal of the young Mao Zedong: to move from small unions to a great union, thereby forming the power of a larger group to counterbalance the union of the powerful. "Because common interests are limited to a small part of the people, small unions are formed. Many small unions have common interests among them, so a great union can be established." The organizations formed by peasants, workers, students, women, primary school teachers, police, rickshaw pullers, etc., to protect their respective interests are small unions. The guilds of various trades, various learned societies, and research associations are unions of the common people and scholars. Repeating this process, a great union is formed.

由此可见，青年毛泽东认为，民众大联合是改造中国社会的唯一出路与根本依靠力量。民众大联合不仅有历史依据，而且有现实需求。首先，民众大联合是历史发展的必然。毛泽东认为，历史上的各种运动，都是通过不同程度的联合来实现的。“历来宗教的改革和反抗，学术的改革和反抗，政治的改革和反抗，社会的改革和反抗，两者必都有其大联合。”同时，毛泽东还认为，历史上“以强权者的联合，贵族的联合，资本家的联合为多”，也就是强权者联合在先，而且他们的联合到了极点，必然导致国家政权腐败，百姓生灵涂炭，最终就产生与之相抗衡的民众大联合。如法兰西以民众大联合赢得“政治改革”，俄罗斯以民众的大联合赢得“社会改革”，最后均取得了胜利，并引发其他国家仿效。特别是随着民众认知水平和思想觉悟的不断提高，他们走向联合的行动必然更加坚定，因为他们已经认识到“一国的民众，总比一国的贵族资本家及其他强权者要多”，而且他们也在革命的磨砺中逐渐识破并学会了贵族资本家的用以实现联合的“知识”“金钱”和“武力”的三种手段，“平民既已将贵族资本家三种法子窥破，并窥破他们实行这三种，是用联合的手段，又觉悟他们的人数是那么少，我们的人数是这么多，便大大的联合起来”。其次，民众大联合的现实需求与实现路径。毛泽东认为，每个群体都存在共同的利益诉求，被压迫的各群体间也都存在共同的利益诉求，这是实现民众大联合的基础。每个群体，如农夫因为面临“田主怎样待遇我们？租税是重是轻？我们的房子适不适？肚子饱不饱？田不少吗？村里没有没田作的人吗？”等共同遭遇，共同利益诉求，便能结成农夫群体；工人、学生、女子、小学教师、警察、车夫等也因为有摆脱各自遭遇苦难的利益诉求，便组成各自的群体。各个群体又因为有解决生存，社会根本改造的解放、自由等问题的共同利益诉求，所以能走向大联合，“许多的小联合彼此间利益有共同之点，故可以立为大联合”。这就是青年毛泽东提出的从小联合走向大联合，从而形成更大群体的力量与强权联合相抗衡的主张。“因为共同利益，只限于一小部分人，故所成立的为小联合。许多的小联合彼此间利益有共同之点，故可以成立为大联合。”农夫、工人、学生、女子、小学教师、警察、车夫等为维护各自利益而成立的组织，即是小联合，各行各业的公会，各种学会、研究会等，则是平民及学者的联合，如此反复，便形成了大联合。

(III) The Method of the "Cry Revolution" for Transforming Chinese Society

（三）提出了改造中国社会的“呼声革命”方法

Having identified the forces to rely on for transforming Chinese society, Mao Zedong then proposed a specific method for solving China's problems—the "cry revolution." The "cry revolution" was one of the methods for overthrowing "the powerful" advocated by Mao in the "Inaugural Manifesto" of the *Xiangjiang Review*. In fact, before the publication of "The Great Union of the Popular Masses," the young Mao had already put forward a similar idea. In his article "No Permission for Industrial Autocracy," published in the first issue of the *Xiangjiang Review*, he fully affirmed the method of "No Permission" advocated by the American labor leader Samuel Gompers [15]15 Samuel Gompers (1850–1924), founder and president of the American Federation of Labor, known for his advocacy of trade unionism., believing that the way to "true liberation of mankind" lay in advocating "No Permission": "If someone advocates 'No Permission,' that is a good phenomenon. From one person saying 'No Permission,' extended to thousands of people saying 'No Permission,' from a low voice of 'No Permission' extended to a high and loud cry of 'No Permission,' that will be the day of true liberation of mankind." Perhaps inspired by Gompers, Mao elevated the "advocacy of 'No Permission'" into the "cry revolution" in "The Great Union of the Popular Masses" and elaborated on it in depth, making it a method for transforming Chinese society with a distinct contemporary character: "If we can utter one cry together, break through this historical force, and unite even more greatly, whenever we encounter something we disapprove of, we will line up and cry out loudly against it."

在找到改造中国社会的依靠力量后，毛泽东进而提出了解决中国问题的具体方式——“呼声革命”。“呼声革命”是毛泽东在《湘江评论》的“创刊宣言”倡导的打倒“强权”的方法之一。实际上，在《民众的大联合》刊出之前，青年毛泽东已提出类似的主张。他执笔撰写的《不许实业专制》刊登于《湘江评论》第一期，文章充分肯定了美国工党首领戈泊斯提出的“不许”方法，认为“人类真得解放”的出路在于倡言“不许”：“既有人倡言‘不许’，即是好现象。由一人口说‘不许’，推而至于千万人都说‘不许’，由低声‘不许’，推而至于高声的狠高声的狂呼的‘不许’，这才是人类真得解放的一日。”也许是受到戈泊斯的启发，毛泽东在《民众的大联合》中将“‘不许’倡言”升华为“呼声革命”，并对“呼声革命”进行深入阐述，成为颇具时代色彩的改造中国社会方式：“我们倘能齐声一呼，将这历史的势力冲破，更大大的联合，遇着我们所不以为然的，我们就列起队伍，向对抗的方面大呼。”

Mao also elaborated on the specific content of the "cry revolution." He believed that the "cry revolution" included both the "cry for bread" and the "cry for freedom" and the "cry for equality." The "cry for bread" was to solve the survival problem of the Chinese people under the dark rule of the warlords—that is, to solve the problem of eating. Because the biggest problem in the world is the "problem of eating." This also indicates that, after being baptized by the May Fourth tide, Mao had turned to concentrate on the practical problems of the people's food and clothing, rather than the naive inquiry of a Hunan First Normal School student into the "great root and great source" of "the truth of the universe." The "cry for freedom" and the "cry for equality" directly aimed at solving China's political problems. In Mao's view, solving China's political problems meant changing the reality that "the state has reached the nadir of decay, humanity has reached the nadir of suffering, and society has reached the nadir of darkness." The "fundamental method" to solve the problem was "the great union of the popular masses," to dismantle the union of the nobility, capitalists, and other powerful people. At the same time, Mao also explained the internal relationship among the "cry for bread," the "cry for freedom," and the "cry for equality." He believed that these three were interconnected and mutually related. Among them, the "cry for bread" was the prerequisite for the "cry for freedom" and the "cry for equality," while the "cry for freedom" and the "cry for equality" were the fundamental guarantee for the "cry for bread." Because only by solving the problem of eating could the great union of the popular masses be promoted, enabling the broad masses to unite as one and converge into a powerful force, thereby laying the mass foundation for the "cry for freedom" and the "cry for equality." Only by uniting the strength of the masses through the great union could one achieve the state of "fearing neither heaven, nor devils, nor the dead, nor bureaucrats, nor warlords, nor capitalists."

毛泽东还阐述了“呼声革命”的具体内涵。他认为，“呼声革命”既包括“面包的呼声”，也包括“自由的呼声”“平等的呼声”。“面包的呼声”就是要解决黑暗军阀统治下中国百姓的生存问题，即解决吃饭问题。因为世界上最大的问题就是“吃饭问题”。这也表明经过五四潮流洗礼的毛泽东已转而着重思考民众的吃饭穿衣的现实问题了，而不是一师学子时天真浪漫的探究“宇宙之真理”的“大本大源”。“自由的呼声”和“平等的呼声”则是直接指向解决中国的政治问题。在毛泽东看来，中国政治问题的解决，就是要改变“国家坏到了极处，人类苦到了极处，社会黑暗到了极处”的现实，而解决问题的“根本的一个方法，就是民众的大联合”，以瓦解贵族、资本家及其他强权者的联合。同时，毛泽东还阐释了“面包的呼声”“自由的呼声”“平等的呼声”三者的内在关系。他认为，这三者彼此关联、互为联系，其中“面包的呼声”是“自由的呼声”“平等的呼声”的前提条件，而“自由的呼声”“平等的呼声”是“面包的呼声”的根本保障。因为只有解决了吃饭问题，才能推动民众的大联合，使广大民众团结一心，汇集成强大的力量，从而为“自由的呼声”“平等的呼声”奠定基本的群众基础。也只有通过大联合的方式把民众的力量凝聚在一起，才能做到“天不要怕，鬼子不要怕，死人不要怕，官僚不要怕，军阀不要怕，资本家不要怕”。

III. "The Great Union of the Popular Masses" Reflects the Dual Mental Journey of the Young Mao Zedong

三、《民众的大联合》反映了青年毛泽东的二重心路

The special experiences of China in the 1910s and 1920s meant that most young people living in this era were full of fervent blood and eager to change the social status quo. But, suffering from the inability to find a scientific theory to guide their actions, they often fell into painful struggles. They put forward different programs to change this social situation. The idea of achieving the transformation of Chinese society through the great union of the popular masses was a commonly advocated program among many advanced intellectuals of the time, not Mao's exclusive proposal. From a certain perspective, it reflects the growth mental journey of that generation of intellectuals.

20世纪一二十年代中国的特殊遭遇，使得生活于这一时代的青年大多怀抱满腔热血亟待改变社会现状，苦于未能找到指导行动的科学理论，他们又往往陷入痛苦的挣扎之中。他们为改变这种社会现状提出不同的方案，以民众大联合达到改造中国社会的思想，是当时许多先进知识分子共同提倡的方案，并非毛泽东一人的主张，从某种角度而言，反映了那一代知识分子的成长心路。

(I) It Manifests the Historical Responsibility of the Young Mao Zedong

（一）彰显了青年毛泽东的历史担当

From the growth trajectory of the young Mao Zedong, it can be seen that he had lofty aspirations from childhood. When Mao Zedong, as a teenager, read Shengshi Weiyan (Warnings to a Prosperous Age)[16] by Zheng Guanying, a famous representative of the early reformist trend of thought, he "became disheartened about the country's future and began to realize that every individual is responsible for the rise and fall of the nation." After the outbreak of the Revolution of 1911,[17] Mao, who was studying in the provincial capital, resolutely abandoned his pen to join the army and threw himself into the anti-Qing revolutionary cause. His half-year military career cultivated in the young Mao Zedong a habit of paying close attention to current politics. After being admitted to the Hunan Provincial First Normal School in the spring of 1913, he set "being concerned about society, studying hard and strengthening his will" as his goal of diligent study. To this end, Mao formulated the ambitions of "grinding himself down for the benefit of the country and the group, as the benevolent and righteous person desires to do," "learning for others," "learning for the people of the country," and "learning for the people of the world." During this period, the young Mao Zedong modestly sought advice from teachers such as Yang Changji, Xu Teli, Fang Weixia, Wang Jifan, and Li Jinxi, who were knowledgeable, progressive in thought, and morally noble, constantly enriching himself. At the same time, "he always got up when the sky was barely light, and after the lights were turned off at night, he would still read hard by the faint light outside, never willing to waste a single moment." In addition, Mao continued the habit of following current affairs he had developed during his military service, often reading news reports in newspapers and magazines, and frequently engaging in in-depth discussions and heated debates with close friends, each expressing his own views. He also used holidays to go on "study tours" with classmates such as Xiao Zisheng and Cai Hesen, going deep into the countryside to understand society and increase his experience. With his continuous attention to current affairs and deepening understanding of society, the young Mao's sense of social responsibility and mission became stronger. In May 1915, in order to obtain Japanese support for the restoration of the monarchy, Yuan Shikai accepted the "Twenty-One Demands,"[18] which nearly led to the subjugation of the nation. When the news spread, the whole country was in an uproar. Mao Zedong angrily wrote the poem: "May 7, the nation's shame; How to repay the country? On us students," condemning the traitorous acts of the Yuan Shikai government and expressing his ambition to save the country. Then came the New Culture Movement,[19] and the young Mao Zedong was deeply attracted by the articles published in New Youth.[20] For a long time thereafter, every day apart from attending classes and reading, he would read New Youth, talk about New Youth, and think about the questions raised in New Youth. Under the influence of the new culture and new ideas, Mao used new perspectives and new thinking to observe and examine Chinese society. As a result, he discovered that "the chronic ills of our countrymen are very deep, their thinking is too old, and their morality is too bad." Therefore, it was necessary to "fundamentally change the thinking of the whole country." In Mao's view, the way to "change the thinking of the whole country" lay in "moving the hearts of the people of the world," because "if the hearts of the people of the world are all moved, can there be any affairs of the world that cannot be accomplished? If the affairs of the world can be accomplished, how can the country fail to become rich and strong and happy?" That is, first of all, it was necessary to awaken people's self-awareness and liberate their thinking. For this reason, he and Cai Hesen and others established the Xinmin Society,[21] advocating "renovating learning, sharpening moral character, and improving the people's customs," that is, by renovating thought and morality, improving people's customs, and ultimately realizing the transformation of society. Later, they took "transforming China and the world" as the society's purpose. From this it can be seen that even before establishing his belief in Marxism, the young Mao Zedong still harbored the lofty ambition to break the old world and create a new heaven and earth.

从青年毛泽东成长历程可以看出，他自幼就志向高远。少年时期的毛泽东在阅读了早期改良主义思潮著名代表郑观应的《盛世危言》后，便“对国家的前途感到沮丧，开始意识到，国家兴亡，匹夫有责”。辛亥革命爆发后，到省城求学的毛泽东毅然投笔从戎，投身反清革命事业。半年的军旅生涯，使青年毛泽东养成了关注时政的习惯。1913年春考入湖南省立第一师范学校后，他把“心系社会，苦学励志”作为奋力求学的目标。为此，毛泽东订立了“齑其躬而有益于国与群，仁人君子所欲为也”“为人之学”“为国人之学”“为世界人之学”的求学志向。期间，青年毛泽东虚心求教于杨昌济、徐特立、方维夏、王季范、黎锦熙等学识渊博、思想进步、道德高尚的教师，不断充实自己，同时“每天总是在天色微明时就起身，晚上熄灯后还借外面一点微弱的灯光苦读，从不肯浪费半点时间”。此外，毛泽东还延续着军旅时养成的关注时事的好习惯，经常阅读报刊的时政消息，并时常与好友展开深入探讨与激烈争论，各抒己见。他还利用假期与萧子升、蔡和森等同学外出“游学”，深入农村，了解社会，增加阅历。随着对时事的持续关注和对社会的深入了解，青年毛泽东的社会责任感与使命感更加强烈。1915年5月，为了获得日本对复辟帝制的支持，袁世凯接受了近乎亡国的“二十一条”，消息传回后举国哗然。毛泽东愤然写下“五月七日，民国奇耻；何以报国？在我学子”的诗句，痛斥袁世凯政府的卖国行径，并表达了立志救国的抱负。随后发生的新文化运动，青年毛泽东被《新青年》刊登的文章深深地吸引，他在此后的很长时间里，每天除上课、阅读之外，看书看《新青年》，谈话谈《新青年》，思考也思考《新青年》上所提出的问题。在新文化新思想的影响下，毛泽东用新视角新思维观察审视中国社会，结果他发现“吾国人积弊甚深，思想太旧，道德太坏”，为此，必须“从根本上变换全国之思想”。在毛泽东看来，“变换全国思想”的办法，在于“动天下之心”，因为“天下之心皆动，天下之事有不能为者乎？天下之事可为，国家有不富强幸福者乎？”也就是首先要唤醒人的自我意识，解放人的思想。为此，他和蔡和森等筹建了新民学会，倡导“革新学术、砥砺品行、改良人心风俗”，即通过革新思想与道德，改善人心风俗，最终实现社会的改造。后来，他们又把“改造中国与世界”作为学会的宗旨。由此可以看出，即使在确立起对马克思主义的信仰之前，青年毛泽东同样也怀有打破旧世界、创立新天地的雄心壮志。

(2) Reflecting the contradictory mentality of the young Mao Zedong

（二）折射了青年毛泽东的矛盾心态

In early 20th-century China, the violent upheavals in the world triggered great shocks in China's political situation and society. The New Culture Movement was in full swing, and various Western ideologies and doctrines poured in, each attracting different groups of intellectuals with their own theories. Faced with a bewildering array of "isms," young intellectuals at that time clearly faced a difficult choice. However, anarchism was undoubtedly more popular among the youth of the day, because anarchists, "under the banner of 'socialism' and even 'communism,'" advocated extremely seductive propositions such as "absolute egalitarianism," "absolute freedom," and "opposition to any authority," which "were very suitable for the taste of those young intellectuals who were extremely dissatisfied with the dark reality, eager to change their personal circumstances, and lacked practical social experience." Moreover, anarchism "had a broader social base in the vast ocean of the petty bourgeoisie in China, and it also spread one step ahead of Marxism." Therefore, the young Mao Zedong inevitably became one of its followers. In 1936, he frankly admitted to the American journalist Edgar Snow that at that time he "approved of many anarchist propositions." From the end of 1919 to October 1920, the "Expel Zhang Campaign"[22] and the "Autonomy Movement"[23] that broke out in Hunan and attracted nationwide attention were attempts by young intellectuals such as Mao Zedong to use this kind of "ism" to solve Hunan's problems and thereby explore a path to complete the transformation of China. Although Mao at that time was extremely dissatisfied with the tyranny of the warlords, he chose the unrealistic anarchism. In Mao's view, China at that time was too big and had

20世纪初的中国，世界的急剧动荡引发了中国政局与社会的巨大震动，新文化运动如火如荼，西方各种主义、学说纷涌而入，并以各自的理论吸引不同的知识分子群体。面对纷繁复杂的种种“主义”，此时的青年知识分子显然出现选择的难题。不过，无政府主义无疑更受当时青年人的热捧，因为无政府主义者“打着‘社会主义’甚至‘共产主义’的旗号”，标榜“绝对平均主义”“绝对自由”“反对任何权威”等极具蛊惑人心的主张，“很适合当时一些对黑暗现实极端不满、急于改变个人处境而又缺乏实际社会经验的知识青年的口味”。此外，无政府主义“在中国这块小资产阶级的汪洋大海中具有更广泛的社会基础，同时比马克思主义的传播也占先了一步”。因此，青年毛泽东也不例外地成为其中的追随者，他在1936年向美国记者埃德加·斯诺坦陈此时的自己“赞同许多无政府主义的主张”。1919年底至1920年10月，湖南爆发轰动全国的“驱张运动”和“自治运动”，就是毛泽东等青年知识分子试图以这种“主义”去解决湖南问题，进而探索出完成改造中国道路的尝试。尽管当时的毛泽东对军阀暴政极度不满，但他却选择了脱离实际的无政府主义。在毛泽东看来，当时的中国太大了，问题太多了，“全中国无政府，全中国大乱而特乱”，谋求全国的总建设短时间内完全没有指望，“最好的办法，是索性不谋总建设，索性分裂，去谋各省的分建设”，即先通过“湘人自决、粤人自决、川人自决以至直人自决、奉人自决”，等十年二十年之后各省完成了分建设，再搞“澈底的总革命”。毛泽东还认为，湖南的地理民性，很适合通过请愿、集会、制宪、选举等形式，独立自治，然后“以湖南共和国为目标，实施新理想，创造新生活，在潇湘片土开辟一个新天地”。因此，他“一方面称颂十月革命，另一方面又不赞成用暴力革命的方式来打倒强权”。在毛泽东认知中打倒“强权”的办法有两种：一种是马克思主义主张的激烈的行动方式，另一种是无政府主义的温和的行动方式。而当时的毛泽东显然更倾向于温和的无政府主义，因为他认为激烈方法不仅会“张起大扰乱”，而且“用强权打倒强权，结果仍然得到强权”。由此，我们可以从青年毛泽东的矛盾心态中窥视到同一时代知识分子成长的共同轨迹。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

At the beginning of the 20th century, in light of the rapidly changing international and domestic situation, like most Chinese intellectuals living in a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, the young Mao Zedong, at a time when the nation and the country were in crisis, put forward proposals for transforming Chinese society from his own unique perspective and understanding. Although these proposals, for various reasons, failed to achieve their expected goals in practice, they constituted an invaluable tempering experience for the growth of this generation of young intellectuals. Moreover, it was precisely this experience that accelerated the young Mao Zedong’s final choice of Marxism-Leninism, and made the great cause of transforming Chinese society his lifelong unremitting pursuit.

20世纪初，鉴于急剧变动的国际国内形势，像大多数生活于半殖民地半封建社会的中国知识分子一样，青年毛泽东在国家与民族陷于危局之际，以自己独特的视角与认知提出了改造中国社会的主张。尽管这些主张因种种缘故未能在实践中达到预期目标，但对这一代青年知识分子的成长却是弥足珍贵的历练。也正是这种经历，加速了青年毛泽东最终选择马克思列宁主义，并把改造中国社会的伟大事业作为一生的不懈追求。

(Author bios: Chen Zaisheng, Dean, Professor, and Master’s Supervisor of the School of Marxism, Minnan Normal University; Yang Liang, Master’s Candidate in the School of Marxism, Minnan Normal University)

（作者简介：陈再生，闽南师范大学马克思主义学院院长、教授、硕士生导师；杨靓，闽南师范大学马克思主义学院硕士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心