A Review of Japanese Scholarship on the History of the Anti-Japanese National United Front

In the postwar period, Japanese academia reflected on the defeat of the war while searching for a path of democratization for Japanese society. Some scholars believe that China’s revolutionary experience during the War of Resistance against Japan should serve as an important reference for Japan’s consideration of its future national direction. Among these views, “the united front question is a question of revolutionary strategy and tactics. The revolution question is one of the greatest questions of modern history. Therefore, the study of the history of the united front is an important part of the study of revolutionary history and modern history.”[1]1 Quotation from a Japanese scholar, likely referring to the general view in Japanese academia at the time. They took the study of the Anti-Japanese National United Front as an important entry point for analyzing the Chinese revolution and the policies of the Chinese Communist Party, and linked it to reflections on Japanese real-world issues such as the “Anpo Struggle”[2]2 The Anpo Struggle refers to a series of large-scale protests in Japan from 1959 to 1960 against the revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (Anpo is an abbreviation of the treaty's Japanese name)., as well as to observations of contemporary China. Eighty years after the end of the war, Japanese academic research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front has been closely linked to the trends in Japanese studies of modern Chinese history, while also reflecting changes in Japan’s perception of China. This article attempts to sort out and analyze this history, further examining the formation of the framework that Japan uses when discussing Chinese issues and the practical significance of studying China for Japanese academia. In doing so, it may also enable Chinese academia to grasp relevant research trends and further deepen the study of the Anti-Japanese National United Front.

战后日本学界在反思战败的同时，寻找日本社会的民主化道路。有学者认为，中国在抗日战争时期的革命经验应成为日本思考未来国家走向的重要参照。其中，“统一战线问题是革命的战略与战术问题。革命问题是近现代史的最大问题之一。因此，统一战线史研究是革命史以及近现代史研究的重要一环”。他们将对抗日民族统一战线的研究作为分析中国革命与中共政策的重要切入点，并与反思“安保斗争”等日本现实问题，以及观察现代中国相关联。战后80年，日本学界的抗日民族统一战线史研究与其中国近现代史研究的动向密切相关，同时反映了日本对中国的认知变化。本文试对此进行梳理与分析，进一步考察日本在讨论中国问题时所依赖框架的形成以及研究中国问题对日本学界的现实意义。由此，也可以使中国学界把握相关的研究动态，进一步深化对抗日民族统一战线的研究。

I. From the early postwar period to the 1960s: The history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front as revolutionary experience

一、战后初期至20世纪60年代：作为革命经验的抗日民族统一战线史

In 1946, Nakanishi Tsutomu[3]3 Nakanishi Tsutomu (1910–1973) was a Japanese leftist activist and scholar who spent time in China and later wrote on the Chinese Communist Party., using materials on the Chinese Communist Party collected during the war, including important CCP documents and relevant newspapers and periodicals, combined with his own actual experience and observations in China, co-authored with Nishizato Tsugio[4]4 Nishizato Tsugio (1915–2006) was a Japanese communist and China scholar who co-authored with Nakanishi. the book *The Chinese Communist Party and the National United Front*.[5]5 The original Japanese title is *Chūgoku Kyōsantō to Minzoku Tōitsu Sensen*. This book chronicles the development of the Chinese Communist Party and the Anti-Japanese National United Front from 1935 to 1937. Nakanishi stressed the correctness of the CCP’s decisions and the significance of the Anti-Japanese National United Front as a reference for Japan’s democratic revolution, revealing the importance of China’s historical experience with the united front. Okamoto Saburō[6]6 Okamoto Saburō (dates unknown) was a Japanese diplomat and scholar., who had served in the Investigation Bureau of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, argued that the War of Resistance led by the Chinese Communist Party liberated the Chinese people from imperialist aggression and ensured China’s independence and the people’s freedom. He stated that China’s revolutionary path “serves as a compass setting a correct example for Japan, which must absolutely exclude imperialism and set out anew as a truly democratic nation.” Okamoto summarized the characteristics of the Anti-Japanese National United Front as follows: first, the common victory of the Chinese nation over Japanese imperialism, guaranteeing the survival and independence of the nation; second, although there were frictions and contradictions within, the Anti-Japanese National United Front was a united front that brought together all parties, all classes, and the entire nation, and “possessed great distinctiveness”; third, the highest form of the Anti-Japanese National United Front was the establishment of a national defense government and an anti-Japanese allied army, and “this highest form gradually took shape in the anti-Japanese movement”; fourth, the difference between the Anti-Japanese National United Front and the anti-imperialist national united front during the National Revolution period lay in “the depth of the national contradiction” and “the scale of the revolutionary forces.”

1946年，中西功利用战时搜集到的有关中国共产党的资料，包括中共的重要文献和相关报刊，结合自身在中国的实际体验与观察，与西里龙夫共著《中国共产党和民族统一战线》一书。该书记述了1935年至1937年中国共产党和抗日民族统一战线的发展情况。中西功强调中国共产党决策的正确性与抗日民族统一战线对日本民主革命的借鉴意义，揭示了中国统一战线历史经验的重要性。曾任职于日本外务省调查局的冈本三郎认为，中国共产党所领导的抗日战争将中国人民从帝国主义的侵略下解放出来，确保中国独立与人民自由，中国的革命道路“对于应绝对排除帝国主义、作为真正的民主主义国家再出发的日本来说，是作出正确示范的指南针”。冈本三郎将抗日民族统一战线的特点归纳如下：第一，中华民族共同战胜日本帝国主义，保障民族的生存与独立；第二，虽然内部存在摩擦与矛盾，但抗日民族统一战线是结合各党派、各阶级、全民族的统一战线，“具有很大的特色”；第三，抗日民族统一战线的最高形式是建立国防政府与抗日联军，“最高形式在抗日运动中逐步形成”；第四，抗日民族统一战线与国民革命时期的反帝国主义民族统一战线的区别在于“民族矛盾的深度”和“革命势力的规模”。

After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Japanese academia’s interest in the Chinese revolutionary path grew increasingly. As Kojima Shinji[7]7 Kojima Shinji (1931–2017) was a prominent Japanese historian of modern China. said, Japanese academia’s concern with the Chinese revolutionary path during this period essentially reflected a huge change in Japanese views of China, shifting from the previous emphasis on China’s “backwardness” and Japan’s “advancement” to recognition of China’s path, believing that China had come to “occupy the forefront of Asian progress and liberation.” Nozawa Yutaka[8]8 Nozawa Yutaka (1922–2020) was a leading Japanese historian of modern China. pointed out, “The national question of the colony ultimately comes down to the question of the national united front formed for national independence and liberation, and more concretely, the question of ‘leadership’ and ‘alliance’ within it,” and he noted “on what basis and in what form the united front is formed, how it is advanced under the given objective conditions, and by whom—this is the point at which the success or failure of the national liberation revolution diverges.” He believed that after the May Fourth Movement[9]9 The May Fourth Movement was an anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement in China that began on May 4, 1919, with student protests in Beijing., student movements and popular movements in China developed in tandem, and the national united front had already begun to sprout; the December Ninth Movement[10]10 The December Ninth Movement was a large linked the anti-Japanese national salvation movement carried out by intellectuals and students with the formation of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. The formation of the Anti-Japanese National United Front was primarily manifested in the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, but popular anti-Japanese movements also had a special significance within the united front, a significance that existed in the Chinese people’s longing for unity.

中华人民共和国成立后，日本学界愈发兴起对中国革命道路的关注。如小岛晋治所说，这一时期日本学界对中国革命道路的关注，本质上体现了日本人的中国观已经发生巨大变化，从既往强调中国的“后进性”与日本的“先进性”，转变为对中国道路的认可，认为中国已“处于亚洲进步与解放的前沿位置”。野泽丰指出，“殖民地的民族问题归根结底是为了民族独立和解放而结成的民族统一战线问题，更具体而言是指其中的‘指导’和‘同盟’问题”，并指出“统一战线在何种基础上，以何种形式结盟，在当时的客观条件下如何推进，由谁推进，是民族解放革命成功与否的分歧所在”。他认为，“五四运动”以后，中国的学生运动和民众运动相伴发展，民族统一战线已经开始萌发；“一二·九”运动将知识分子、学生群体进行的抗日救国运动同抗日民族统一战线的形成联系在一起。抗日民族统一战线的形成以国共两党合作为主要表现，民众的抗日运动在统一战线中也发挥着特殊的意义，这种意义存在于中国人民对统一的渴望中。

Etō Shinkichi[11]11 The "Republican historical perspective" (Minguo shiguan) refers to a historiographical approach in Japanese academia that studies the period of the Republic of China (1912-1949) as an independent historical entity, emphasizing the roles of various political forces beyond the CCP-centered narrative., using a series of materials on the Chinese Communist Party from 1932 to 1937 compiled by Hatano Kenichi during the war, focused on the CCP’s consideration of actual politics and its policy adjustments. He emphasized the independence and correctness of the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong in decision-making, arguing that the CCP’s political strategy and tactics took into account both the basic program and the requirements of the real political environment. Based on the nationwide anti-Japanese fervor and the experience of the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army,[12]12 "Internal pacification before resisting external aggression" (annei rangwai) was the KMT's policy of prioritizing the elimination of domestic enemies (especially the CCP) before confronting the Japanese invasion. the CCP reflected on the insufficiency of traditional anti-imperialist strategies in dealing with real political considerations. The Anti-Japanese National United Front that it advocated was not only more effective in resisting Japanese aggression but also enabled the Chinese Communist Party itself to recover its strength. In contrast to the view that the Communist International played a decisive and dominant role in the CCP’s policy adjustments, Etō was more inclined to believe that “the August First Declaration[13]13 The "theory of total national resistance" (quanmin kangzhan lun) was the CCP's strategy of mobilizing all social forces for a comprehensive war of resistance against Japan. originated from the Central Committee of the CCP,” emphasizing the CCP’s autonomy and spontaneity. On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Ishikawa Tadao[14]14 The "Sacrifice for National Salvation League" (Xisheng jiuguo tongmenghui) was a mass organization established in Shanxi in 1936 under the leadership of Yan Xishan, which later became a united front organization collaborating with the CCP. published his book *Studies on the History of the Chinese Communist Party*,[15]15 "Stop the civil war and unite to resist Japan" (tingzhi neizhan, yizhi kang-Ri) was a popular slogan of the anti-Japanese national salvation movement in the 1930s. which collected a series of his research articles on CCP history. It focused on the process of change in the CCP’s guiding principles and line, linking it to the influence of the Communist International and changes in the Chinese revolutionary situation. While making use of wartime Japanese military, government, and research group investigation materials on the CCP, he also paid attention to Chinese materials such as Hu Qiaomu’s *Thirty Years of the Chinese Communist Party*[16]16 The "revolution-centered historical perspective" (geming zhongxin shiguan) refers to a historiographical approach that takes the CCP's revolution as the main narrative thread. and the official newspaper of the CCP Central Committee, as well as studies by European and American scholars. Regarding the formation and development of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, Ishikawa believed it necessary to clarify “the intertwining of the two revolutionary lines of the faction of students returned from studying in the Soviet Union and Mao Zedong” during the Soviet revolution period, and paid attention to the discussions within the CCP on the transformation of the revolutionary line. On the other hand, Ishikawa also focused on the relationship between the CCP and the Soviet Union and the Communist International. He argued that during the period when Mao Zedong led the Anti-Japanese National United Front, it could not be said that the CCP was completely independent of the guidance of the Communist International, but its increasing autonomy was evident to all. Among these developments, the Zunyi Conference[17]17 "Rent and interest reduction" (jianzu jianxi) was a key CCP policy in the anti-Japanese base areas to reduce peasants' rent and loan interest, aimed at winning peasant support. established Mao Zedong’s leading position in the CCP Central Committee, “was carried out without Moscow’s intervention,” and can be regarded as an important manifestation of the germination of the CCP’s autonomy.

卫藤沈吉利用波多野乾一战时所撰有关中国共产党1932—1937年的系列资料，关注中共对现实政治的考量与政策调整。他强调以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党在决策方面的独立性和正确性，认为中共在政治战略与战术方面兼顾了基本纲领与现实政治环境两方面的要求。基于全民抗战热潮和东北抗联的经验，中共反思传统反帝策略对现实政治考量的不足，所提倡的抗日民族统一战线主张既能更有效地抗击日本侵略，又能恢复中国共产党自身的力量。相较于认为共产国际在中共调整政策的过程中发挥了决定性的主导作用，卫藤沈吉更倾向于“《八一宣言》出自中共中央之手”，强调中共的自主性与自发性。中华人民共和国建立10周年之际，石川忠雄的《中国共产党史研究》一书出版，收录其有关中共党史的一系列研究文章，聚焦中共方针、路线的变迁过程，将之与共产国际的影响、中国革命形势的变化相关联，在利用战时日本军方、政府、研究团体等有关中共调查资料的同时，注重对胡乔木《中国共产党的三十年》、中共中央机关报等中国资料，以及欧美学者研究的运用。对于抗日民族统一战线的形成与发展，石川认为有必要阐明苏维埃革命时期“留苏学生派和毛泽东两个革命路线的交错”，关注中共内部有关革命路线转换的讨论。另一方面，石川也关注中共与苏联及共产国际的关系。他认为，在毛泽东领导抗日民族统一战线时期，不能说中共完全独立于共产国际的指导，但其自主性的日益凸显有目共睹。其中，遵义会议确立了毛泽东在中共中央的领导地位，“是在没有莫斯科的干预下进行的”，可谓是中共自主性萌发的重要表现。

In the 1960s, the Japanese people launched a large-scale social anti-war movement, the “Anpo Struggle,” opposing the revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty by the governments of Japan and the United States. “This event made researchers more deeply aware of the relationship between scholarship and politics.” Yasui Sankichi[18]18 The "Three-Thirds System" (san san zhi) was a political system in CCP-controlled base areas during the War of Resistance, where Communists, non-Party progressives, and centrists each occupied one-third of government positions. regarded the “Anpo Struggle” as an important opportunity that pushed the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front into a new stage, stating that the united front question had gained scholarly attention due to its practical significance in the movement aimed at transforming Japan. On the basis of previous research, Nozawa Yutaka pointed out that Japanese academic research on the Anti-Japanese National United Front mostly focused on the process of KMT-CCP cooperation and the policy agreements between the two parties, with fewer studies analyzing it from the perspective of movements. He focused on the historical relationship between the National Assembly[19]19 The "three-in-one" situation (sanwei yiti) refers to the alliance formed between the CCP, the Northeast Army led by Zhang Xueliang, and the Northwest Army led by Yang Hucheng in 1936. during the first KMT-CCP united front, the National Political Council[20]20 "Work in the White Areas" (bai qu gongzuo) refers to the CCP's underground activities in areas under KMT rule. during the second KMT-CCP united front, and the Political Consultative Conference[21]21 The "National Salvation Association faction" (Jiuguo hui pai) refers to a group of left-wing intellectuals who organized the National Salvation Association, advocating resistance against Japan and unity with the CCP. after the war, and stated that his research “was related to the National Congress to Oppose the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty in Japan.”

20世纪60年代，日本国民掀起大规模社会反战运动“安保斗争”，反对日美两国政府改订《日美安保条约》。“这一事件使研究者对学术与政治关系问题的认识更加深刻”。安井三吉将“安保斗争”视为促使抗日民族统一战线史研究迈入新阶段的重要契机，称统一战线问题在以变革日本为目标的运动中，因其现实意义得到学界的重视。野泽丰在先行研究的基础上指出，日本学界有关抗日民族统一战线的研究多关注国共合作的过程和两党之间的政策协定，从运动层面分析的成果较少。他关注第一次国共合作时的国民会议、第二次国共合作时的国民参政会，以及战后政治协商会议之间的历史关系，并表示其研究“与日本安保反对国民会议相关”。

Uno Shigeaki[22]22 The puppet state of Manchukuo (Wei Manzhouguo) was a Japanese-controlled state established in Northeast China in 1932, lasting until 1945. inherited the problem consciousness of Etō Shinkichi and Ishikawa Tadao from the 1950s, analyzing the Anti-Japanese National United Front from the perspective of the relationship between the CCP and the Communist International. Uno believed that the Anti-Japanese National United Front was “an inevitable product of history,” and its significance lay not only in leading the Chinese nation to victory in the War of Resistance and the Chinese Communist Party’s acquisition of leadership over the Chinese revolution, but also in that it “provided an ideal template for modern national revolution, and a new form of international cooperation between the Communist International and the Chinese Communist Party.” He pointed out that the relationship between the CCP and the Communist International was one of “mutual influence.” For example, on the attitude toward Chiang Kai-shek, the Communist International suggested “allying with Chiang to resist Japan,” but the CCP Central Committee, based on China’s actual conditions, advocated “forcing Chiang to resist Japan,” reflecting the CCP’s autonomy. Fujii Takami[23]23 The Communist International (Comintern) was an international communist organization founded by Lenin in 1919, which directed communist parties worldwide, including the CCP, until its dissolution in 1943. also highly affirmed the CCP’s autonomy, noting that by late 1934 there was already discussion within the CCP on the policy of the anti-Japanese people’s front, which was different from the trends in the Communist International. Fujii emphasized the impact of Japan’s invasion of China on the formation and evolution of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, arguing that Japan, “incited by the delusional militarists, invaded China,” and did not anticipate that it would have to fight against the CCP and the entire nation under the Anti-Japanese National United Front, thus “hastening the tragedy.” Kasahara Masaaki[24]24 The Xi'an Incident (Xi'an shibian) occurred in December 1936 when Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng kidnapped Chiang Kai-shek to force him to end the civil war and unite with the CCP against Japan. divided the evolutionary process of the Anti-Japanese National United Front into two stages: the early “anti-Chiang and resist Japan” united front and the later “ally with Chiang to resist Japan” united front, taking the Red Army’s Eastern Expedition[25]25 Zhang Naioi (Zhang Naiqi, 1897-1977) was a Chinese economist and political figure, a leader of the National Salvation Association, who later cooperated with the CCP. in February 1936 as the turning point for the CCP’s shift to “allying with Chiang to resist Japan.”

宇野重昭继承了20世纪50年代卫藤沈吉与石川忠雄的问题意识，从中共与共产国际的关系角度去分析抗日民族统一战线。宇野认为，抗日民族统一战线是“历史的必然产物”，其意义不仅在于带领中华民族走向抗日战争的胜利，以及中国共产党取得中国革命的领导权，也“提供了现代民族革命的理想模板，以及共产国际和中国共产党之间新的国际协作方式”。他指出，中共与共产国际之间是“相互影响”的。例如，在对蒋介石的态度上，共产国际建议“联蒋抗日”，但中共中央立足中国的实际情况“逼蒋抗日”，体现了中国共产党的自主性。藤井高美也高度肯定中国共产党的自主性，指出中共党内1934年末已对抗日人民战线政策有所讨论，不同于共产国际的动向。藤井重视分析日本侵华对抗日民族统一战线形成与演变的影响，认为日本“在妄想狂军部的煽动下侵略中国”，没有料到将要与中共以及抗日民族统一战线的全民族进行斗争，因而“加快了悲剧的发生”。笠原正明把抗日民族统一战线的演变过程划分为两个阶段，即初期的“反蒋抗日”统一战线和后期的“联蒋抗日”统一战线，把1936年2月红军东征视为中共转向“联蒋抗日”的转折点。

In the 1960s, Japanese research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front showed a tendency to break out of the confines of CCP history studies. Furushima Kazuo[26]26 "One country, two systems" (yi guo liang zhi) is a framework proposed by Deng Xiaoping for the reunification of China, allowing special administrative regions to maintain their own social and economic systems. advocated exploring the significance of the Anti-Japanese National United Front in the broader context of Chinese revolutionary history. He believed that the Anti-Japanese National United Front was not only a stage-specific political issue but also a basic problem running through the entire revolution. During the process of socialist construction, the united front also had great significance. In addition, he emphasized that as the War of Resistance approached victory, the Anti-Japanese National United Front transformed into the People’s Democratic United Front[27], and the role played by intermediate forces in this deserves attention. Yazawa Kōsuke[28] argued that research on the Anti-Japanese National United Front should also include the Kuomintang in the scope of investigation. Although the Kuomintang was counter-revolutionary, “the Chinese revolution was a national revolution, and the Kuomintang also participated in it.”

20世纪60年代，日本学界关于抗日民族统一战线的研究呈现出突破中共党史研究范畴的倾向。古岛和雄主张在更广泛的中国革命史的脉络中探讨抗日民族统一战线的意义。他认为，抗日民族统一战线不仅是阶段性的政治问题，也是贯穿革命全程的基本问题。在社会主义建设过程中，统一战线同样也具有重要意义。另外，他强调在抗日战争临近胜利之际，抗日民族统一战线向人民民主统一战线转换，中间势力在其中发挥的作用值得关注。矢泽康祐认为，有关抗日民族统一战线的研究，亦应把中国国民党纳入考察视野，虽然国民党具有反革命性，但“中国革命是民族革命，国民党也参与其中”。

Looking back at this period, Japanese academia attached great importance to the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, treating it as a major topic in the fields of modern Chinese history and revolutionary history. In the early postwar period, this was mainly manifested in the aim of learning from the experience of the CCP’s revolutionary victory. Scholars such as Nakanishi Tsutomu discussed the correctness of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and its reference significance for Japan’s democratic revolution. In the 1960s, facing Japan’s real problems, this tendency was also strengthened. Scholars represented by Etō Shinkichi, Ishikawa Tadao, and Fujii Takami, based on the study of CCP history, gave high praise to the Anti-Japanese National United Front led by the CCP. They focused on the relationship between the CCP and the Communist International in the process of forming the Anti-Japanese National United Front, affirming the CCP’s correctness and autonomy. In addition, Japanese scholars represented by Nozawa Yutaka emphasized the importance of studying the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and proposed, from the perspective of “movement,” linking the establishment of the united front with the national salvation movement of intellectuals and students at that time. The focus of Furushima Kazuo on intermediate forces and Yazawa Kōsuke’s advocacy of a reevaluation of the Kuomintang had an impact on subsequent Japanese research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front.

回顾这一时期，日本学界重视有关抗日民族统一战线的研究，将之视为中国近现代史、革命史研究领域的重要课题。战后初期主要表现为以学习中共革命胜利的经验为目的，中西功等学者探讨了抗日民族统一战线的正确性以及对日本民主革命的借鉴意义。20世纪60年代，面对日本的现实问题，这一趋向也有所加强。以卫藤沈吉、石川忠雄、藤井高美为代表的学者，立足于中共党史研究，对中共领导的抗日民族统一战线给予很高的评价，着重讨论了在抗日民族统一战线的形成过程中中共和共产国际之间的关系，肯定中共的正确性与自主性。此外，以野泽丰为代表的日本学者，强调重视抗日民族统一战线史的研究，并提出从“运动”的视角出发，将统一战线的建立同当时知识分子、学生的救国运动联系在一起。古岛和雄所关注的中间势力与矢泽康祐主张对国民党进行再评价的观点，对后续日本学界有关抗日民族统一战线史的研究产生了影响。

II. From the 1970s to the 1990s: Studies on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front under new perspectives

二、20世纪70—90年代：新视野下的抗日民族统一战线史研究

The restoration of diplomatic relations between China and Japan and China’s reform and opening up[29] provided conditions for the gradual development of academic exchanges between Chinese and Japanese academia, and also created opportunities for the study of modern Chinese history from new perspectives. Nozawa Yutaka believed that postwar Japanese studies of modern Chinese history focused on “absorbing the experience of the Chinese revolution,” and in particular there was a situation of “equating modern Chinese history with Chinese revolutionary history, and Chinese revolutionary history with the history of the Chinese Communist Party,” as well as problems such as “Japan’s establishment as a research subject was insufficient.” At the same time, he pointed out: “We should grasp the vivid images of the people directly engaged in production, and thereby reexamine modern Chinese history.” It can be seen that in the 1970s, Japanese academia began to question the “revolution-centered view of history” and put forward proposals to pay attention to the images and power of the people in modern Chinese history. These new characteristics were also reflected in the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front.

中日两国恢复邦交以及中国的改革开放政策，为中日学界逐步开展学术交流提供了条件，也为在新视野下开展中国近现代史研究创造了机会。野泽丰认为，战后日本的中国近现代史研究注重“对中国革命经验的吸收”，特别是存在“将中国近现代史等同于中国革命史、将中国革命史等同于中国共产党史”的情况，以及“日本作为研究主体的确立不够充分”等问题。同时，他指出：“应当把握直接从事生产的民众的生动形象，由此重新审视中国近现代史。”由此可见，20世纪70年代，日本学界对“革命中心史观”产生质疑，提出关注中国近现代史上民众形象与力量的主张。这些新特点在抗日民族统一战线史的研究中也有所呈现。

Yasui Sankichi affirmed the positive impact of Chinese scholars’ studies of CCP history on Japanese academia, while also pointing out that after the Cultural Revolution[30], Japanese researchers on China should reflect on the “common narrative mode of Chinese revolutionary history and CCP history.” He argued that the CCP’s considerations regarding the nature and tasks of the new democratic revolution, and the form of state and government that should be established, had already become systematic during the process of the formation and development of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. Furumachi Tadao[31] emphasized that when discussing the significance of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, one should consider, first, the process of its formation; second, how the revolutionary conception (the combination of resistance against Japan and democratic revolution) was explained theoretically in this process. He believed: “The united front was to realize the goal of democratic revolution, including the bourgeoisie, in the long-term struggle of ‘total resistance’ combining resistance against Japan and democracy.” It can be considered that research of this period regarded the Anti-Japanese National United Front as a long-term strategy formulated by the Chinese Communist Party to achieve revolutionary victory.

安井三吉肯定中国学界的中共党史研究对日本学界产生的积极影响，同时指出在“文化大革命”以后，日本的中国研究者应该反思中国“革命史、中共党史共通的叙述模式”。他认为，中共有关新民主主义革命的性质与任务、应该树立的国体与政体等问题的考量，在抗日民族统一战线形成与发展的过程中已然体系化。古厩忠夫强调，在谈及抗日民族统一战线的意义时，其一要考虑抗日民族统一战线的形成过程；其二要考虑在这一过程中，革命构想（抗日与民主主义革命的结合）在理论上是如何被阐释的。他认为：“统一战线是为了在抗日与民主结合的‘全民抗战’的长期斗争中，实现包含资产阶级在内的民主主义革命目标。”可以认为，这一时期的研究成果将抗日民族统一战线视为中国共产党为获取革命胜利而制定的长期战略

In addition, Japanese academia began to examine popular movements related to the Anti-Japanese National United Front from a broader perspective, focusing on the dynamics of the petty bourgeoisie, such as intellectuals. Yokoyama Ei[32] focused on the impact of the united front movement on Chinese society, arguing that “the development and strengthening of the Anti-Japanese National United Front brought significant changes to China’s political situation, especially class relations.” He emphasized that limiting the research perspective of the united front to inter-party relations would narrow the question of the united front, which originally meant the union of all classes and strata. He suggested that it was necessary to focus on mass movements such as the anti-Japanese armed self-defense movement after the September 18th Incident[33], the December Ninth Movement, and the National Salvation Association[34] movement, to observe how the Anti-Japanese National United Front was “inherited, accumulated, consolidated, and developed.”

此外，日本学界开始从更广泛的视野考察与抗日民族统一战线相关的民众运动，着眼于知识分子等小资产阶级的动向。横山英关注统一战线运动对中国社会的影响，认为“抗日民族统一战线的发展与强化给中国政治形势，特别是阶级关系带来重大变化”。他强调，若将统一战线的研究视野局限于政党关系，会使原本意味着各阶级、各阶层的联合统一问题变得狭隘。他建议，有必要以九一八事变后的抗日武装自卫运动、“一二·九”运动、救国会运动等大众运动为中心，观察抗日民族统一战线是如何“继承、积蓄、巩固、发展”的。

Hirano Tadashi[35], through the study of the National Salvation Association of All Circles[36], analyzed the Anti-Japanese National United Front movement in which intellectuals participated. In his view, “the political role of Chinese intellectuals and their attitude toward the united front always showed uniqueness in the process of cooperation and confrontation between the Chinese Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party.” Hirano believed that after the September 18th Incident, Chinese intellectuals, facing the aggression of Japanese imperialism, held a consciousness that “resistance against Japan and democracy are inseparable,” which contained the idea of a united front. He pointed out that after the December Ninth Movement, intellectuals played an important role in organizing salvation associations in various places and across all circles. The theories supporting their activities had two characteristics: first, they emphasized that “the initiators of the united front are the people”; second, the united front they pursued was a combination of the “upper-level united front” (all parties) and the “lower-level united front” (ordinary people). Hirano argued: “Although the united front movement of intellectuals had certain limitations, it played an important role and has historical significance.” This perspective of analyzing the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front from the level of popular movements centered on intellectuals fundamentally stemmed from Japanese scholars’ recognition that the united front was essentially the union and unification of all classes and strata, and thus they did not limit their study of the process of establishing the Anti-Japanese National United Front to the party level.

平野正通过对全国各界救国联合会的研究，对知识分子参与的抗日民族统一战线运动进行了分析。在他看来，“中国知识分子的政治角色以及他们对统一战线的态度，在中国国民党与中国共产党合作与对立的过程中，始终展现出独特性”。平野正认为，九一八事变爆发后，中国知识分子面对日本帝国主义的侵略，抱有“对日抗战和民主主义不可分”的意识，这其中包含统一战线的思想。他指出，“一二·九”运动后，知识分子在组织各地、各界救国会的活动中发挥着重要作用，支持其活动的理论特征有二：其一是强调“统一战线的发起人是民众”；其二，他们追求的统一战线是“上层统一战线”（各党派）与“下层统一战线”（普通民众）结合。平野正认为：“知识分子的统一战线运动尽管具有一定局限性，但发挥了重要作用，具有历史意义。”这种从以知识分子为核心的民众运动层面分析抗日民族统一战线史的视角，其根本在于日本学者认识到统一战线本质上是各阶级、阶层的联合与统一，因此不局限于从政党层面研究抗日民族统一战线的建立过程。

In the research trend of the relativization of the “revolution-centered view of history,” a “Republican history view”[37] that regarded the period of the Republic of China (1911–1949) as a period of modern nation-state building and emphasized empirical research influenced Japanese studies of modern Chinese history in the 1980s and 1990s. On the one hand, the progress in the study of Republican history opened a new phase for Japanese academic studies of Chinese revolutionary history. “Since reform and opening up, in the study of modern Chinese history, narratives centered on the CCP began to decrease, and political history focused on analyzing the state-building of the political regime at the time.” Nishimura Shigeo[38], from the perspective of state-building, provided a new angle for the study of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. He argued that reviewing 20th-century Chinese political history should focus on three aspects: first, the mutually influential relationship between “state-building” and “national and social integration”; second, the process of the unfolding of political democracy; third, the historical stages of the development of modern Chinese nationalism. In addition, Nishimura also emphasized that political history research should pay attention to regional societies, advocating a four-tiered structure of “central government – local government – regional power – regional society” to grasp the relationship between central and local politics in 20th-century China.

在“革命中心史观”相对化的研究潮流中，将中华民国时期（1911—1949年）视为近代国民国家建设期、重视实证研究的“民国史观”影响了20世纪八九十年代日本的中国近现代史研究。一方面，民国史研究的进展为日本学界的中国革命史研究打开新的局面。“自改革开放以后，在中国近现代史研究中，以中共为中心的叙述开始减少，政治史把当时政权的国家建设作为重点进行分析”。西村成雄从国家建设的角度出发，为抗日民族统一战线研究提供了新的视角。他认为回顾20世纪中国政治史应关注三方面：其一是“国家建设”与“民族·社会的统合”相互影响的关系；其二是政治民主主义的展开过程；其三是中国近代民族主义发展的历史阶段。另外，西村成雄也强调政治史研究应关注地域社会，主张以“中央政府—地方政府—地域权力—地域社会”这样的四元构造把握20世纪中国中央与地方政治之间的关系。

Against this academic background, Nishimura Shigeo, based on actual politics, reviewed and evaluated the significance of the Anti-Japanese National United Front for 20th-century Chinese political history. His research on the Anti-Japanese National United Front originated from his attention to China’s “one country, two systems” policy. He believed that “‘one country, two systems’ has its political base in the patriotic united front[39], aiming at the greatest united front, ‘the third KMT-CCP cooperation’,” and that the Anti-Japanese National United Front should be regarded as its historical origin. Nishimura argued that during the War of Resistance, the state-building led by the National Government and the Anti-Japanese National United Front led by the CCP appeared to be in a parallel state, and that “national consciousness became the background color for the policy shifts of the KMT and the CCP.” Compared with the National Government, which regarded the people’s anti-Japanese consciousness as support for consolidating power and believed that resistance against Japan should be carried out by government authority, the CCP attached importance to forming an anti-Japanese national salvation politics representing “popular nationalism,” consciously carried out a transformation of its political line, and reconstructed its own “nationalism.” At the level of democracy, the CCP went along with the people’s anti-Japanese national salvation movement, put forward the concept of a “democratic republic,” and regarded political democracy as a guarantee for victory in the War of Resistance. Nishimura Shigeo’s method of studying the Anti-Japanese National United Front through the perspectives of nationalism and democracy had a positive impact on Japanese academia.

在这样的学术背景下，西村成雄基于现实政治回顾与评价抗日民族统一战线对20世纪中国政治史的意义。他对抗日民族统一战线的研究源于对中国“一国两制”政策的关注。他认为，“‘一国两制’的政治基础是爱国统一战线，以最大的统一战线‘第三次国共合作’为目标”，应把抗日民族统一战线视为其历史起源。西村认为，在抗日战争时期，国民政府主导的国家建设与中共领导的抗日民族统一战线呈现出平行的状态，而“民族意识成为国共政策转变的底色”。相较于将民众的抗日意识作为稳固政权的支持、认为抗日应由政府权力发挥作用的国民政府来说，中共重视形成代表“民众民族主义”的抗日救国政治，自觉进行政治路线的转换，进行自身“民族主义”的重构。在民主主义层面，中共顺应民众的抗日救亡运动，提出“民主共和国”构想，将政治民主主义视为抗日战争胜利的保障。西村成雄通过民族主义与民主主义视角研究抗日民族统一战线的方法，在日本学界产生了积极影响。

During this period, Tanaka Hitoshi[40], by examining the formation of Wang Ming’s[41] “theory of the Anti-Japanese National United Front,” argued that on the shift from “anti-Chiang and resist Japan” to “forcing Chiang to resist Japan,” Wang Ming was ahead of the opinions inside the CCP at the time, and his concept of the “People’s Democratic Republic”[42] also provided theoretical grounds for the later CCP. However, Tanaka also pointed out that Wang Ming’s “theory of the Anti-Japanese National United Front” had problems such as neglecting the actual demands of the popular anti-Japanese national salvation movement, and that concrete concepts like the “People’s Democratic Republic” were difficult to realize under the conditions of the time. In addition, influenced by Nishimura Shigeo, he paid attention to how the CCP’s “state consciousness” changed. He pointed out: “The concept of ‘state’ in the August First Declaration differed from the previous binary theory of opposition between the Chinese Soviet regime and the Kuomintang regime, showing the possibility of the CCP’s shift to a new policy system, namely the Anti-Japanese National United Front line. Premising the ‘state,’ it criticized Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei as traitors, which was different from emphasizing their counter-revolutionary nature during the Soviet revolution period.” At the same time, he focused on the characteristic that the CCP’s Anti-Japanese National United Front policy shifted from centering on “anti-Japanese national salvation” to centering on “anti-Japanese democracy.”

这一时期，田中仁通过考察王明“抗日民族统一战线论”的形成过程，认为在从“反蒋抗日”转向“逼蒋抗日”方面，王明先行于当时中共党内的见解，其有关“人民民主共和国”的构想也为之后的中共提供了理论依据。不过，田中也指出，王明的“抗日民族统一战线论”存在忽视大众抗日救国运动的切实要求、“人民民主共和国”等具体构想在当时条件下难以实现等问题。另外，他受西村成雄的影响，较为关注中共的“国家意识”是怎样变化的。他指出，“八一宣言中‘国’的概念不同于以往中华苏维埃和国民党政权对立的二分法理论，显示出中共向新政策体系，即抗日民族统一战线路线转变的可能。以‘国’为前提批判蒋介石、汪精卫是卖国贼，与苏维埃革命时期强调其反革命性质不同”。同时，他关注了中共的抗日民族统一战线方针从以“抗日救亡”为中心向以“抗日民主”为中心发展的特征。

Moreover, influenced by the "Republican historical perspective" [11]11 The "Republican historical perspective" (Minguo shiguan) refers to a historiographical approach in Japanese academia that studies the period of the Republic of China (1912-1949) as an independent historical entity, emphasizing the roles of various political forces beyond the CCP-centered narrative., Japanese academia has placed the study of the Anti-Japanese National United Front within the collaboration and contradictions among independent actors such as the Kuomintang (KMT), regional warlords, and various social strata. Imai Takeshi argues that previous research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front has neglected "how anti-Japanese thought existed among the various classes, political parties, and factions as political objects" and "where the CCP's Anti-Japanese National United Front theory connected with other anti-Japanese thoughts, formed a united front, what its uniqueness was, and how it expanded its influence." He analyzed the positions of the KMT, the national bourgeoisie, the landlord class, and other forces within the Anti-Japanese National United Front, questioning the historical evaluation of "revolution" and "counter-revolution." Inoue Hisashi points out that previous studies mostly regarded "the National Government as a passive participant in the united front," emphasizing that the KMT chose to cooperate again with the CCP due to "external pressure," but the reasoning provided is insufficient. He argues that the National Government chose the Second KMT-CCP Cooperation for three reasons: first, the National Government tended to cooperate with the Soviet Union to counter Japan's full-scale invasion; second, for the National Government, establishing a united front including the CCP meant the completion of the "internal pacification" work; third, the input of the Red Army could strengthen China's war-fighting capacity. Ishijima Noriyuki expressed a different view on the above points. He believes that although the KMT's "internal pacification before resisting external aggression" theory [12]12 "Internal pacification before resisting external aggression" (annei rangwai) was the KMT's policy of prioritizing the elimination of domestic enemies (especially the CCP) before confronting the Japanese invasion. could reflect its anti-Japanese intentions, its "anti-communist" and "anti-people" nature prevented it from becoming a theory guiding the anti-Japanese nationalism of all China; this theory was eventually overwhelmed by the CCP's "theory of total national resistance" [13]13 The "theory of total national resistance" (quanmin kangzhan lun) was the CCP's strategy of mobilizing all social forces for a comprehensive war of resistance against Japan.. In addition, some Japanese scholars have focused on the role of regional warlords in the Anti-Japanese National United Front. For example, Uchida Tomoyuki, taking the "Sacrifice for National Salvation League" [14]14 The "Sacrifice for National Salvation League" (Xisheng jiuguo tongmenghui) was a mass organization established in Shanxi in 1936 under the leadership of Yan Xishan, which later became a united front organization collaborating with the CCP. as an example, argues that Yan Xishan quickly formed an Anti-Japanese National United Front through secret negotiations with the CCP, far more rapidly than the KMT-CCP cooperation. However, he also points out that the Shanxi united front organization was based on the "mass control mechanism" created by Yan Xishan, which greatly limited the CCP's mass mobilization work.

另外，受“民国史观”的影响，日本学界将对抗日民族统一战线的研究置于国民党、地方实力派和社会各阶层等独立角色间的协作和矛盾当中。今井骏认为，以往的抗日民族统一战线史研究忽视了“作为政治客体的各阶级、政党、政派中抗日思想如何存在”以及“中共的抗日民族统一战线论和其他抗日思想在何处接续、形成统一面，有何独特性，如何扩大自己的影响力”。他分析了国民党、民族资产阶级、地主等各方势力在抗日民族统一战线中的定位，质疑“革命”与“反革命”的历史评议。井上久士指出，既往研究多将“国民政府视为被迫参与统一战线的客体”，强调国民党因“外压”而选择与中共再次合作，其中的阐释理由并不充分。他主张国民政府选择第二次国共合作的原因有三：其一是国民政府倾向与苏联合作以应对日本的全面侵略；其二是对于国民政府来说，建立包含中共在内的统一战线意味着“安内”工作的完成；其三是红军的投入可以强化中国的抗战力。而石岛纪之对上述观点表达了不同的看法。他认为，尽管国民党的“安内攘外”论能够反映出其抗日的意向，但是“反共”与“反人民”的性质使其无法成为指导全中国抗日民族主义的理论，这一理论最终为中共的“全民抗战论”所压倒。此外，也有部分日本学者关注地方实力派在抗日民族统一战线中发挥的作用。例如，内田知行以“牺牲救国同盟会”为例，认为阎锡山在与中共的秘密交涉中迅速结成抗日民族统一战线，远快于国共两党的合作。但他同时指出，山西的统一战线组织以阎锡山创设的“民众统制机构”为基础，极大限制了中共的民众动员工作。

Another new development of the "Republican historical perspective" reflected in the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front is the increased attention to the role played by the intellectual group within the united front. Hirano Tadashi, through his examination of the intellectual group in the Anti-Japanese National United Front, more strongly affirms the leadership role of the Chinese Communist Party, arguing that "the breakthrough of the anti-Japanese national salvation movement lay in the tactical shift of the CCP," and that "although the urban anti-Japanese national salvation movement was guided by intellectuals, the masses under the influence of the CCP cannot be ignored." This view is also reflected in the historical evaluations by Hirano Tadashi and Mizuho Nobuo of Chinese intellectuals engaged in the united front movement. Mizuho Nobuo believes that Chinese intellectuals once united under the banner of "stop the civil war and unite to resist Japan" [15]15 "Stop the civil war and unite to resist Japan" (tingzhi neizhan, yizhi kang-Ri) was a popular slogan of the anti-Japanese national salvation movement in the 1930s., considering a bourgeois democratic revolution based on KMT-CCP cooperation, but after discovering the possibility of establishing a united front, they began to shift direction, working to promote a policy shift between the KMT and the CCP, becoming the "leaders of the political situation" at that time. Hirano Tadashi, on the other hand, argues that Mizuho's view exaggerates the influence of intellectuals and that the CCP's leadership of the national salvation movement should be emphasized.

“民国史观”反映在抗日民族统一战线史研究的另一新进展，是更加重视抗日民族统一战线中知识分子群体所发挥的作用。平野正通过对抗日民族统一战线中知识分子群体的考察，更加肯定中国共产党所发挥的领导作用，认为“抗日救国运动的突破口在于中共战术的转换”，“城市的抗日救国运动虽然以知识分子为指导，但是不能忽视中共影响下的人民群众”。这一观点也反映在平野正和水羽信男对中国知识分子从事统一战线运动的历史评价上。水羽信男认为，中国知识分子曾在“停止内战、一致抗日”的旗帜下统一，考虑以国共合作为基础的资产阶级民主主义革命，但在发现有建立统一战线的可能性后，开始转移方向，努力促成国共两党的政策转换，成为当时“政治情势的领导者”。平野正则认为，水羽的观点夸大了知识分子的影响力，应强调中共对救国运动的领导作用。

During this period, in the field of modern Chinese history studies in Japan, the "revolution-centered historical perspective" [16]16 The "revolution-centered historical perspective" (geming zhongxin shiguan) refers to a historiographical approach that takes the CCP's revolution as the main narrative thread. that took the Chinese Communist Party's revolutionary process as the main line began to fade. Research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front no longer aimed to draw lessons from the CCP's revolutionary victory, but began to focus on how the CCP formulated and implemented the Anti-Japanese National United Front policy, examining the formation process from the perspective of strategic transformation, and emphasizing the characteristic of "combining resistance against Japan with democracy" within the Anti-Japanese National United Front. In addition, the Anti-Japanese National United Front was also studied from the "Republican historical perspective." On the one hand, Nishimura Shigeo and Tanaka Hitoshi regarded the Anti-Japanese National United Front policy as a manifestation of the CCP's construction of a revolutionary theoretical stance from a national rather than a class perspective, examining the Anti-Japanese National United Front theory from the perspectives of nationalism and democracy. On the other hand, Japanese scholars discussed the National Government's theory of resistance against Japan and the roles played by groups such as Chinese intellectuals, viewing the Anti-Japanese National United Front as a result of the CCP's continuous exploration through interaction with various domestic political and social forces.

这一时期，在日本的中国近现代史研究领域，以中国共产党革命历程为主线的“革命中心史观”开始淡化，有关抗日民族统一战线史的研究不再以借鉴中共革命胜利的经验为研究目的，开始侧重于考虑中共如何制定并实行抗日民族统一战线方针，从战略转换的角度考察抗日民族统一战线的形成过程，强调抗日民族统一战线中“抗日与民主”相结合的特质。另外，抗日民族统一战线也被置于“民国史观”的视野下进行研究。一方面是西村成雄和田中仁将抗日民族统一战线政策视为中国共产党从民族角度而非阶级角度构筑革命理论立场的体现，从民族主义、民主主义等视角考察抗日民族统一战线理论；另一方面是日本学者讨论国民政府的抗日论、中国知识分子等群体发挥的作用，将抗日民族统一战线视为中共经过与国内各政治社会力量之间的关系互动而不断摸索出的结果。

III. Since the 21st Century: Research on the History of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and Contemporary China

三、21世纪以来：抗日民族统一战线史研究与现代中国

Since the 21st century, a major research trend in Japanese academia has been "to promote the vigorous development of contemporary China studies based on the study of modern Chinese history, or in the process of emphasizing dialogue with it." Under the influence of this research trend, in order to further consolidate the study of modern Chinese history and continuously seek its connection with contemporary China studies, some Japanese scholars, drawing on prior research results on the history of the Republic of China and the history of the Chinese Kuomintang, have placed the "1949 revolution in the context of history" to comprehensively grasp the history of the People's Republic of China. Such research contrasts with the view that only regards the history of the PRC as part of the history of the CCP. Although the narrative centered on the Chinese Communist Party has declined in the field of modern Chinese history in Japan, this does not mean that the study of CCP history is no longer important in Japanese academia. On the contrary, "the study of the history of the Chinese Communist Party, which emphasizes its relationship with the Chinese Kuomintang, or is treated as part of the history of the Republic of China, or is linked to the world communist movement, has received increasing attention."

21世纪以来，日本学界的一大研究潮流是“以中国近现代史研究为基础，或在重视与其对话的过程中，推动现代中国研究的蓬勃发展”。在这一研究潮流的影响下，为了进一步巩固中国近现代史研究，以及持续寻求其与现代中国研究之间的联系，有日本学者基于中华民国史和中国国民党史的先行研究成果，将“1949年革命置于历史的潮流中”，综合把握中华人民共和国史。这样的研究与仅将中华人民共和国史视为中共党史一部分的观点形成对比。尽管在日本的中国近现代史领域中，以中国共产党为中心的叙述式微，但这并不意味着中共党史研究在日本学界不再重要，相反“重视与中国国民党关系，或作为中华民国史的一部分，或与世界共产主义运动相联系的中国共产党史研究越来越得到关注”。

From the perspective of observing contemporary China, the focus of Japanese research on CCP history has shifted from "why the revolution succeeded" to "what actually happened," and related research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front has also found its place. Building on his previous research on the central-local relationship in China, Nishimura Shigeo further points out that the 20th-century Chinese political space had two major characteristics: "the consolidation of the nation-state" and "the consolidation of the Chinese nation," and the Anti-Japanese National United Front played an important role in both. Nishimura argues that, by adopting the united front, the CCP, through the "strategy of redistribution of various social resources"—that is, the redistribution of economic resources centered on "rent and interest reduction" [17]17 "Rent and interest reduction" (jianzu jianxi) was a key CCP policy in the anti-Japanese base areas to reduce peasants' rent and loan interest, aimed at winning peasant support. and the redistribution of political resources through the implementation of the "Three-Thirds System" [18]18 The "Three-Thirds System" (san san zhi) was a political system in CCP-controlled base areas during the War of Resistance, where Communists, non-Party progressives, and centrists each occupied one-third of government positions.—transformed the "semi-private" space of the anti-Japanese base areas under the leadership of the CCP as a single party into a "shared" space. Between 1941 and 1942, "by establishing an anti-Japanese democratic regime as a shared anti-Japanese political space, it succeeded in integrating with the national anti-Japanese politics, and even with the world anti-fascist political space."

从观察现代中国的角度出发，日本的中共党史研究视角从“革命为什么成功”转变到“究竟发生了什么”，抗日民族统一战线史的相关研究也在其中找到了自己的位置。基于原有对中国中央与地方关系的研究，西村成雄进一步指出，20世纪的中国政治空间中存在“国民国家的凝聚”与“中华民族的凝聚”两大特点，而抗日民族统一战线在其中均发挥了重要作用。西村认为，由于采取了统一战线，中共通过“社会的各项资源再分配战略”，即以“减租减息”为中心的经济资源再分配和执行“三三制”的政治资源再分配，使“作为中共一党派主导下‘半私有’空间的抗日根据地政权向‘共有’空间转换”。在1941年至1942年间，“通过树立作为共有抗日政治空间的抗日民主政权，与全国抗日政治、甚至是世界反法西斯政治空间结合成功”。

Tanaka Hitoshi attempts to elucidate the process and actual state of the Chinese Communist Party's emergence from crisis and its renewal, from a political perspective different from that of CCP history or revolutionary history. He believes that the CCP's Anti-Japanese National United Front policy provided the conditions for its subsequent development into a systematic strategy for the New Democratic Revolution. This is mainly manifested in three aspects: First, the CCP fully unfolded the new policy of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and successfully evolved from "political guarantees" (namely, the "three-in-one" situation [19]19 The "three-in-one" situation (sanwei yiti) refers to the alliance formed between the CCP, the Northeast Army led by Zhang Xueliang, and the Northwest Army led by Yang Hucheng in 1936. formed with the Northeast Army and the Northwest Army) to "institutional guarantees" (the Second KMT-CCP Cooperation). In this process, the CCP's organizational structure was comprehensively renewed, producing a "Party, army, government" relationship adapted to Chinese politics in the latter period of the War of Resistance. Second, regarding the re-cooperation between the two parties, Tanaka argues that, taking the formation of the Second KMT-CCP Cooperation as an opportunity, the CCP's conception of the "anti-Japanese national revolution," starting from the Anti-Japanese National United Front, ultimately led to the victory of the New Democratic Revolution. This means that in the Second KMT-CCP Cooperation, the CCP's strength transformed from regional power to local government, which can be regarded as an important political turning point on the road to establishing national power in 1949. Third, concerning Chinese politics and work in the White Areas [20]20 "Work in the White Areas" (bai qu gongzuo) refers to the CCP's underground activities in areas under KMT rule. during the policy transition period, Tanaka focuses on the role played by the "National Salvation Association faction" [21]21 The "National Salvation Association faction" (Jiuguo hui pai) refers to a group of left-wing intellectuals who organized the National Salvation Association, advocating resistance against Japan and unity with the CCP. intellectuals in the Anti-Japanese National United Front, examining how the CCP's line shift affected the activities of the Shanghai National Salvation Association. At the same time, he also pays attention to the role of regional warlords in Chinese politics in the 1930s, analyzing their relationship with the mass anti-Japanese movement and the Anti-Japanese National United Front.

田中仁试图从不同于中共党史、革命史的政治角度，阐明中国共产党摆脱危机，重新焕发生机的过程及实态。他认为，中共的抗日民族统一战线政策为其后向新民主主义革命战略体系化发展提供了条件，主要表现在：第一，中共全面展开抗日民族统一战线的新政策，并从“政治的保障”（即与东北军、西北军形成的“三位一体”局面）成功演变为“制度的保障”（第二次国共合作）。在这一过程中，中共的组织结构得以全面更新，产生了与抗战后期的中国政治相适应的“党、军队、政府”关系。第二，关于国共两党的再合作。田中认为，以第二次国共合作的形成为契机，中共所提出的“抗日民族革命”构想以抗日民族统一战线为起点，最终走向新民主主义革命的胜利。这意味着，在第二次国共合作中，中共的力量实现了从地域权力向地方政府的转变，可谓是走向1949年建立全国政权道路的重要政治转折点。第三，关于政策转换期间中国政治与白区工作。田中关注了“救国会派”的知识分子在抗日民族统一战线中所发挥的作用，考察中共的路线转变是如何影响上海救国会活动的。同时，他也关注到20世纪30年代中国政治中地方实力派的作用，分析其与群众抗日运动和抗日民族统一战线之间的关系。

At the same time, Japanese researchers of CCP history have inherited the original research tradition, absorbed and referenced the peasant revolution theories of European and American scholars, and conducted empirical studies on the relationship between the CCP and rural society, focusing on how the CCP penetrated its power into traditional rural society, making large-scale mass mobilization and cooperation possible. This research characteristic is also reflected in the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. For example, Seki Nissho argues that since the 21st century, Chinese academia has mostly examined the Northeast Anti-Japanese National United Front from the perspective of the CCP, reflecting how the CCP used various policies to gain the support of peasants and local armed forces, while research analyzing the Northeast Anti-Japanese National United Front from the perspective of the objects mobilized by the CCP—local strongmen and bandits—is relatively scarce. Moreover, he states that it is necessary to explore the Northeast Anti-Japanese National United Front led by the CCP within the "internal network of rural society centered on blood and geographical ties." His research points out that in the rural areas of northern Northeast China in the 1930s, local strongmen and bandits dominated the cart transportation activities that served as regional socio-economic activities and means of transportation. Since the establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo [22]22 The puppet state of Manchukuo (Wei Manzhouguo) was a Japanese-controlled state established in Northeast China in 1932, lasting until 1945., the profits from this economic activity were severely damaged. Local forces cooperated with the CCP to compensate for their losses, and the CCP in turn obtained supplies and weapons from them, expanding its own strength.

与此同时，日本的中共党史研究者继承原有的研究传统，吸取并参照欧美学者的农民革命理论，进行有关中共和农村社会关系的实证性研究，关注中共如何将权力渗透进传统农村社会，使大规模的民众动员与合作成为可能。这样的研究特点也反映在抗日民族统一战线史的研究中。例如关日升认为，21世纪以来，中国学界大多从中共视角出发考察东北抗日民族统一战线，反映出中共运用各项政策获得农民与地方武装势力的支持，而从中共所动员的对象——地方豪强和土匪的视角分析东北抗日民族统一战线的研究相对较少。而且，他表示，有必要将中共领导的东北抗日民族统一战线置于“以血缘和地缘关系为中心的农村社会内部网络”中加以探讨。其研究指出，在20世纪30年代东北北部的农村，地方豪强与土匪支配着作为地域社会经济活动和交通手段的马车运送活动。自伪满洲国建立以来，这一经济活动的盈利严重受损，地方势力同中共进行合作以弥补损失，而中共亦从中获取物资和武器，扩大自身实力。

Concern for real politics has also influenced research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. In 2019, the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the book *The History of Modern China*, co-authored by several Japanese scholars of modern Chinese history, was reprinted. It raises the question: "What kind of historical understanding of modern China do Japanese people need? To summarize in very simple terms, it is that since the end of the 19th century, China has always maintained a close relationship with Japan in the process of building a rich and strong country, and this process should be understood in a broad historical perspective." The book's account of the Anti-Japanese National United Front tends to view it as a new policy adopted by the CCP when the Soviet line encountered setbacks, weighing the situation. It also points out that in response to this new policy of the CCP, the National Government began secret negotiations with the Soviet Union in the autumn of 1935, and in early 1936 secret negotiations began between the KMT and the CCP, drafting a proposal for an anti-Japanese national salvation agreement. In 2021, marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, related works on CCP history explore the current CCP regime and its historical origins by studying the historical process of the Party's founding, narrating the composition of modern China. For example, Ishikawa Yoshihiro, in reviewing the CCP's century-long history, emphasizes discussing the various "attributes" inherited by the current CCP—that is, the unique characteristics of the Communist Party—according to the themes of different historical periods. In addition, these monographs on Party history pay attention to the connection and comparison between the CCP's own development and the Soviet Union. In the process of establishing the Anti-Japanese National United Front, the "unreasonable and inefficient interference" of the Communist International [23]23 The Communist International (Comintern) was an international communist organization founded by Lenin in 1919, which directed communist parties worldwide, including the CCP, until its dissolution in 1943. showed the Soviet Union's dominance and influence over the CCP, while also highlighting the CCP's own process of choosing to lead the revolution. For example, Takahashi Nobuo argues that during the CCP's shift to the Anti-Japanese National United Front policy, the Communist International played a role of "strong control," and the peaceful resolution of the Xi'an Incident [24]24 The Xi'an Incident (Xi'an shibian) occurred in December 1936 when Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng kidnapped Chiang Kai-shek to force him to end the civil war and unite with the CCP against Japan. was also due to the firm attitude of the Communist International. He also points out that while Mao Zedong and other CCP members cooperated with the KMT for the second time, they advocated maintaining the CCP's independence and retaining military forces, which conflicted with the Communist International's line. Therefore, he speculates that while the CCP outwardly maintained consistency with the Communist International, in essence, "the united front with the KMT was a continuous expansion of struggle."

对现实政治的关注也影响到抗日民族统一战线史研究。2019年是中华人民共和国成立70周年，多位日本的中国近现代史学者共同编著的《现代中国的历史》再版，提出“日本人需要具备怎样的现代中国历史认知呢?如果用非常简洁的语言总结的话，那就是从19世纪末以来，中国在建设一个富强国家的过程中，始终与日本保持着紧密的关系，应当在广阔的历史视野中认识这一过程”。该书对于抗日民族统一战线的记述，倾向于将之视为中共在苏维埃路线面临挫折的时候，审时度势所采取的新方针，并指出面对中共的这一新方针，国民政府于1935年秋天开始与苏联进行秘密交涉，1936年初国共两党之间开始秘密交涉，拟定了抗日救国协定的草案。2021年正值中国共产党建党百年，相关的中共党史研究著作通过研究中国共产党建立的历史过程，以探讨现在中国共产党政权及其特征的历史渊源，叙述现代中国的构成。例如石川祯浩在回顾中共的百年历史时，重视根据不同历史时期的主题，论述当今中共所继承的各种“属性”，即共产党独有的特点。另外，这类党史专著关注中共自身发展与苏联的联系和比较。在建立抗日民族统一战线的过程中，共产国际“不合理且没有效率的干涉”显示出苏联对中共的支配力与影响力，同时也凸显出中共自身领导革命的选择过程。例如高桥伸夫认为，在中共向抗日民族统一战线政策转换的过程中，共产国际发挥着“强力的统制”作用，西安事变的和平解决也出于共产国际的坚定态度。他也指出，毛泽东等中共党人与国民党展开第二次合作的同时，主张维持中共自身的独立性、保留军事力量，这样的方针同共产国际存在矛盾。因此他推测，中共在表面上同共产国际保持一致，实质上“与国民党的统一战线是在不断扩大斗争”。

Mizuho Nobuo has focused on the formation process of Mao Zedong's united front policy between 1935 and 1937. He argues that there is a "stagnation in the study of the Chinese Communist Party and Mao Zedong" and a "weak interest in the strategic value of the united front" in Japanese academia in the 21st century. He asserts: "From the full-scale Sino-Japanese War to the postwar KMT-CCP civil war, the formation of the united front was a prerequisite for the organizational strengthening of the Communist Party and the construction and expansion of the Party's army. This should be emphasized once again. Even today, studying Mao Zedong and his united front policy remains a necessary topic for examining the significance of 1949." In his specific analysis, Mizuho Nobuo compares and connects the united front theory of Mao Zedong and the CCP with the discourse of Zhang Naioi [25]25 Zhang Naioi (Zhang Naiqi, 1897-1977) was a Chinese economist and political figure, a leader of the National Salvation Association, who later cooperated with the CCP., a non-Communist leader of the anti-Japanese united front movement. Inoue Hisashi states: "The domestic foundation for China's victory in the War of Resistance against Japan and its attainment of the international status as one of the five permanent members of the United Nations was the national unity in the war of resistance against Japan, and the axis of this was the KMT-CCP cooperation." He argues that the historical experience of the special economic zone system and the "one country, two systems" system [26]26 "One country, two systems" (yi guo liang zhi) is a framework proposed by Deng Xiaoping for the reunification of China, allowing special administrative regions to maintain their own social and economic systems. after the reform and opening up originated from the Second KMT-CCP Cooperation in 1937.

水羽信男关注了1935—1937年间毛泽东统一战线政策的形成过程。他认为，21世纪日本学界存在“中国共产党·毛泽东研究停滞”和“对统一战线战略价值关心薄弱”等情况。他主张：“从中日全面战争到战后的国共内战，统一战线的形成是共产党的组织强化以及党军建设与扩展的前提条件，这一点应当再次强调。即使在今天，研究毛泽东及其统一战线政策仍是考察1949年意义的必要课题。”在具体分析中，水羽信男将毛泽东和共产党的统一战线理论与非共产党人的抗日统一战线运动指导者章乃器的论述进行比较和关联。井上久士表示：“中国获得抗日战争的胜利，获得联合国五大国这样国际地位的国内基础是对日抗战的民族团结，而其中的中轴是国共合作。”他主张，改革开放后特区制度和“一国两制”制度的历史经验源于1937年的第二次国共合作。

Conclusion

结语

Research achievements in Japanese academia on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front have shown different characteristics in different periods. On the one hand, research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front is related to research in other fields of historiography. Changes in research theories and perspectives in multiple fields, such as modern Chinese history, revolutionary history, and CCP history, are reflected in the study of the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. The publication of historical materials in various fields and academic exchanges between China and Japan are also driving forces for the continuous development of the study of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. On the other hand, considerations of real problems influence Japanese academia's observation of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. In the early postwar period, facing Japan's own development situation, Japanese scholars conducted research with the aim of learning and drawing lessons. Starting from "admiration," they studied the Anti-Japanese National United Front, linking the study of China with the transformation of Japan. Later, this need gradually faded, and Japanese academia tended to pursue objective China studies and self-understanding. The focus of research on the Anti-Japanese National United Front changed, and it was placed within the cooperation and contradictions among the many political forces in modern China for study. Up to the present day, research on the history of the Anti-Japanese National United Front has been incorporated into the observation of contemporary China, becoming an entry point for tracing the historical origins of contemporary China's political system and narrating the composition of modern China. Behind this research trend is a reflection of the overall trend in Japan's China studies: from seeking revolutionary directions that could serve as a reference for itself, to gaining insight into the development dynamics of Chinese politics and society. This evolutionary process presents a shift from treating China as a "subject" to treating it as an "object." How to more accurately understand contemporary China by reviewing history, and how to use lessons from other places to aid Japan's own research and rethink Japan's real problems, will all be challenges for Japan's observation and research of China.

战后日本学界有关抗日民族统一战线史的研究成果，在不同时期有不同表现。一方面，抗日民族统一战线史研究与其他史学领域的研究相关。中国近现代史、革命史、中共党史等多领域的研究理论与观点上的变化会反映在抗日民族统一战线史研究之上，各领域间史料的刊行、中日两国的学术交流亦是抗日民族统一战线史不断发展的助推力。另一方面，对现实问题的考量影响日本学界对抗日民族统一战线的观察。战后初期，面对本国的发展态势，日本学者出于学习和借鉴经验的目的开展研究，从“憧憬”出发，研究抗日民族统一战线，将研究中国与变革日本联系在一起。而后这种需求逐渐淡化，日本学界更倾向于追求客观的中国研究与自我认识，抗日民族统一战线的研究着眼点发生变化，被置于近代中国众多政治势力之间的合作与矛盾中进行研究。直至今日，对抗日民族统一战线史的研究被纳入到对现代中国的观察中，成为追溯现代中国政治制度的历史渊源、叙述现代中国构成的切入点。这种研究态势的背后，反映出日本对华研究的整体趋势，从摸索可作为自身参考的革命方向，到洞察中国政治与社会的发展动态，其演变过程，呈现出将中国作为“主体”到作为“客体”的转变。而如何通过回顾历史更准确地认识现代中国，以及如何让他山之石助力对日本自身的研究，以重新思考日本现实问题，都将是日本观察与研究中国所面临的挑战。

(Author bio: Ma Siyu, doctoral candidate, School of History, Nankai University)

（作者简介：马思雨，南开大学历史学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心