Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao's Theoretical Exploration and Their Leading Role in the Controversy over Confucianism as a State Religion in the Early Republic of China

Mao Zedong pointed out: "To study the history of the Communist Party of China, we must also study the materials on the Revolution of 1911 and the May Fourth Movement that preceded the Party's founding. Otherwise, we cannot understand the course of historical development." To study the CPC's thinking and practice on understanding and handling religious issues, it is likewise necessary to conduct in-depth research on the controversies over religious questions during the Revolution of 1911 and the May Fourth period. After the Revolution of 1911, Kang Youwei, Chen Huanzhang, and other members of the Confucian Association petitioned the National Assembly, advocating that Confucianism be established as the state religion and enshrined in the constitution. Forces from all walks of life participated extensively, sparking multifaceted debates. The focus fell on the two movements to establish a state religion in 1913–1914 and 1916–1917. Beginning with the publication of "Refuting Kang Youwei's Letter to the President and Premier" (in *New Youth*, Vol. 2, No. 2) on October 1, 1916, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, and other leading figures of the New Culture Movement joined in as "the main force opposing Confucianism," engaging in polemics with Kang Youwei and others, conducting discussions with the *New Youth* circle, criticizing religion and theism, and exploring such theoretical issues as the origin and modern transformation of religion, the essence of religion and the particular characteristics of Confucianism, the functions and ultimate developmental tendency of religion, and the relationship between religion and politics. They played a significant leading role. Therefore, systematically sorting through the process by which Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao led the controversy over Confucianism as a state religion and carried out theoretical exploration is of great ideological significance.

毛泽东指出：“研究中国共产党的历史，还应该把党成立以前的辛亥革命和五四运动的材料研究一下。不然，就不能明了历史的发展。”研究中国共产党关于认识和处理宗教问题的思想与实践，同样也需要对辛亥革命和五四时期关于宗教问题的相关论争进行深入研究。辛亥革命后，康有为、陈焕章等孔教会人士向国会请愿，主张定孔教为国教并载入宪法，各界力量广泛参与，引起了多方争论。其焦点在于1913—1914年和1916—1917年的两次国教运动。自1916年10月1日发表《驳康有为致总统总理书》(载于《新青年》第2卷第2号)开始，陈独秀、李大钊等新文化运动的主将作为“反孔的生力军”参与其中，与康有为等进行论争，与新青年开展讨论，对宗教与有神论进行批判，对宗教之起源与现代变迁、宗教之本质与孔教之特识、宗教的功能与最终发展趋势、宗教与政治关系等理论问题进行探索，发挥了重要的领导作用。因此，系统梳理陈独秀、李大钊领导孔教论争和进行理论探索的过程，具有重要的思想意义。

I. Judgments on the Origin and Modern Transformation of Religion in the Context of the "New Culture"

一、“新文化”背景下关于宗教之起源与现代变迁的判断

In the brief period before they collided with the Confucian-state-religion movement — roughly from the launching of *Youth Magazine* and the publication of "Call to Youth" in September 1915 to the publication of "Refuting Kang Youwei's Letter to the President and Premier" in October 1916 — Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao published several articles that touched on the question of religion. Among these, Chen Duxiu was significantly influenced by modern Western civilization, especially scientific thought, while Li Dazhao focused on linking his discussion with social politics. The specific content covered such issues as the origin and modern transformation of religion.

在与孔教运动发生碰撞之前的短暂时期(自1915年9月《青年杂志》创刊、《敬告青年》发表到1916年10月《驳康有为致总理总统书》的发表，大致1年的时间)，陈独秀、李大钊发表过的数篇文章曾论及宗教问题。其中，陈独秀受到西方近代文明特别是科学思潮的显著影响，李大钊则注重结合社会政治展开论述，具体内容涉及宗教之起源与现代变迁等问题。

In his passionate and far-reaching essay "Our Ultimate Awakening," Chen Duxiu discussed religion: "Human action must have its aim, and so must human life… All the world's philosophy and religion arise from the desire to attain this awakening." Here, Chen Duxiu regarded religion as aiming to solve the problem of a philosophy of life, consistent with philosophy. However, although religion arises from the question of life, it fails to truly resolve it: "What, after all, is the truth of human life? … Examining the completed theories of the hundred schools, the mystical religions … cannot trace the primal cause, nor can they state the consequences." In Chen Duxiu's view, religion cannot solve the problem of life precisely because its method or mechanism of resolution contains a fundamental contradiction. He put forward: "Religion and beautiful literature are both products of the age of imagination." Here, "imagination" stands opposed to "science"; it refers to two modes of thinking, the core of which is whether one resorts to reason and empirical verification. Chen Duxiu aimed to summon the youth to overcome arbitrary imagination and cultivate the scientific spirit and method of "seeking proof from everything" in order to adapt to the trend of the times. Chen Duxiu pointed out: "Today, with each passing day and month there is something new; for every matter that arises, down to the smallest detail, we appeal to the laws of science to determine whether it should be accepted or rejected." Religion, by contrast, relies on "imagination" and "superstition," which involve "assumptions without empirical proof," and this fundamentally contradicts the scientific approach. "I believe that people in today's world all want understanding to precede belief; if one believes without understanding, whether it is superstition or not cannot be known." "Understanding before belief" conforms to the scientific spirit; the opposite is superstition. Chen Duxiu devoted himself to the work of "understanding" and thus passed judgment on religion. In essence, this was a critique of the inner mechanism by which religion arises.

陈独秀在其激情高昂且影响深远的《吾人最后之觉悟》中论及宗教：“人之动作必有其的，其生也亦然……世界一切哲学、宗教皆缘欲达此觉悟而起。”在这里，陈独秀认为，宗教以解决人生观问题为目的，与哲学相一致，不过宗教虽因人生问题而起，但未能真正予以解决，“人生之真相，果如何乎?……征诸百家已成之说，神秘宗教……不得初因，难言后果”。在陈独秀看来，宗教无法解决人生问题，实在于其解决方式或机制存在根本矛盾，他提出：“宗教美文，皆想象时代之产物”，此处的“想象”与“科学”相对立，指的是两种思维方式，核心在于是否诉诸理性和实证。陈独秀旨在号召青年克服武断想象，培养“事事求诸证实”的科学精神与方法，以适应时代的潮流。陈独秀指出：“今且日新月异，举凡一事之兴，一物之细，罔不诉之科学法则，以定其得失从违。”宗教则以“有假定而无实证”之“想象”“迷信”为存在条件，实与此相背离。“愚以为今世之人，无不欲解在信先，未解而信，其为迷信与否不可知也。”“解在信先”是符合科学精神的，反之则为迷信。陈独秀即致力于“解”的工作而对宗教进行评判。究其实质则是批判宗教发生的内在机制。

In an essay by Chen Duxiu discussing the relationship between Heaven and man, although it was not a direct discussion of religion, its theme touched on the real roots of the emergence and development of religion. He wrote: "All phenomena of birth and extinction in the cosmos — what our faculty of consciousness can know and our capacity can reach — these constitute the human way. The source of their birth and extinction, which we do not know — that is nature, the Way of Heaven." According to Chen Duxiu, there exists a tremendous tension between what humans "can know" and "cannot know" and between what they "can reach" and "cannot reach" with respect to the natural phenomena of Heaven's Way. This tension creates the space for the emergence and development of religious sentiment and consciousness. Chen Duxiu called the consciousness and capacity with which humans can know and reach the natural phenomena of Heaven's Way "the power of resistance." In his view, relying on the power of resistance to "avoid harm and repel aggression" in contending with Heaven's Way and nature is "common to all species," not unique to humans: "Survival of the fittest is unavoidable. Through all living and non-living things, so long as a breath of thought exists, one cannot for a moment do without the power of resistance." This shows the influence of Darwinian evolution on Chen Duxiu. Undoubtedly, the environment faced by humans is far more complex: "The more complex the affairs of human life, the greater the need for the power of resistance." In Chen Duxiu's view, the power of resistance of humanity is constantly advancing: "Humans use technology to conquer nature, employing it as an aid to evolution. There are the clearest examples of human power overcoming Heaven." Science and technology, as "aids to evolution," are precisely the most powerful weapon for "human power overcoming Heaven" and the most effective lever for regulating the tension between the human way and Heaven's Way. In this process, the space for the existence of religion is continually compressed. Against the backdrop of the vigorous advance of modern natural science, the truth of the cosmos and life is gradually being exposed. Chen Duxiu called this the "era of nakedness," the "era of unveiled masks." In his view, Darwinian evolution was of great significance to Europe's intellectual transformation and social development: "Since Darwin of England put forward the theory of biological evolution, saying that humans were not created by God," the "sacred and immutable ancestral customs" were "cast away without a trace," and "material power and human achievement thereby made great progress." On the whole, Chen Duxiu discussed religion from the relationships between the individual and the world, human wisdom and divine authority, the human way and Heaven's Way. In these accounts, religion is seen as a "product of the age of imagination" that, in the course of "humans using technology to conquer nature," is "cast away without a trace."

在陈独秀的一篇讨论天人关系的文章中，虽非关于宗教的直接论述，其主题其实已经涉及到宗教产生与发展的现实根源，他说：“宇宙间一切生灭现象，吾人觉性之所能知，能力之所可及，此人道也。其生灭之本源，吾人所未知也，自然也，此天道也。”按照陈独秀所述，人类对于天道自然现象之“所能知”与“所未知”以及“可及”与“未及”之间其实存在着巨大的张力，这种张力构成了宗教情感与宗教意识产生与发展的空间。人类对于天道自然的所能知之觉性和所可及之能力，陈独秀称之为抵抗力。在他看来，依赖抵抗力“避害御侮”以与天道自然相抗衡，为“万类所同”，并非人类专有，“优胜劣败，理无可逃。通一切有生无生物，一息思存，即一息不得无抵抗力”。从中可见，达尔文进化论之于陈独秀的影响。无疑，人类所面临的环境更为纷繁复杂，即“人类之生事愈繁，所需于抵抗力者尤巨”。在陈独秀看来，人类之抵抗力是不断向前发展的，“人类以技术征服自然，利用以为进化之助，人力胜天，事例最显”。科学技术作为“进化之助”，正是“人力胜天”中最为强大的武器，以及调节天道人道之间张力的最为有力的杠杆。在这一过程中，宗教存在的空间则不断压缩。在近代自然科学大力推进的背景下，宇宙人生之真相亦逐渐暴露出来，陈独秀称之为“赤裸时代”“揭开假面时代”。在他看来，达尔文进化论对于欧洲的思想转变与社会发展具有重要意义，“自英之达尔文，持生物进化之说，谓人类非由神造。”“神圣不易之宗风”则“吐弃无遗”，“物力人功，于焉大进”。从整体上看，陈独秀是从个人与世界、人智与神权、人道与天道等关系出发来讨论宗教。在这些叙述中，宗教被视为“想象时代之产物”，在“人类以技术征服自然”的进程中被“吐弃无遗”。

In comparison, Li Dazhao paid more attention to the "force of opposition" in political life, i.e., "the cultivation of political countervailing force," in which he also discussed the modern fate of religion. The two sides of what Li Dazhao called "countervailing force" were "those who govern" and "those who are governed"; the "balance of the two forces" was the precondition for achieving "good government" or "the happiness of peace and order." According to Li Dazhao's historical observation, the waxing and waning of political countervailing force depends on "changes in the thought of the people"; "the ferment of thought becomes a force for a time." With specific reference to China, which was undergoing a change in the fortunes of the age, Li Dazhao said: "Political forces have lost their track, the flames of despotism rage, and the reality of the Republic can no longer be sustained." He also said: "The kingly spirit, together with the palaces of Qin and Han, has fallen into desolation; religion, together with temples and tombs, has returned to ruins and decay." Here, "kingly spirit" represents the old forces, i.e., "despotism"; "religion" can be understood as the thought-culture consistent with the "kingly spirit," and "falling into desolation" and "returning to ruins and decay" are its developmental tendencies. What are the new forces? Li Dazhao clearly stated: "They are the forces of the masses, whose power is like the sun at high noon, with majestic authority that no one dares to insult." Li Dazhao repeatedly emphasized the forces of the masses, the will of the masses, and the hands of the masses. This shows his esteem for democratic politics, and it also contains elements of evolutionary thought and the conception of history centered on the masses. In Li Dazhao's perspective, religious issues are often intertwined with political and economic issues. In other words, analyzing the development and transformation of religion from the perspective of socio-economy and the development of human society is an important intellectual characteristic of his.

比较而言，李大钊更为关注政治生活领域的“对抗力”，即“政治对抗力之养成”，其中亦论及宗教的现代命运。李大钊所论“对抗力”的双方为“为治者”与“受治者”，“两力之平”则是能够求得“良政治者”或“治平之幸福”的前提条件。按照李大钊对于历史的观察，政治对抗力之消长变化取决于“国民思想之变化”，“思想之酝酿，遂为一时之势力”。具体到正处于世运之变的中国，李大钊说：“政力失其轨，专制炽其焰，而民国之实遂不复举”，又说：“王气则与秦宫汉院，俱见荒凉，宗教则与祠宇丘陵，同归残阙。”在这里，“王气”属于旧势力即“专制”之代表，“宗教”则可理解为与“王气”相一致的思想文化，“见荒凉”“归残阙”是其发展趋势。何谓新势力，李大钊明确提出：“即群众势力，有如日中天之势，权威赫赫，无敢侮者。”李大钊反复强调群众势力、群众意志、群众之手，可见其对于民主政治的推崇，亦蕴含着进化论以及群众史观的思想因素。在李大钊的视域中，宗教问题往往与政治、经济问题相交织。或者说，从社会经济和人类社会发展的角度分析宗教的发展与变迁是其重要的思想特点。

In sum, in the early stage of the New Culture Movement, religion did not yet enjoy the status of an independent object of study; rather, it was subsumed under such themes as morality, law, and education within the macro-narrative of the importation of European culture and the comparison of Chinese and Western civilizations. Scientific thought and democratic thought were the most crucial intellectual weapons.

总之，在新文化运动的早期阶段，宗教并未获得对其进行独立研究的地位，而是在道德、法律、教育等主题下涵盖于欧洲文化输入与中西文明比较的宏观叙述之中，科学思潮与民主思想是其中最为关键的思想武器。

On September 19, 1916, Kang Youwei's letter "Kang Nanhai's Letter to the Premier and President," addressed to then-President Li Yuanhong and Premier Duan Qirui, was published in *Shenbao*. Its core proposition was "to take Confucius as the great religion and incorporate it into the constitution." Chen Duxiu immediately published several articles, including "Refuting Kang Youwei's Letter to the President and Premier," to refute it, pushing the controversy over Confucianism as a state religion, which had already formed broad influence in the early Republic, to a deeper level. Once they entered the context of the controversy over Confucianism as a state religion, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, and others gradually invested the question of religion with independent research value and explored important issues such as the essence of religion and the particular characteristics of Confucianism, the ultimate developmental tendency of religion, and the relationship between religion and politics.

1916年9月19日，康有为写给时任大总统黎元洪、总理段祺瑞的《康南海致总理总统书》在《申报》刊发，核心主张是“以孔子为大教，编入宪法”，陈独秀随即发表《驳康有为致总统总理书》等数篇文章对其进行批驳，将民国初年形成广泛影响的孔教论争推向深入。进入孔教论争的语境之后，陈独秀、李大钊等逐渐赋予宗教问题以独立的研究价值，并对宗教的本质与孔教之特识、宗教之最终发展趋势以及政教关系等重要问题展开了探讨。

II. The Essence of Religion and the Particular Characteristics of Confucianism in the Context of the Controversy over Confucianism as a State Religion

二、孔教论争语境下的宗教之实质与孔教之特识

In response to Kang Youwei's proposal "to take Confucius as the great religion and incorporate it into the constitution," Chen Duxiu explicitly stated that "Confucianism completely lacks the substance and rituals of religion" and held that religion "emphasizes the salvation of the soul; it is a doctrine of transcendence." He was mainly stressing the significance of the otherworldly realm in religion, i.e., using a "doctrine of transcendence" to achieve "salvation of the soul." According to Chen Duxiu, the "culture, conduct, loyalty, and faithfulness" that Confucius advocated regulate people's life in this world. As for ghosts and spirits, Confucius kept them at a respectful distance. The part of his thought concerning "human nature and the Way of Heaven," though relatively profound and abstract, still belonged to philosophical reflection — "it is philosophy, not religion." In terms of social function, Confucius led people to follow the Way of Heaven in human affairs: "it is the teaching of civilizing instruction, not the teaching of religion." Chen Duxiu reminded Kang Youwei: "Our country is not a religious state… Even if one forcibly fabricates a religious sect and sets up a religious leader, it will certainly have no authority or glory whatsoever." It can be seen that in Chen Duxiu's view, historically Confucius's doctrine was not a religion — this was an indisputable fact. Kang Youwei's advocacy of establishing Confucianism as a religion was, in fact, a "fabrication," "stirring up waves from still water, deluding the people and slandering Confucius," and it was difficult to achieve any success under China's cultural conditions.

针对康有为“以孔子为大教，编入宪法”的主张，陈独秀明确指出“孔教绝无宗教之实质与仪式”，并认为宗教“重在灵魂之救济，出世之宗也”。其更多的是在强调彼岸世界在宗教中的意义，即以“出世之宗”实现“灵魂之救济”。按照陈独秀所述，孔子所倡导的文行忠信则是规范人们现世的生活，对于鬼神敬而远之，其思想中“性与天道”的部分，虽相对深奥抽象一些，但亦属于哲学思考，“乃哲学，非宗教”。从社会功能上来说，孔子是引人依天道行人事，“是教化之教，非宗教之教”。陈独秀提醒康有为说：“吾国非宗教国……即勉强杜撰一教宗，设立一教主，亦必无何等威权，何种荣耀。”可以看出，在陈独秀看来，历史上的孔子学说并非宗教乃是不争的事实，康有为倡立孔教实属“杜撰”，是“平地生波，惑民诬孔”，在中国的文化背景下实难有所成效。

In the controversy over Confucianism as a state religion, although Chen Duxiu's object of refutation was concentrated on Kang Youwei, in reality the two men did not engage in a direct back-and-forth debate. After Chen Duxiu published several articles on Confucianism as a religion in *New Youth*, with the overall impetus of the New Culture Movement, they exerted broad influence. The *New Youth* circle also participated in the debate through letters and other means, engaging in direct intellectual exchanges with Chen Duxiu. Among them, Yu Songhua was the one in the *New Youth* circle who had the most extensive and in-depth discussions with Chen Duxiu on the issues of religion and Confucianism. The focus revolved around the nature of religion and Confucianism, mostly theoretical questions about religion. Chen Duxiu highly praised Yu Songhua's arguments: "Since I took up my pen for this journal to discuss the question of Confucianism, no opposing view I have received has been as logically refined and clearly expressed as yours."

在孔教论争中，陈独秀批驳的对象虽集中于康有为，而实际陈、康二人之间并没有一来一往的直接论辩。陈独秀以《新青年》为阵地发表数篇关于孔教的文章后，在新文化运动的整体推动下，产生了广泛的影响。新青年群体亦通过书信等方式参与到论争之中，与陈独秀发生了有来有往的直接思想论辩。其中，俞颂华是新青年群体中与陈独秀关于宗教、孔教问题讨论最多也最为深入的。重点则围绕宗教、孔教性质等问题展开，多属于宗教理论问题。俞颂华所论得到了陈独秀的高度评价，“愚自执笔本志讨论孔教问题以来，所获反对之言论，理精语晰，未有能若足下者”。

Yu Songhua held that religion "regulates human behavior in the form of belief" and that "it comes in many varieties." According to the deity worshipped, religion could be polytheistic, monolatric, or henotheistic; according to doctrine, it could be ethical or non-ethical. In Yu Songhua's account, the degree of development of religious content also varied; at its "highest development," "ethical content and religious content are completely unified." In this regard, Yu Songhua adopted a relatively broad understanding of religion and did not properly distinguish between ethics and religion. On the basis of these criteria, drawing on the arguments of Japanese and Western scholars, he considered "Confucianism to be a universalistic, ethical religion."

俞颂华认为，宗教“以信仰之形式，规定人生之行为”，而且“为类甚多”。根据所信仰之神，宗教有多神、单一神、复一神之分；根据教义，有伦理与非伦理之分。照俞颂华所述，宗教内容之发达程度亦存在差异，其“发达之极”者则是“伦理的内容与宗教的内容，全然合一”。就此而言，俞颂华对宗教采取的是一种相对宽泛的理解方式，并未对伦理与宗教进行恰当的区分。基于以上标准，俞颂华结合日本和西方学者的论述，认为“孔教为凡神的伦理的宗教”。

In response to Yu Songhua's view, Chen Duxiu continued to emphasize the characteristics of religion as a "doctrine of transcendence": "I believe that the fundamental function of religion lies in transcendence of the world, providing a place for the troubled spirit of human life to rest." The essence of Chen Duxiu's thought was to fundamentally distinguish between religion and ethics-morality, thereby denying the validity of the existence of an "ethical religion." According to Chen Duxiu, religion and ethics respectively serve the functions of providing spiritual rest for human life and regulating human behavior. The human spirit can rest in the transcendent world, but human behavior can only take place in the mundane world. In his view, each has its own responsibility and they must not be confused.

针对俞颂华的观点，陈独秀继续强调宗教作为“出世之宗”的特点，“窃以宗教之根本作用，重在出世间，使人生扰攘之精神有所寄托耳”。陈独秀的思想要旨在于从根本上区分宗教和伦理道德，从而否定“伦理的宗教”之存在的合理性。按照陈独秀所述，宗教与伦理分别以寄托人生之精神和规定人生之行为为功用，人生精神可以寄托于出世间，人生行为只能落脚于人世间。在陈独秀看来，二者各有其责，不可混淆。

On this basis, Chen Duxiu further analyzed the relationship between religion and ethics-morality. He said: "Religion as a thing… its fundamental spirit belongs to heteronomous faith, taking the divine will as the highest command; ethics-morality belongs to autonomous consciousness, taking conscience as the highest command." According to Chen Duxiu, the fundamental spirit of religion belongs to "heteronomous faith": the "other" in "heteronomous" is "the divine will," while ethics-morality belongs to "autonomous consciousness." From the perspective of Marxism, religion is a "fantastic reflection" of the "empirical world" by means of "thought" and "imagination"; "religion, in its essence, is the deprivation of the entire content of man and nature, transferring it to the phantom of a transcendent god." "God," as a form of "supra-human force," is usually endowed with a "universality," "eternity," and "omnipotence" different from those of humans. This is a "completely alien, infinitely powerful, and unconquerable force." Chen Duxiu's "heteronomous faith" was precisely a reflection of this alien force. It can be seen that Chen Duxiu was still discussing the fundamental spirit of religion and its difference from ethics-morality in terms of the relationship between man and god. Using this as a standard, he further judged Confucianism: "Confucius did not speak of spirits or strange phenomena, nor did he know about life and death; therefore Confucianism is by no means a religion." He pointed out: "In fact, the essence of Confucius lies in his following the Confucian school and organizing a systematic ethical doctrine. Establishing a religion or a school of learning were not his strengths."

在此基础上，陈独秀进一步辨析宗教与伦理道德的关系。他说：“宗教之为物……其根本精神，则属于依他的信仰，以神意为最高命令；伦理道德属于自依的觉悟，以良心为最高命令。”按照陈独秀所述，宗教之根本精神属于“依他的信仰”，所谓“依他”之“他”，即是“神意”，伦理道德则属于“自依的觉悟”。在马克思主义的视域中，宗教是人们通过“思想”“想象”的方式对于“经验世界”的一种“幻想的反映”，“宗教按其本质来说就是剥夺人和大自然的全部内容，把它转给彼岸之神的幻影”。“神”作为一种“超人间的力量的形式”，往往被赋予一种与人不同的“万能性”“永恒性”以及“普遍性”。这是一种“完全异己的、有无限威力的和不可制服的力量”。陈独秀所谓“依他的信仰”，正是这种异己力量的反映。可见，陈独秀依然是从人神关系上讨论宗教之根本精神及其与伦理道德之差异。以此为标准，他进一步对孔教进行判定：“孔子不语神怪，不知生死，则孔教自非宗教，”并指出：“其实孔子精华，乃在祖述儒家，组织有系统之伦理学说。宗教立学，皆非所长。”

To sum up the above discussion, Chen Duxiu's basic judgments on the essence of religion and the particular characteristics of Confucianism can be summarized as follows: First, religion is a doctrine of transcendence; Confucianism is a method for the mundane world. Second, religion takes the divine will as the highest command and belongs to heteronomous faith, while Confucius did not speak of spirits and strange phenomena. On the basis of these two points, Confucianism is not a religion but a systematized ethical doctrine. Combined with the earlier total negation of religion by Chen Duxiu based on scientific thought, this argument can be regarded as a relatively positive judgment on Confucianism.

综观以上论述，陈独秀之于宗教之实质与孔教之特识的基本判定可以总结如下：其一，宗教乃出世之教，孔教乃入世之法；其二，宗教以神意为最高命令，属于依他的信仰，而孔子不语神怪。基于以上两点，孔教并非宗教，而是一种系统化的伦理学说。结合前述陈独秀基于科学思潮而对宗教的全面否定来看，陈独秀此论实可视为对于孔教的一种相对积极的

III. "In the Present Age, Can Religion Be Abolished?" — Discussion and Reflection on the Ultimate Developmental Tendency of Religion

三、“当今之世，宗教果可废否?”：关于宗教最终发展趋势的讨论与思考

As the understanding and discussion of the essence of religion deepened, the controversy over Confucianism as a state religion also addressed the function and developmental tendency of religion. Chen Duxiu and Yu Songhua discussed whether religion could be abolished from the perspective of its social function of "benefiting the people." Li Dazhao also discussed the function of religion, but he focused more on exploring its roots from the perspective of socio-economy and the development of human society. This contained elements of the materialist conception of history, which gradually became an important intellectual weapon for analyzing religious issues and leading the religious controversy.

随着对宗教本质的认识和讨论逐渐深入，孔教论争中还涉及宗教的功能和发展趋势。陈独秀、俞颂华从“益于人群”的社会功能角度对宗教是否可废进行讨论。李大钊亦论及宗教之功能，但更注重从社会经济与人类社会发展的角度探讨其根源，其中蕴含唯物史观思想要素，并逐渐成为分析宗教问题、领导宗教论争的重要思想武器。

Yu Songhua raised a question to Chen Duxiu: "In the present age, can religion be abolished?" In his view, when the degree of development of any society or country "has not yet reached the ideal and perfect realm," its people "cannot lack something to believe in spiritually." With specific reference to China's social environment in the early Republic, Yu Songhua thought that "education has not yet become universal, so we still cannot do without religion as a means of relief." Yu Songhua's account represented a realist functional theory of religion. On the whole, Chen Duxiu's attitude remained quite firm, and he gave clear assertions on two points. First: "As for the beneficial parts of religion, I believe that art and philosophy can replace them." According to Chen Duxiu, the "beneficial parts" here refer to the value of religion in establishing spiritual faith and enhancing people's morality: "It is not without benefit to the people in subduing the violent and encouraging the good." In Chen Duxiu's view, art and philosophy can replace religion in this function; therefore he said: "Even without religion, we need not necessarily lack spiritual faith." Second: "The evils of religion are manifest and need not be concealed." According to Chen Duxiu, although religion "benefits the people in subduing the violent and encouraging the good," when one looks at the world's religions, "they all bring more harm than good" and are "the great source of weakness and the obstacle to the progress of civilization." By comparison, it can be seen that Yu Songhua was concerned with the disciplining and guiding role of religion in terms of people's morality and ethical order, and therefore he was worried about abolishing religion. Chen Duxiu discussed religion and science in terms of the universal significance of human progress. In his view, human evolution should follow the track of science in order to "develop day by day"; if one is superstitious about religion, then "haste makes waste"; "all religions are of no benefit to governance and civilization."

俞颂华向陈独秀提出疑问：“当今之世，宗教果可废否?”在他看来，任何社会和国家的发展程度“未臻理想上完全之境界”之时，其民众“精神上不能无所信仰”。针对民国初年中国的社会环境，俞颂华即认为“教育犹未普及，仍不能无待于宗教，以资救济”。俞颂华所述代表的是一种现实主义的宗教功能论。整体而言，陈独秀的态度依然比较坚定，并在两个方面给出了明确性的断言。其一，“至于宗教之有益部分，窃谓美术哲学可以代之”。按照陈独秀所述，这里的“有益部分”当是指宗教在树立精神信仰、增进人心道德方面的价值，“胜残劝善，未尝无益于人群”。在陈独秀看来，美术哲学可以替代宗教这方面的功能，因此他说：“即无宗教，吾人亦未必精神上无所信仰。”其二，“宗教之弊，事实彰著，无可讳言。”按照陈独秀所述，宗教虽在“胜残劝善”有益于人群，但从世界各宗教来看，“无不弊多而益少”，是“衰弱之大原”“文明改进之障碍”。通过比较可以发现，俞颂华关注的是宗教在人心道德和伦理秩序方面的训诫和规导作用，因而对废除宗教产生忧虑。陈独秀是在人类进步的普遍性意义上来谈论宗教与科学，在他看来，人类之进化应该随着科学的轨道才能“日渐发达”，若迷信宗教，则“欲速则不达”，“一切宗教，无裨治化”。

Based on his confidence in the development of science, Chen Duxiu advocated "replacing religion with science" and made the judgment that, regarding the ultimate developmental tendency of religion, "all religions are to be discarded." Here, he called science a "natural law," which is objective, universal, and necessary, rather than a law of thought existing in people's subjective ideas, nor is it natural science. He said: "Natural law is universal, eternal, and necessary; science belongs to it; man-made law is partial, temporary, and contingent; religion, morality, and law all belong to it." On the whole, Chen Duxiu's understanding of science can be classified into three levels, which in logical terms is a progressively deepening process: (1) initially, as a mode of thinking or law characterized by rational empiricism, opposed to imagination; (2) as the natural science that explores the truth of the cosmos and human life; (3) as the universal, eternal, and necessary law of human evolution. From the perspective of scientific thought, religion is nothing but a phenomenon that is rapidly declining and ultimately disappearing.

基于对科学发展的信心，陈独秀主张“以科学代宗教”，并对宗教发展的最终趋势做出了“一切宗教，皆在废弃之列”的论断。在此，他将科学称之为“自然法则”，具有客观性、普遍性和必然性，而非存在于人们主观思想观念中的思维法则，亦非自然科学。他说：“自然法者，普遍的，永久的，必然的也，科学属之；人为法者，部分的，一时的，当然的也，宗教道德法律皆属之。”总体而言，陈独秀对于科学的理解其实可以归为三个层面，从逻辑上来讲是一个逐渐深入的过程：(1)最初作为一种以理性实证为特点的思维方式或法则，其与想象相对；(2)作为探索宇宙和人生真相的自然科学；(3)作为人类进化的普遍永久必然的法则和规律。在科学思潮的视域中，宗教不过是一种急剧衰退并最终消亡的现象。

Regarding the developmental tendency of religion, Li Dazhao focused on exploring its roots from the perspective of socio-economy and the development of human society. In his 1917 work "War and Population," Li Dazhao discussed the relationship among religion, politics, war, and the economy (livelihood): "As human culture advances, in addition to ancestral worship, religious rituals gradually emerge to unify the spirit of the group and control its thought. And this thing called religion also has a close relationship with war." "Even wars of religion and politics have their source in the problem of livelihood." Li Dazhao's account contained the social and political function of religion — the function of unifying and integrating the spirit and thought of the "group," which is similar to what Yu Songhua called "the invisible means of unifying people's minds spiritually." Regarding "the problem of livelihood" as the "source," this contained elements of the materialist conception of history, in which the economic base determines the superstructure.

关于宗教的发展趋势，李大钊注重从社会经济与人类社会发展的角度探讨其根源。在1917年的《战争与人口》中，李大钊阐述了宗教与政治、战争、经济(生计)的关系，“人文日进，奉祀祖先而外，渐有宗教仪式，以齐一其群之精神，统驭其群之思想。而此宗教为物，亦与战争有密切之关系”。“即宗教、政治之战争，其泉源所在，亦生计问题而已矣。”李大钊所述蕴含着宗教的社会政治功能，所谓对于“群”之精神与思想的统一整合作用，即类似于俞颂华所说的“精神上无形统一人心之具”。将“生计问题”视为“泉源”，则蕴含着经济基础决定上层建筑的唯物史观思想要素。

After the October Revolution in Russia, Li Dazhao was the first to accept and propagate Marxism, gradually establishing a clear theoretical foundation of historical materialism for the study of religion. He summarized the essence of historical materialism: "All spiritual structures of human society are surface structures; only the material economic structure is the basic structure upon which these surface structures are built." In Li Dazhao's perspective, religion was not independent but was part of the "spiritual structure," alongside thought, ideology, philosophy, morality, and legal systems. He explicitly stated: "All religions are subject to the influence of advances in productive technology; all religions change with it." Li Dazhao described the historical process of religion "changing with material changes," from the ancient age of "worshipping natural forces" to the modern age in which "natural phenomena and human society have been stripped of their mystical dark clouds." It can be seen that, as the discussion deepened, Marxism gradually became an important intellectual weapon for analyzing religious issues and leading the religious controversy, and it promoted the early dissemination of the Marxist view of religion in China.

俄国十月革命后，李大钊率先接受并宣传马克思主义，逐渐为宗教研究确立了明确的唯物史观的理论基础。他总结了唯物史观的要旨，即“人类社会一切精神的构造都是表层构造，只有物质的经济的构造是这些表层构造的基础构造。”在李大钊的视域中，宗教并非是独立的，而是作为“精神构造”的一部分与思想、主义、哲学、道德、法制并列。他明确提出：“一切宗教没有不受生产技术进步的左右的，没有不随着他变迁的。”李大钊描述了人类由上古时代“崇拜自然力”到现代社会“自然现象、人类社会都脱去神秘的暗云”历史进程中宗教之“随着物质变动而变动”的发展过程。可见，随着讨论的深入，马克思主义逐渐成为分析宗教问题、领导宗教论争的重要思想武器，并推动了马克思主义宗教观在中国的早期传播。

IV. Separation of Church and State and Freedom of Religious Belief: Controversy over the Relationship between Religion and Politics

四、政教分离与信教自由：围绕政教关系的相关论争

The relationship between religion and politics is an important topic in religious studies and was also a focal point in the state-religion movement in the early Republic. In an early article on educational policy, Chen Duxiu had discussed the separation of church and state. In his view, during the European Middle Ages, monks controlled the power of education, taking "cultivating persons resembling the Son of God (i.e., Jesus)" as the educational aim. This was the manifestation of the union of church and state in the educational sphere. Chen Duxiu further pointed out: "In modern times, church and state have been separated; universal national education is always run by the state, and the educational aim has thus become greatly different." According to Chen Duxiu, the simultaneous deprivation of royal and ecclesiastical power was a "matter to be recorded in large letters" in Western history: "For the separation of church and state has already become a recognized principle."

宗教与政治的关系是宗教学中的重要议题，亦是民国初年国教运动中的焦点问题。陈独秀在早期关于教育方针的文章中曾论及政教分离。在他看来，欧洲中世纪时，僧侣操控教育之权，并以“养成近似神子(即耶稣)之人物”为教育方针。这是欧洲中世纪政教合一在教育领域的体现。进而，陈独秀指出：“近世政教分离，国民普通教育，恒属于国家之经营，施教方针，于焉大异。”按照陈独秀所述，君权与教权被同时剥夺，是西方历史上的“大书特书之事”，“盖政教分途，已成公例”。

In the Confucian religion movement,[11]11 Confucian religion movement: An early Republican campaign, led by Kang Youwei and others, to make Confucianism the state religion of China. Kang Youwei[12]12 Kang Youwei (1858–1927): A leading conservative scholar and reformist who, after the 1911 Revolution, championed making Confucianism the state religion. repeatedly sought support from political forces. In 1913 he cabled Yuan Shikai,[13]13 Yuan Shikai (1859–1916): The first president of the Republic of China (1912–1916), who later attempted to restore the monarchy. saying: “You have promised to assist the teaching and save people’s hearts; this feeling remains with me—China still has hope, does it not?” In a telegram to Li Yuanhong[14]14 Li Yuanhong (1864–1928): President of the Republic of China from 1916 to 1917. and Duan Qirui[15]15 Duan Qirui (1865–1936): A Beiyang warlord and premier during the early Republic. on 5 September 1916 he also said: “I request that the President, following Portugal’s example, submit to Parliament the great rites of worshipping God and venerating the Teacher [Confucius], never to be discussed again.” In Chen Duxiu’s view, Kang Youwei’s act violated the principle of separation of religion and politics, running counter to the trend of modern civilisation.

在孔教运动中，康有为不断地试图向政治力量寻求支持。他于1913年致电袁世凯，提出：“承许翼教相助，拯救人心，感不去怀，中国犹有望耶!”他在1916年9月5日致黎元洪、段祺瑞的电报中亦说：“请大总统以葡例，提交国会，并以祀上帝、拜教主之大典，永不提议。”在陈独秀看来，康有为此举违背了政教分离的原则，实与近代文明发展的趋势相违背。

After the abolition of monarchical autocracy, the relation between politics and religion in the early Republic was mainly manifested in the relation between the constitution, on the one hand, and religion and education, on the other. The core of the separation of religion and politics lay in the separation of constitution and religion, which was also the focus of Chen Duxiu’s argument. He said: “A constitution is legal in nature and applies uniformly throughout the country; it absolutely cannot involve religious morality, affording people room for deviation.” In Chen’s view, not only can religion not be written into the constitution as a state religion, but Confucian self-cultivation doctrines also cannot be included in the constitution as the general principle of education. “The constitution cannot stipulate whose Way shall be the fundamental principle of self-cultivation—it is not a matter of choosing between Confucius and Rousseau. … Law and religion/education have distinct spheres and must not be confused.”

君主专制废除之后，民国初年的政教关系主要表现为宪法与宗教、教育之关系。政教分离的核心在于宪教分离，这也是陈独秀论说的重点。他说：“宪法乃系法律性质，全国从同，万不能涉及宗教道德，使人得有出入依违之余地。”按照陈独秀所述，不仅宗教不可纳入宪法以为国教，孔门修身之道亦不可作为教育之大方针而纳入宪法。“宪法中不能规定以何人之道为修身大本，固不择孔子与卢梭也……盖法律与宗教教育，义各有畔，不可相乱也。”

Beyond criticising the Confucian religion movement from the principle of separation of religion and politics, Chen Duxiu’s exposition also proceeded from the perspective of freedom of religious belief. He argued: “Freedom of religious belief has become a fixed principle of modern politics.” It has two meanings: first, freedom to choose one’s belief, “allowing people to believe whatever religion they choose.” In his view, establishing Confucianism as the state religion would in fact be “using state power to compel religious belief,” constituting “an autocracy of scholarship and thought” that would inevitably bring severe consequences: “Its stifling of human wisdom would cause harm far greater than that of an autocratic political monarch.” Chen vehemently denounced “making one school supreme” in the realm of thought and culture: “I believe that no school of thought can be made supreme, hindering the free development of thought and culture.” Second, all religions are entitled to equal treatment by the state, without discrimination. Chen paid particular attention to this point. In his account, establishing a state religion is not merely a dispute over names or legal terms; it involves concrete state treatment, which he called “the right of all religions to equal treatment by the state.” In Chen’s view, “mixing politics with religion” would destroy the “equal rights” of each religion and might cause “endless national strife.”

除立足于政教分离的原则对孔教运动展开批判之外，陈独秀的论述还从信教自由的角度展开，他提出：“信教自由，已为近代政治之定则。”其有两重含义：其一，选择信仰的自由，“任人信仰何教，自由选择”。在他看来，如果立孔教为国教，其实是“以国家之力强迫信教”，是“学术思想之专制”，必将造成严重之后果，“其湮塞人智，为祸之烈，远在政界帝王之上”。陈独秀对于思想文化领域的“一尊”极为痛斥，“窃以无论何种学派，均不能定为一尊，以阻碍思想文化之自由发展”。其二，各宗教享国家同等之待遇，而无所歧视。对于这一点陈独秀尤其关注。按照陈独秀所述，立国教并非仅是名词之争和法律之争，而是涉及到切实的国家待遇，他称之为“国家待遇各教平等之权利”。在陈独秀看来，“政教混合”会破坏各教的“平等权利”，可能引起“国家无穷之纷争”。

Historically, although Confucianism never bore the “name” of a state religion, it did have a broad base and influence. Confucian temples were widespread, rituals were elaborate, and one could say it enjoyed the “substance” of a state religion. Kang Youwei repeatedly stressed this point and regarded it as a natural reason for making Confucianism the state religion. From this perspective, what Kang Youwei, Chen Huanzhang,[16]16 Chen Huanzhang (1880–1933): A student of Kang Youwei and founder of the Confucian Religion Society. and others campaigned for in the state religion movement was the “name” rather than the “substance.” Given the actual situation in the early Republic, however, the “substance” of Confucianism as a historical state religion had already undergone tremendous change. Kang, Chen, and others were in fact trying to use the “name” to scheme for the “substance.”

在历史上，孔教虽无国教之“名”，但确有广泛的基础和影响，各地孔庙遍布，仪式繁盛，可以说有国教之“实”。这一点康有为也是反复强调，并视之为立孔教为国教的一个理所当然的理由。从这个角度上来说，康有为、陈焕章等倡导国教运动所争取的乃是“名”，而非“实”。不过就民国初年的实际情况而言，孔教在历史上所具有的国教之“实”已经发生了巨大变化，康有为、陈焕章等人实际上试图以“名”谋“实”。

Regarding the Confucian Religion Society and its activities, which had a broad impact in the early Republic, Chen Duxiu also offered his own suggestion based on the principles of the separation of politics and religion and freedom of religious belief: “If the Confucian Religion Society were merely a private organisation establishing a religion in society, the state should naturally grant it the same freedom as other religions. If it merely called itself a ‘Confucian Studies Society’ within the country, I would even approve.” In his view, “establishing a religion in society” precisely conformed to the requirements and trends of the separation of politics and religion and freedom of religious belief; entanglement with political forces would instead lower the actual value of Confucianism and provoke opposition. Chen Duxiu said: “When a doctrine comes to be supported and exploited by other forces, that is exactly why Confucianism is worthless.”

对于在民国初期产生广泛影响的孔教会及其活动，陈独秀亦基于政教分离与信教自由的原则给出了自己的建议：“使孔教会仅以私人团体，立教于社会，国家固应予以与各教同等之自由。使仅以‘孔学会'号召于国中，尤吾人所赞许。”在他看来，“立教于社会”正符合政教分离与信教自由的要求与趋势，如果与政治势力相纠葛，反而会降低孔教之实际价值，激起反对之声音。陈独秀说：“学理而至为他种势力所拥护所利用，此孔教之所以一文不值也。”

On 14 May 1917, the Constitutional Conference again rejected the state religion bill, and the second large-scale state religion movement ended in failure. In July of the same year, Zhang Xun[17]17 Zhang Xun (1854–1923): A Qing loyalist general who briefly restored Puyi to the throne in July 1917. and Kang Youwei supported Puyi’s[18]18 Puyi (1906–1967): The last emperor of the Qing dynasty, overthrown in 1911. restoration, which dealt a heavy blow to the Confucian religion movement. Thereafter, the movement entered a state of “lowering the flag but not ceasing the drums.” Although Chen Huanzhang and others successively proposed bills such as the “Christmas Bill” (passed in 1918) and the “Bill on National Veneration of Confucius” (not passed in 1919), their influence had greatly diminished.

1917年5月14日，宪法会议再度否决了国教议案，声势浩大的第二次国教运动宣告失败。同年7月，张勋、康有为拥戴溥仪复辟，给孔教运动带来了极大负面影响。之后，孔教运动整体上进入一种“偃旗但未息鼓”的状态，陈焕章等人虽相继提出“圣诞节案”(1918年通过)、“国家之尊孔案”(1919年未通过)等议案，然其影响已大不如前。

V. Conclusion

五、结论

In this controversy over religion, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao, leaders of the New Culture Movement,[19]19 New Culture Movement: A Chinese intellectual and cultural movement from the mid-1910s to the 1920s that criticised traditional Confucian values and promoted modernisation. actively participated and played an important role, which had significant historical significance.

在这场宗教问题论争中，陈独秀、李大钊等新文化运动的领导者积极参与，发挥了重要作用，具有重要的历史意义。

First, it deepened the critique of religion and theism, promoted the spread of atheism, and further advanced the New Culture Movement and ideological liberation. Chen Duxiu and others actively engaged in the controversy and conducted in-depth theoretical exploration of issues related to religion. At the same time, Chen Duxiu also wrote specifically to criticise what he regarded as the “unconscious religion” of China’s “doctrines of ghosts and gods.” He advocated: “All the gods, immortals, and ghosts respected and worshipped by religious believers are useless, deceptive idols—they should all be destroyed!” The “Reply to the Charges Against New Youth”[20]20 New Youth (Xin Qingnian): A leading magazine of the New Culture Movement, founded by Chen Duxiu in 1915. published in early 1919 can be regarded as Chen Duxiu’s summary of the New Culture Movement before the May Fourth Movement.[21]21 May Fourth Movement: A Chinese anti-imperialist, anti-feudal political and cultural movement that began with student protests on 4 May 1919. In this summary-like “reply,” he solemnly stated: “To support Mr. Democracy, one must oppose Confucian teachings, rites, chastity, old ethics, and old politics; to support Mr. Science, one must oppose old arts and old religions.” It can be seen that most of the above issues were involved in the context of the Confucian religion controversy. In short, participating in and leading the religious controversy was a key link in the New Culture Movement, greatly promoting ideological liberation in the field of religious culture.

第一，深化了对宗教和有神论的批判，促进了无神论思想的传播，进一步推动了新文化运动和思想解放。陈独秀等人积极参与论争并对关于宗教的理论问题进行了深入探索。同时，陈独秀还专门撰文批判被他视为“无意识之宗教”的中国的“鬼神之说”。他主张：“一切宗教家所尊重的崇拜的神佛仙鬼，都是无用的骗人的偶像，都应该破坏!”1919年年初的《〈新青年〉罪案之答辩书》，可以视为陈独秀对于五四之前新文化运动的总结。在这篇具有总结性质的“答辩”中，他郑重说明：“要拥护那德先生，便不得不反对孔教、礼法、贞节、旧伦理、旧政治；要拥护那赛先生，便不得不反对旧艺术、旧宗教。”可以发现，上述大部分问题都在孔教论争的语境中所涉及。总之，参与并领导宗教问题论争实为新文化运动中的关键一环，极大地推动了宗教文化领域的思想解放。

Second, it realised the preliminary integration of Marxist views on religion with the study of China’s religious issues, serving as the ideological starting point for the formation and development of the religious views of early Chinese Communists. As described above, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao produced extensive expositions on issues such as the origin and development of religion, the essence and social function of religion, and the relation between religion and politics. Their religious views exhibited a trajectory of transformation from using modern Western science and democratic thought as theoretical weapons to Marxist historical materialism, thereby forming a basic problem-framework and theoretical horizon for analysing China’s religious traditions or religious issues. This is of great value for understanding the basic nature of traditional Chinese Confucianism and the basic characteristics of China’s religious culture, and also promoted, to a certain extent, the spread and development of Marxist views on religion in China. From the perspective of intellectual history, this can be regarded as the initial attempt at the “Two Integrations”[22]22 Two Integrations (liang ge jiehe): The CPC’s principle of integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture. Here it refers to the first attempt at such integration in the field of religious studies. in the field of religious studies.

第二，实现了马克思主义宗教观与中国宗教问题研究的初步结合，是早期中国共产党人宗教观形成发展的思想起点。如前文所述，陈独秀、李大钊等人围绕宗教的起源与发展、宗教的本质与社会功能、宗教与政治关系等问题，展开了大量论述，其宗教观则呈现出由以西方近代科学与民主思想为理论武器向马克思主义唯物史观转变的思想轨迹，从而形成了分析中国宗教传统或宗教问题的基本问题框架和理论视域。这对于理解中国传统儒学的基本性质和中国宗教文化的基本特点具有重要价值，亦在一定程度上推动了马克思主义宗教观在中国的传播与发展。从思想史的角度来看，这可以视为“两个结合”在宗教研究领域的最初尝试。

Third, it accumulated important practical experience for the Communist Party of China in leading ideological and cultural debates and in ideological and political education. Essentially, religious views belong to the problem of worldview, which is a deep-level issue in ideological and political education. Leading ideological debates and responding to social trends are also inherent requirements of such education. The experience formed by Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao in the Confucian religion controversy can be seen in at least the following aspects. First, they confronted problems directly and sought solutions. Chen Duxiu once said concerning the issues related to Confucianism: “To solve this problem, one should go straight to the heart of the matter and engage it directly.” This reflects his deep concern for real social problems and his great courage in placing himself at the centre of the issue. It not only shows his attitude toward the Confucian problem but is also an ideological depiction of his leadership of the New Culture Movement and his later path toward revolution. Second, they constantly strengthened theoretical construction and consolidated the theoretical foundation. The intellectual development of Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao from science and democratic thought to Marxism was exactly a process of maturing theory. This process in turn reacted on practice, profoundly influencing people’s understanding of religion, Confucianism, and even traditional Chinese culture, vividly embodying the two-way interaction between theory and practice. Third, they established and strengthened the public opinion front. The journal New Youth published a large number of theoretical propaganda articles for ideological propaganda and public opinion guidance. Starting from issue 2, no. 3, New Youth ran “The Constitution and Confucianism,” “Confucius’ Way and Modern Life,” and “Another Discussion on the Problem of Confucianism” as the lead articles in three consecutive issues, and also published articles on the Confucianism discussion by Gao Yihan, Cai Yuanpei, Wu Yu, and others. The journal’s “Correspondence” and “Readers’ Forum” columns served as bridges for ideological exchange between editors and readers, transmitting voices on the Confucianism issue from all sectors of society, and played an important role in rallying strength and amplifying the movement’s momentum. Fourth, they attached importance to guiding the strength of youth. The exchanges and interactions between Chen Duxiu and Yu Songhua, among others, showed his spiritual encouragement and ideological guidance as a New Culture leader toward young people. This process also promoted Chen Duxiu’s own theoretical reflection, which was of great significance for the further development of his ideological propositions. In short, this ideological controversy accumulated practical experience in terms of leadership strength, theoretical construction, and front-building, providing important reference for ideological and political education and propaganda, ideological and cultural work in the New Era.

第三，为中国共产党领导思想文化论争和思想政治教育积累了重要的实践经验。从本质上来看，宗教观属于世界观问题，这是思想政治教育的深层次问题，引领思想论争、回应社会思潮亦是思想政治教育的内在要求。陈独秀、李大钊在孔教论争中所形成的经验至少体现在如下几个方面。一是直面问题并寻求解决之道。陈独秀曾针对孔教相关问题提出：“欲解决此问题，宜单刀直入，肉薄问题之中心。”这体现了他对于现实社会问题的深度关切，以及置身问题中心的巨大勇气，既表明了他对于孔教问题的态度，亦是其领导新文化运动以及后来走向革命道路的思想写照。二是不断加强理论建设，夯实理论根基。陈独秀、李大钊从科学与民主思想到马克思主义的思想发展历程正是其理论不断成熟的探索过程。这一过程又反作用于实践，深刻影响了人们关于宗教、孔教乃至中国传统文化的认知，生动体现了理论与实践的双向互动。三是建立并壮大舆论阵地。《新青年》刊载了大量的理论宣传文章，进行思想宣传与舆论引导。自第2期第3号开始，《新青年》连续三期分别以《宪法与孔教》《孔子之道与现代生活》《再论孔教问题》作为当期首篇文章，并刊发了高一涵、蔡元培、吴虞等关于孔教讨论的相关文章。该刊的“通信”“读者论坛”栏目作为编者与读者之间开展思想交流的桥梁，传递了来自社会各界关于孔教问题的声音，在论争中发挥了凝聚力量、壮大声势的重要作用。四是重视对于青年力量的引导。陈独秀与俞颂华等展开的交流与互动呈现出其作为新文化领袖对于青年的精神鼓励和思想引领，这一过程亦促进了陈独秀的理论思考，对于其思想主张的深入发展具有重要意义。总之，这场思想论争从领导力量、理论建构、阵地建设等方面积累了实践经验，对新时代的思想政治教育和宣传思想文化工作具有重要的借鉴意义。

(Author biographies: Gu Mingshu, doctoral candidate in the Department of Marxism, Northeast Normal University, lecturer in the School of Marxism, Tangshan Normal University; Hu Xiaohong, professor and doctoral supervisor in the Department of Marxism, Northeast Normal University)

（作者简介：谷明书，东北师范大学马克思主义学部博士研究生，唐山师范学院马克思主义学院讲师；胡晓红，东北师范大学马克思主义学部教授、博士生导师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心