Organizational Mobilization in the Construction of the Anti-Japanese Democratic Political Power

Time passes silently, yet history leaves its marks. The period of the War of Resistance Against Japan was both a critical time for the nation’s survival and an important stage for the growth and strengthening of the Chinese Communist Party. The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japan and the World Anti-Fascist War. At this special juncture, standing in history and reality, with an eye to the great cause of building a strong country and rejuvenating the nation, reviewing the history of the War of Resistance in which the Party united and led the people of the whole country to victory, and summing up the valuable experience of organizational mobilization of the masses in building the anti-Japanese democratic political power, are of great significance for carrying forward the spirit of the War of Resistance and sharpening the will to strive.

岁月无声，历史有痕。抗日战争时期既是关系民族生死存亡的关键时期，也是中国共产党发展壮大的重要阶段。2025年是中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年。值此特殊节点，立足历史与现实，着眼强国建设、民族复兴伟业，回顾党团结带领全国人民取得胜利的抗战史，总结抗日民主政权建设中组织动员人民群众的宝贵经验，对于弘扬抗战精神、砥砺奋进斗志具有重要意义。

To be for democracy is to be for the War of Resistance

为民主即是为抗日

Integrating the united front organically with political power building was the starting point of the theory of anti-Japanese democratic political power. “Brothers may quarrel within the walls, but they unite against outside aggression.”[1]1 “Brothers may quarrel within the walls, but they unite against outside aggression” – a classical allusion from the “Book of Songs” (Shijing), often cited to urge internal unity against external enemies. Both the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party recognized at this time that the crisis brought to the Chinese nation by Japan’s aggression was unprecedented, and that national contradiction had risen to become the principal contradiction in society.[2]2 The principal contradiction in society – a Maoist analytical category; at that time, Mao held that the national contradiction with Japan superseded class contradictions within China. Although anti-Japanese sentiment was high across the country, the undeniable fact was that the balance of forces between China and Japan at that time was extremely unequal; it was an asymmetric war. Under the situation of the enemy being strong and we being weak, in order to achieve final victory in the anti-aggression war, it was necessary to strengthen internal unity and gather the strength of the entire nation to the greatest extent.

将统一战线同政权建设有机结合，是抗日民主政权理论的开端。“兄弟阋于墙，外御其侮。”国共两党此时都认识到，日本的侵略给中华民族带来的危机前所未有，民族矛盾已然上升为社会主要矛盾。尽管举国上下抗日情绪高涨，但不容忽视的事实是，当时中日双方的实力对比极其悬殊，这是一场不对称战争。在敌强我弱的态势下，想要取得反侵略战争的最终胜利，就必须加强国内团结，最大程度地汇聚全民族力量。

Democracy was the primary means of mobilizing the entire population to throw themselves into the War of Resistance. In April 1937, Mao Zedong profoundly expounded the inner unity between the War of Resistance and democracy from a strategic height: “As for the task of resistance, democracy is also the most essential thing in the new stage; to be for democracy is to be for the War of Resistance. Resistance and democracy are mutually conditional, just as resistance and peace, democracy and peace are mutually conditional. Democracy is the guarantee of resistance, and resistance can provide favorable conditions for the development of the democratic movement.” After the July 7th Incident,[3]3 July 7th Incident – the Marco Polo Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937, which marked the full-scale outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. our Party continued the line of advancing resistance through democracy and formulated the Ten-Point Program for Saving the Nation and Resisting Japan,[4]4 Ten-Point Program for Saving the Nation and Resisting Japan – a comprehensive program issued by the CPC in August 1937 outlining political, economic, and military measures for national resistance. of which the third point, “Mobilization of the Entire Nation,” was a concentrated expression of this strategic conception. In short, under the background of Japanese invasion, “winning over millions upon millions of people to the Anti-Japanese National United Front”[5]5 “Winning over millions upon millions of people to the Anti-Japanese National United Front” – a slogan from Mao Zedong’s report at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC in 1938. became a major political task affecting the overall situation of the War of Resistance.

民主是动员全国民众投身抗战的首要方式。1937年4月，毛泽东从战略高度深刻阐释了抗日与民主之间的内在统一性：“对于抗日任务，民主也是新阶段中最本质的东西，为民主即是为抗日。抗日与民主互为条件，同抗日与和平、民主与和平互为条件一样。民主是抗日的保证，抗日能给予民主运动发展以有利条件。”七七事变后，我们党延续以民主推进抗日的思路，制定出抗日救国十大纲领，其中第三条“全国人民总动员”正是这一战略构想的集中展现。概言之，在日寇入侵的背景下，“争取千百万群众进入抗日民族统一战线”成为事关抗战全局的重大政治任务。

Achieving final victory in this protracted war required stable and consolidated base areas; guerrilla warfare and democratic base areas were interdependent. Amid the flames of war, all base areas underwent severe tests in political, economic, and military aspects, especially during 1941–1942, when resistance behind enemy lines faced numerous difficulties. First, politically, mobilization was insufficient and participation was limited. In the organs of political power and representative bodies at all levels, during discussions and consultations, non-Party personages rarely spoke, making it difficult to pool wisdom and efforts. Second, economically, finances were strained and materials were in short supply. Taking the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region as an example, the expansion of the military and administrative personnel, combined with frequent natural disasters, imposed heavy burdens on the people; even food and clothing became major problems. Third, militarily, blockades were encountered and sacrifices were great. As the revolutionary armed forces led by the Chinese Communist Party gradually grew stronger, and facing both the “mopping-up” campaigns of the Japanese puppet forces and the “friction” of diehard Kuomintang elements,[6]6 “Friction” – a term used by the CPC to refer to military clashes and political provocations instigated by the Kuomintang against the CPC and its base areas during the War of Resistance. the people of the base areas behind enemy lines safeguarded border region security through heroic struggle, at a certain cost.

取得这场持久战的最终胜利，稳定巩固的根据地不可或缺，游击战争和民主根据地相互依存。在抗战烽火中，各根据地在政治、经济、军事等方面都经受了严峻考验，特别是1941—1942年间，敌后抗战困难重重。一是政治上动员不足，参与有限。在各级政权机关和民意代表机关中，在协商讨论环节，党外人士很少发言，难以发挥群策群力的作用。二是经济上财政紧张，物资短缺。以陕甘宁边区为例，军政人员规模扩大，加之自然灾害频发等因素，人民负担沉重，连吃饭穿衣都成了大问题。三是军事上遭遇封锁，牺牲巨大。伴随着中国共产党领导的革命武装力量逐步壮大，同时面对日伪军的“扫荡”和国民党顽固派的“摩擦”，敌后根据地人民以英勇斗争维护边区安全，也付出一定代价。

Faced with the difficult situation, all base areas insisted on independence and self-reliance, and through full mobilization of the masses, they tide over the difficulties. The key to mobilization lay in stimulating the initiative of the people; promoting democratic politics was a natural extension of this logic. But the lack of democratic consciousness and habits was a difficulty and challenge that had to be addressed directly.

面对困难局面，各根据地坚持独立自主、自力更生，通过充分动员群众，渡过了难关。动员的要领在于激发民众的主动性，推行民主政治是这一逻辑的自然延伸。但民主意识和习惯的欠缺是需要直面的困难和挑战。

Combining the War of Resistance with the democratic system

把抗日战争和民主制度结合起来

Political power building was the primary and fundamental issue in the construction of base areas. The Chinese Communist Party actively put its conception of democratic political power building into practice, fully listened to the opinions of non-Party personages, extensively carried out democratic elections at all levels, and, starting from both top-level design and grassroots organization, relying on people’s democracy, succeeded in finding an institutional guarantee for escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall.[7]7 The historical cycle of rise and fall – the so-called “dynastic cycle” in Chinese history; Mao Zedong famously discussed this with Huang Yanpei in 1945, proposing that democracy could break the cycle. The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region in particular became a “model” of democratic politics.

政权建设是根据地建设中首要和根本的问题。中国共产党积极将对民主政权建设的构想付诸实践，充分听取党外人士意见，广泛开展各级民主选举，从顶层设计和基层组织两方面入手，依靠人民民主成功找寻到跳出历史周期率的制度保障。陕甘宁边区更是成为民主政治的“榜样”。

In March 1940, Mao Zedong proposed that, in accordance with the principle of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, the personnel distribution should be set so that Chinese Communist Party members occupy one-third, non-Party leftist progressives occupy one-third, and middle-of-the-roaders who are neither left nor right occupy one-third. In May 1941, the “Program for the Administration of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region”[8]8 Program for the Administration of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region – a legal document enacted in 1941 that systematized the “three-thirds system” and other democratic principles. formalized this principle in legal form. The “three-thirds system”[9]9 Three-thirds system – a power-sharing principle in anti-Japanese base areas whereby CPC members, left-leaning non-Party progressives, and centrists each occupied one-third of posts in representative bodies and administrative organs. was not a rigid numerical regulation, nor was it intended to weaken or abandon Party leadership; rather, through expanding political participation, it sought to unite and lead non-Party personages to contribute to the construction of the base areas. Party leadership depends on quality and on Party members setting an example. “Leadership power does not mean shouting slogans all day long, nor does it mean arrogantly demanding that others obey us; it means convincing and educating non-Party personages through the Party’s correct policies and the exemplary work of Party members, so that they are willing to accept our proposals.”[10]10 This quotation is from Mao Zedong’s “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (1938). This thesis demonstrated strong Party confidence and also revealed its practical guidance and theoretical penetrative power.

1940年3月，毛泽东提出：根据抗日民族统一战线的原则，在人员分配上，应规定为中国共产党党员占1/3，非党的左派进步分子占1/3，不左不右的中间派占1/3。1941年5月，《陕甘宁边区施政纲领》将这一原则以法律形式明确下来。“三三制”并非机械死板的数字规定，更不是要削弱或放弃党的领导，而是希望通过扩大政治参与，团结带领党外人士为根据地建设贡献力量。党的领导贵在质量，重在党员的身正垂范。“所谓领导权，不是要一天到晚当作口号去高喊，也不是盛气凌人地要人家服从我们，而是以党的正确政策和自己的模范工作，说服和教育党外人士，使他们愿意接受我们的建议。”这一论断展现出强大的政党自信，也彰显了实践指导性和理论穿透力。

The implementation of the “three-thirds system” provided a guarantee for non-Party personages to enter political organs and play their roles. It was of great significance for further consolidating and expanding the Anti-Japanese National United Front and for winning over and uniting different social forces to join the cause of the War of Resistance.

“三三制”的推行，为党外人士进入政权机构并发挥作用提供了保障。对进一步巩固和扩大抗日民族统一战线，争取和团结不同社会力量投身抗战事业，具有重要意义。

Although elections are not the whole of democracy, they are an important link in democratic politics. In the construction of political power in the base areas, the principle of universal suffrage had long been clearly established. To overcome the difficulties of insufficient political literacy and lack of democratic habits, and to fully mobilize the broad masses of peasants to participate in elections, the Chinese Communist Party led the base areas in creating a whole set of propaganda and election methods that were both adapted to local conditions and effective.

选举虽不是民主的全部，却是民主政治的重要环节。在根据地政权建设中，普选制原则早就被明确了下来。为克服政治素养和民主习惯欠缺的困难，充分发动广大农民参加选举，中国共产党领导各根据地创造了一整套既因地制宜又行之有效的宣传和选举方法。

The first was oral propaganda. Through special election training classes, symposiums, and other forms, cadres went deep among the people and used vivid language to explain election procedures. The second was written propaganda. Newspapers and periodicals such as the New China Daily[11]11 New China Daily (Xin Zhonghua Bao) – a CPC newspaper published in Yan’an from 1937 to 1941. and the Liberation Daily[12]12 Liberation Daily (Jiefang Ribao) – the official newspaper of the CPC Central Committee, published in Yan’an from 1941 to 1947. published a large number of election-related reports, and all border regions printed various leaflets and propaganda materials to present elections visually. The third was artistic propaganda. Drama, songs, painting, and other art forms were deeply loved by the people; works such as the drama “Electing the Village Head” and the song “Elections Must Be Serious” enhanced the people’s enthusiasm for elections. In the actual mobilization process, these methods were often used interactively to form a combined force, jointly driving democratic elections deep into the hearts of the people.

一是口头宣传。通过专门的选举培训班、座谈会等形式，工作人员深入民众，用生动的语言讲解选举注意事项。二是文字宣传。《新中华报》《解放日报》等报刊发表大量选举相关报道，各边区印制多种小报宣传品，直观呈现选举。三是文艺宣传。戏剧、歌曲、绘画等文艺形式深受人民群众喜爱，戏剧《选村长》、歌曲《选举要认真》等脍炙人口的作品，提升了民众的选举热情。在实际动员过程中，以上几种手段往往交互运用形成合力，共同推动民主选举深入人心。

The “bean election”[13]13 Bean election – a method used in base areas where illiterate voters cast beans into bowls representing candidates; each bean equaled one vote. was the most common method used by illiterate voters, with one bean representing one vote. A folk rhyme of the time vividly described this method: “Gold beans, silver beans, beans cannot be thrown casually. Choose good people, do good deeds, toss them into the good person’s bowl.” The bean election was initially conducted in public, but later improved to minimize interference from others except for scrutineers, conforming to the principle of secret ballot. In addition, there were voting methods such as the “box-carrying method,” the “burning-hole method,” and the “marking method,”[14]14 Box-carrying method, burning-hole method, marking method – various makeshift voting techniques: the box-carrying method involved cadres carrying ballot boxes to voters; the burning-hole method used a heated rod to burn a hole next to a candidate’s name on a piece of paper; the marking method involved marking a ballot with a finger dipped in ink. all of which were special methods created by the border regions according to actual conditions, achieving great results in concentrating the wisdom of the people, reflecting the will of the people, and safeguarding the rights of the people.

“豆选”是不识字的选民最普遍使用的方法，以一粒豆子代表一张选票。当时的民谣生动描绘了这种方法：金豆豆，银豆豆，豆豆不能随便投。选好人，办好事，投在好人碗里头。“豆选”开始在公开场合进行，后经完善，除监票人外，尽量减少他人的知情干扰，契合了无记名投票的选举原则。此外，还有背箱法、燃洞法、画杠法等投票方法，都是边区根据实际情况创造的特色方法，取得了集中民智、反映民意、维护民权的巨大成效。

Practice showed that “the people’s wisdom is not yet enlightened” was not an insurmountable problem; “down-to-earth” propaganda means and election methods could create an unprecedented lively democratic atmosphere. Only when the broad masses gradually recognized the importance of “choosing good people, doing good deeds” could the broadest anti-Japanese forces at the grassroots level be truly gathered.

实践表明，“民智未开”并非无法解决的难题，“接地气”的宣传手段和选举方法，可以营造出空前热烈的民主氛围。广大群众在潜移默化中认识到“选好人，办好事”的重要性，才能真正聚合基层最广大的抗日力量。

Because the border region has democracy

因为边区有民主

Why did the Chinese Communist Party grow and strengthen so rapidly during the War of Resistance? In April 1940, Xie Juezai,[15]15 Xie Juezai (1884–1971) – a senior CPC leader and jurist, served as Secretary-General of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government and later as President of the Supreme People’s Court. Secretary-General of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government, gave the answer from the perspective of democracy: “Why did progressive people from all over the country flood into the border region? Because the border region has democracy. Why did progressives the world over praise the border region, saying that if you come to China but not to Yan’an, it is as if you have not come to China? Because the border region has democracy. Since the War of Resistance, why has the progress in culture, economy, military, and mobilization in the border region been beyond what the rest of the country could achieve? Because the border region has democracy.”

中国共产党在抗战中为何能够迅速发展壮大。1940年4月，陕甘宁边区政府秘书长谢觉哉从民主角度给出了答案：“为什么全国进步人士如潮水般地涌向边区？因为边区有民主。全世界进步人士为什么称赞边区，说到中国不到延安，等于没有到中国？因为边区有民主。抗战以来，边区的文化、经济、军事各方面的进步和动员，为什么全国所不及？因为边区有民主。”

First, political participation was expanded. The people and democratic personages no longer “stood by with folded arms”; instead, they fully exercised their initiative, contributing many insightful views and suggestions for the various constructions of the base areas. For example, in November 1941, the proposal for “fewer but better troops and simpler administration”[16]16 “Fewer but better troops and simpler administration” (jingbing jianzheng) – a policy proposed by Li Dingming, a non-Party personage, in 1941 to reduce the size of the bureaucracy and military to ease financial burdens; it was adopted by the CPC. effectively helped the base areas overcome economic and financial difficulties, and strengthened the ties between the Party and the people.

一是扩大了政治参与。人民群众和民主人士不再“袖手旁观”，而是充分发挥主动性，为根据地各项建设贡献了不少真知灼见。比如1941年11月，“精兵简政”建议有效帮助根据地渡过经济财政困难，密切了党同人民群众的联系。

Second, the social landscape was transformed. “The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region is the most progressive place in the country; here is a democratic anti-Japanese base area. Here there are no corrupt officials, no local bullies and evil gentry, no gambling, no prostitutes, no concubines, no beggars, no cliques for selfish ends, no listlessness, no people living off friction, and no one making a fortune out of the national crisis.”[17]17 “Ten no’s” – a list of achievements cited by Mao Zedong in a 1940 speech, highlighting the social progress in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. Behind the famous “ten no’s” was a miracle written by the power of the people as the subject; it was a vivid portrayal of “the border region has democracy.” The people truly became masters of their own affairs, providing a prototype for the construction of a new-democratic society.

二是革新了社会面貌。“陕甘宁边区是全国最进步的地方，这里是民主的抗日根据地。这里一没有贪官污吏，二没有土豪劣绅，三没有赌博，四没有娼妓，五没有小老婆，六没有叫化子，七没有结党营私之徒，八没有萎靡不振之气，九没有人吃磨擦饭，十没有人发国难财”。著名的“十个没有”背后，是人民主体性力量书写的奇迹，是“边区有民主”的生动写照。人民群众真正实现当家作主，为新民主主义社会的构建提供了雏形。

Third, a large number of talented people were attracted. Many intellectuals, attracted by the democratic atmosphere of the base areas, ignored the hardships of life and overcame numerous obstacles to go to the rear areas behind enemy lines. Many passionate young people declared, “Break the bones and the tendons are still connected; peel off the flesh and the heart is still there; as long as there is still a breath, I will crawl to Yan’an city.”[18]18 “Break the bones and the tendons are still connected…” – a popular folk couplet symbolizing the unwavering determination of young volunteers to join the CPC’s base in Yan’an.

三是吸引了大批人才。大批知识分子向往根据地的民主气象，不顾生活艰苦，克服重重阻碍奔赴敌后。不少热血青年“打断骨头连着筋，扒了皮肉还有心，只要还有一口气，爬也要爬到延安城”。

Fourth, the hearts of the people and the future were won. The democratic and open “Yan’an style”[19]19 Yan’an style – a term denoting the CPC’s ethos of simplicity, egalitarianism, hard work, and democratic participation during the Yan’an period. of the base areas formed a sharp contrast with the autocratic and dictatorial “Xi’an style”[20]20 Xi’an style – a contrasting term referring to the corruption, bureaucracy, and repression associated with the Kuomintang-controlled city of Xi’an. of the Kuomintang-controlled areas. Despite the harsh material conditions, the equal and harmonious interpersonal relations and the uplifting social atmosphere broke through the Kuomintang’s false propaganda and greatly enhanced the prestige of the Chinese Communist Party in public opinion. The famous overseas Chinese leader Tan Kah Kee,[21]21 Tan Kah Kee (Chen Jiageng, 1874–1961) – a prominent Chinese overseas businessman and philanthropist who visited Yan’an in 1940 and became a strong supporter of the CPC. after witnessing the democratic scene in Yan’an, said with deep feeling: “China’s hope lies in Yan’an!”

四是赢得了民心未来。根据地民主开放的“延安作风”，同国统区专制独裁的“西安作风”形成了鲜明对比。尽管物质条件艰苦，但平等融洽的人际关系和昂扬向上的社会氛围冲破了国民党的虚假宣传，在舆论界大幅提升了中国共产党的声望。著名华侨陈嘉庚来到延安目睹民主风貌后深情地感慨：“中国的希望在延安！”

The powerful capacity for mass mobilization is the Party’s unique advantage and an important reason for the victory of the Chinese revolution. Facing the national crisis, the Party grasped the general trend of the times with firm determination, successfully organized and mobilized the broad masses of the people, and transformed the severe crisis of national subjugation and extinction into a great opportunity for national rejuvenation, well deserving its historical status as the mainstay of the whole nation’s united resistance against Japan.

强大的群众动员能力是党的独特优势，也是中国革命取得胜利的重要原因。面对民族危亡，党以坚定决心把握时代大势，成功组织动员带领广大人民群众，将亡国灭种的严酷危机转化为民族复兴的伟大契机，无愧于全民族团结抗战中流砥柱的历史地位。

(The author is a researcher at the School of Marxism of Zhejiang University and the Zhejiang University–Nanhu Revolutionary Memorial Hall National Revolutionary Relics Collaborative Research Center)

（作者系浙江大学马克思主义学院暨浙江大学—南湖革命纪念馆国家革命文物协同研究中心研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心