Reconstructing the Discourse System of the Eastern Main Battlefield from the Perspective of Global History

Comrade Mao Zedong profoundly pointed out: “The great Chinese War of Resistance is not only China’s affair, not only the East’s affair, but also the world’s affair.” China’s War of Resistance made an indelible contribution to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. However, as historian Rana Mitter has recognized, the China theater is often regarded in mainstream narratives as a secondary theater. This requires us to break out of the straitjacket of Western-centrism and determine the historical coordinates of the China theater from a global history perspective. [1]1 The Eastern Main Battlefield (东方主战场) refers to the concept that China’s War of Resistance was the primary theater against Japanese fascism in the East, emphasizing its central and sustained role in the global anti-fascist war.

毛泽东同志深刻指出：“伟大的中国抗战，不但是中国的事，东方的事，也是世界的事。”中国抗战为世界反法西斯战争胜利作出了不可磨灭的贡献。然而，正如历史学者拉纳·米特所认识到的，中国战场在主流叙事中常被视为次要战场。这就要求我们跳出西方中心主义窠臼，从全球史视角确定中国战场的历史坐标。

From a Fragmented to a Complete Timeline

从断裂到完整的时间轴线

Western narratives of World War II usually take Germany’s invasion of Poland in 1939 as the starting point of the Second World War, excluding the early resistance of the China theater and considering it an appendage of the Pacific theater. This narrative approach severs the continuity of the global expansion of fascist forces and diminishes the protracted character of China’s War of Resistance. In fact, from the September 18 Incident in 1931 to Japan’s defeat and surrender in 1945, the China theater was the only main battlefield that ran through the entire World Anti-Fascist War. [2]2 The September 18 Incident (九一八事变): On September 18, 1931, the Japanese Kwantung Army blew up a section of railway near Liutiaohu in Shenyang, blaming Chinese troops, and then invaded and occupied Northeast China, marking the beginning of China’s local War of Resistance.

西方二战史叙事通常把1939年德国进攻波兰作为第二次世界大战的起点，将中国战场的早期抗战排除在外，认为中国战场是太平洋战场的附属。这种叙事方式割裂了法西斯势力全球扩张的连续性，削弱了中国抗战的持久性特征。事实上，从1931年九一八事变到1945年日本战败投降，中国战场是世界反法西斯战争中唯一贯穿始终的主战场。

A global historical perspective emphasizes examining historical processes from a holistic viewpoint. Japan’s occupation of Northeast China, together with Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia and Germany’s annexation of Austria, constituted an important link in the global expansion of the Axis powers. Therefore, the September 18 Incident of 1931 should be taken as the starting point of the Second World War, and the China theater should be placed in the historical context of fascist expansion and global resistance. The tenacious resistance of the China theater forced Japan into a protracted war of attrition, delayed its process of forming an alliance with Germany and Italy, and won precious strategic preparation time for the World Anti-Fascist Alliance.

全球史观强调以整体视角审视历史进程。日本侵占中国东北，与意大利入侵埃塞俄比亚、德国吞并奥地利共同构成了轴心国全球扩张的重要环节。因此，应把1931年九一八事变作为第二次世界大战的起点，将中国战场置于法西斯扩张与全球抵抗的历史脉络中。中国战场的顽强抵抗，迫使日本陷入长期消耗战，延缓其与德国、意大利结盟的进程，为世界反法西斯同盟赢得了宝贵的战略准备时间。

China’s War of Resistance can be divided into three strategically significant stages. The first stage is the “containing expansion” stage (1931–1937). The resistance in Northeast China, as the beginning of the World Anti-Fascist War, effectively pinned down the pace of Japan’s expansion, consumed its war resources, and blocked its invasion plans. The second stage is the “resisting alone” stage (1937–1941). The China theater remained the sole battlefield of the Eastern Anti-Fascist War, for a long period pinning down the main forces of the Japanese Army, creating favorable conditions for the Soviet Union to avoid a two-front war. The third stage is the “allied cooperation” stage (1941–1945). After the outbreak of the Pacific War, as the Eastern Main Battlefield, the China theater continued to pin down the main forces of the Japanese Army and a large number of its naval and air forces, effectively supporting the Allied operations in the Pacific theater.

中国抗战可分为三个具有战略价值的阶段：第一阶段是“遏制扩张”阶段（1931—1937）。东北抗战作为世界反法西斯战争的开端，有效牵制了日军扩张步伐，消耗其战争资源并阻滞其侵略计划。第二阶段为“孤身抵抗”阶段（1937—1941）。中国战场仍是东方反法西斯战争的唯一战场，长期牵制着日本陆军主力，为苏联避免两线作战创造了有利条件。第三阶段为“同盟协作”阶段（1941—1945）。太平洋战争爆发后，中国战场作为东方主战场，继续牵制着日本陆军主力及大量海空军力量，有力支援了盟军在太平洋战场的作战。

The complete timeline highlights China’s all-process resistance to fascist strategy. The Chinese nation persevered in the War of Resistance for 14 years without wavering, through a protracted war consuming large amounts of Japan’s war resources and breaking the rhythm of fascist expansion. The China theater was always an important part of the World Anti-Fascist War. [3]3 The 14-year War of Resistance (14年抗战): The official Chinese designation for the period from the September 18 Incident in 1931 to Japan’s surrender in 1945, as opposed to the earlier 8-year period starting from the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937.

完整的时间线凸显了中国对法西斯战略的全过程阻击。中华民族坚持抗战14年不动摇，通过持久战大量消耗日本战争资源，打破了法西斯扩张的节奏，中国战场始终是世界反法西斯战争的重要组成部分。

From Isolated to Interconnected Spatial Networks

从孤立到联动的空间网络

The China theater held a unique strategic position in the Second World War. Located at the intersection of the eastern tip of the Eurasian continent and the western shore of the Pacific Ocean, it was not only the core of the East’s resistance against Japan but also a key pivot of the Allies’ global anti-fascist strategy. However, Western-centric narratives reduce the China theater to the “Far East Theater” or even consider it a “local conflict,” severing its connection with the European and Pacific theaters.

中国战场在第二次世界大战中具有独特的战略地位。它地处欧亚大陆东端与太平洋西岸的交会地带，不仅是东方抗击日本侵略的核心，更是盟军全球反法西斯战略的关键支点。然而，西方中心主义的叙事将中国战场简化为“远东战区”，甚至认为是“局部冲突”，割裂了其与欧洲、太平洋战场的联系。

From a global history perspective, the China theater was a core node in the global strategic game between the Axis powers and the Allies, as well as an important strategic pivot and rear base for the Allies. First, in terms of strategic containment, the China theater pinned down the Japanese Army for a long time, effectively dismantling the strategic coordination of the Axis powers and breaking the Axis plan to divide the world. The main forces of the Japanese Army were long bogged down in the China theater, making them unable to respond to Germany’s plan for a “pincer attack on the Soviet Union from east and west,” and forcing them to repeatedly postpone the “southward advance” plan, thereby ensuring the smooth implementation of the Allies’ “Europe First” strategy. [4]4 The “Europe First” strategy (先欧后亚): The Allied strategic priority during World War II, which held that Germany should be defeated first before focusing on Japan. The China theater’s sustained resistance was critical to allowing this strategy to succeed. The Japanese Imperial General Headquarters repeatedly discussed transferring troops in China to support other theaters, but each time they desisted due to the sustained pressure from the China theater.

从全球史视角出发，中国战场是轴心国与盟军全球战略博弈的核心节点，也是盟军重要战略支点和后方基地。首先，在战略牵制方面，中国战场长期牵制日本陆军，有效瓦解了轴心国的战略协同，打破了德意日瓜分全球的图谋。日本陆军主力长期深陷中国战场，使其既无力响应德国“东西夹击苏联”的计划，又不得不一再推迟“南进”计划，保证了同盟国“先欧后亚”战略的顺利实施。日本参谋本部曾多次讨论抽调在华兵力支援其他战场，但均因中国战场的持续压力而作罢。

Second, in terms of cross-theater coordination, the China theater formed close strategic cooperation with other theaters. In the Southeast Asian theater, in 1942 the Chinese Expeditionary Force entered Burma to fight, defending the important strategic passage of the Burma Road while effectively pinning down the main forces of the Japanese Army and delaying their attempt and pace to advance westward into India, buying precious time for the British forces to regroup their defensive line. [5]5 The Chinese Expeditionary Force (中国远征军): Chinese troops sent to Burma from 1942 to 1945 to fight alongside the Allies, participating in several campaigns to secure the supply route to China.[6]6 The Burma Road (滇缅公路): A key transportation route connecting Yunnan, China, with Burma, used to supply China with materiel during the war. In the China theater, the anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines led by the Chinese Communist Party continuously grew and strengthened, effectively pinning down and consuming a large number of Japanese troops, preventing them from transferring main forces to reinforce the Pacific theater. This cross-theater cooperation proves that the China theater did not exist in isolation but was an indispensable link in the global strategic chain of the Allies.

其次，在跨战场协作方面，中国战场与其他战场形成了紧密的战略配合。在东南亚战场，1942年中国远征军入缅作战，保卫滇缅公路这一重要战略通道，同时有力牵制了日军主力，迟滞了其西进印度的企图和步伐，为英军重整防线争取了宝贵时间。在中国战场，中国共产党领导的敌后抗日根据地不断发展壮大，有效牵制并消耗了大量日军兵力，致使日军无法抽调主力增援太平洋战场。这种跨战场协作证明，中国战场并非孤立存在，而是盟军全球战略链条中不可或缺的一环。

Finally, in terms of material support, China did not become Japan’s “rear area”; on the contrary, it became an important rear base for the Allies’ operations against Japan in the Asia-Pacific region, providing the Allies with substantial strategic materials and military intelligence. For example, China provided airfields for Allied operations against Japan and for attacking the Japanese home islands in areas such as Chongqing, Chengdu, and Kunming. China supplied scarce strategic raw materials such as tungsten and tung oil to the United States, the Soviet Union, and other countries, which supported the Allies’ military-industrial production system.

最后，在物资保障方面，中国没有沦为日本的“大后方”，反而成为亚洲太平洋地区盟军对日作战的重要后方基地，为盟国提供大量战略物资和军事情报。如中国为盟军对日作战及进攻日本本土在重庆、成都、昆明等地区提供了机场。中国向美国、苏联等国输送紧缺的战略原材料，如钨、桐油等，这些战略物资支持了盟军的军工生产体系。

The spatial diminution of the China theater in Western narratives is essentially a continuation of the colonial historical perspective. To reconstruct its strategic status, we must break down biases and see clearly the connecting role of the China theater on the grand map of the Second World War; it was a strategic bridge connecting the community with a shared future for mankind. From a geostrategic perspective, the China theater was both a barrier preventing the Axis powers from joining forces and a link connecting the various Allied theaters. This dual strategic value became increasingly prominent in the later stages of the war.

西方叙事对中国战场的空间矮化，本质是殖民史观的延续。重构其战略地位，需打破偏见，看清中国战场在第二次世界大战宏大版图上的连接作用，它是连接人类命运共同体的战略桥梁。从地缘战略视角看，中国战场既是阻止轴心国会师的屏障，又是连接盟军各战场的纽带，这种双重战略价值在战争后期愈发凸显。

From a Single to a Multidimensional Value Dimension

从单一到多维的价值维度

The Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japan, as the Eastern Main Battlefield of the World Anti-Fascist War, has historical value not only in the dimension of defending national sovereignty but also in multiple contributions such as promoting the disintegration of the colonial system and participating in the construction of the postwar international order. However, mainstream Western narratives often evaluate the China theater only from a military angle, ignoring its multiple contributions.

中国人民抗日战争作为世界反法西斯战争的东方主战场，其历史价值不仅体现在捍卫国家主权这一维度，更在于推动殖民体系瓦解和参与战后国际秩序建设等多重贡献。然而，西方主流叙事往往仅从军事角度评判中国战场，忽视了其多重贡献。

In the anti-colonial dimension, the China theater fundamentally shook the legitimacy of colonial rule. The 14 years of sustained resistance beginning in 1931 not only shattered Japan’s false propaganda as an “Asian liberator” but also established the anti-imperial and anti-colonial character of the struggle through programmatic documents such as the August First Declaration and the Ten-Point Program for Resistance against Japan and National Salvation. [7]7 The August First Declaration (八一宣言): Issued by the Chinese Communist Party on August 1, 1935, it called for an end to the civil war and unity against Japan, marking a shift toward a national united front.[8]8 The Ten-Point Program for Resistance against Japan and National Salvation (抗日救国十大纲领): A political program adopted at the CCP’s Luochuan Conference in August 1937, outlining the principles for the full-scale War of Resistance.

在反殖民维度，中国战场从根本上动摇了殖民统治的合法性。1931年起持续14年的抵抗，不仅粉碎了日本“亚洲解放者”的虚假宣传，更通过《八一宣言》《抗日救国十大纲领》等纲领性文件，确立了反帝反殖的斗争性质。

In the reconstruction of the international order, China actively advocated and promoted the establishment of the World Anti-Fascist United Front, became a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the UN Security Council as a major victorious power, participated in the drafting of the UN Charter, actively engaged in international affairs, and safeguarded the interests of small and weak nations, fully demonstrating non-Western countries’ capacity to participate in global governance. This breakthrough stemmed directly from the strategic value demonstrated by the China theater.

在国际秩序重构方面，中国积极倡导和推动世界反法西斯统一战线的建立，以主要战胜国身份成为联合国创始会员国及安理会常任理事国，并参与制定了《联合国宪章》，积极参与国际事务，维护弱小民族利益，充分展现了非西方国家参与国际治理的能力。这种突破性进展直接源于中国战场展现的战略价值。

The successful experience and historical wisdom of the China theater show special value at the level of inter-civilization exchange and mutual learning. The anti-Japanese base areas implemented the Three-Thirds System of democratic power, the Anti-Japanese National United Front that united all strata, and the strategic thought of *On Protracted War*, forming a complete system of war-resistance experience. [9]9 The Three-Thirds System (三三制): A political principle implemented in the anti-Japanese base areas during the war, whereby in local governments one-third of the positions were held by CCP members, one-third by non-Party leftists, and one-third by centrists. These practices not only provided institutional guarantees and strategic guidance for China’s victory in the War of Resistance but also, through the wisdom of the weak overcoming the strong and the spirit of united resistance they embodied, became an important model for national independence movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America after the war.

中国战场的成功经验和历史智慧，在文明交流互鉴层面呈现出特殊价值。抗日根据地实行的“三三制”民主政权、团结各阶层的抗日民族统一战线，以及《论持久战》的战略思想，形成了一套完整的抗战经验体系。这些实践不仅为中国抗战胜利提供了制度保障和战略指导，其展现的以弱胜强智慧和团结抗战精神，更成为战后亚非拉地区民族独立运动的重要榜样。

The historical contributions of the China theater further established the important position of the Eastern Main Battlefield in global historical narratives. In the anti-colonial struggle, the China theater was the first to break the colonial system; in the construction of the international order, China participated in rule-making on an equal footing; and in inter-civilization exchange, China provided resistance experience for weak countries. This multidimensional revaluation not only corrects the one-sided understanding of Western-centrism but also reveals the complete picture of the history of the Second World War.

中国战场的历史贡献，进一步确立了东方主战场在全球史叙事中的重要地位。在反殖民斗争中，中国战场率先打破殖民体系；在国际秩序构建中，中国以平等身份参与规则制定；在文明交流中，中国为弱小国家提供了抗争经验。这种多维度的价值重估，既纠正了西方中心主义的片面认知，也展现了二战历史的完整面貌。

Facing the changes unseen in a century, we urgently need to break out of the Western-centric framework of historical narrative and reposition the historical coordinates of the Eastern Main Battlefield from a broader global perspective. This requires us to: first, establish the time coordinate of 1931 as the starting point of the World Anti-Fascist War, restoring the original historical appearance of China’s War of Resistance; second, reconstruct the spatial connection between the China theater and the global theater, highlighting its strategic hub status; third, construct a value evaluation system that includes multiple dimensions such as military, political, and civilizational aspects. The 14 years of arduous resistance by the Chinese people not only achieved national liberation but also made an irreplaceable historical contribution to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. At present, against the backdrop of profound transformations in the global governance system, reinterpreting the historical status of the Eastern Main Battlefield from a global historical perspective is not only an objective restoration of the history of the Second World War but also provides important historical mirroring for building a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future for mankind. This academic effort is both a respect for historical truth and an inspiration for future development.

面对世界百年未有之大变局，我们亟须突破西方中心主义的历史叙事框架，以更加宏阔的全球视野重新定位东方主战场的历史坐标。这要求我们：第一，确立1931年作为世界反法西斯战争起点的时间坐标，还原中国抗战的历史原貌；第二，重建中国战场与全球战场的空间联系，彰显其战略枢纽地位；第三，构建包含军事、政治、文明等多维度的价值评估体系。中国人民14年艰苦卓绝的抗战，不仅实现了民族解放，更为世界反法西斯战争胜利作出了不可替代的历史贡献。当前，在全球治理体系深刻变革的背景下，以全球史观重新阐释东方主战场的历史地位，不仅是对二战历史的客观还原，更是为构建新型国际关系和人类命运共同体提供了重要的历史镜鉴。这一学术努力，既是对历史真相的尊重，也是对未来发展的启迪。

(The author is a professor at the School of Marxism, Anhui Medical University)

（作者系安徽医科大学马克思主义学院教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心