The Growth of Japanese Militarism Is a Serious Threat to the Post-War International Order — An Interview with Zhang Haipeng, Member of the Academic Division of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Reporter: Japanese Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru [n1] declared in the Diet that “a contingency in Taiwan” could constitute a “crisis of national survival” allowing Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, openly interfering in China’s internal affairs and issuing a threat of force. What is the truth behind Japan’s so-called “crisis of national survival”?

记者：日本首相高市早苗在国会宣称“台湾有事”或构成日本可行使集体自卫权的“存亡危机事态”，公然干涉中国内政，进行武力威胁。日本所谓“存亡危机”的真相究竟是什么？

Zhang Haipeng: Looking back at history, raising the banner of so-called “right to survival,” “self-defense,” or “crisis of national survival” is a habitual trick of Japan when launching foreign aggression.

张海鹏：回顾历史，打出所谓“生存权”“自卫”或者“存亡危机”这样的旗号，是日本发动对外侵略的惯用伎俩。

As early as the end of the 16th century, Toyotomi Hideyoshi had conceived of entering Korea and invading the Ming dynasty. In 1868, with the Meiji Restoration, the emperor issued a so-called “imperial rescript” [n2] to “carry forward the great enterprise of the imperial ancestors” and “open up the vast waves, spreading the nation’s prestige to the four corners of the earth.” This reflected Japan’s scheme to seize the Ryukyu Islands, Korea, and China’s Taiwan. By the 1890s, Japan, having grown powerful through the Meiji Restoration, had finally become an imperialist power, and its aggressive ambitions were no longer concealed. In 1890, Japanese Prime Minister Yamagata Aritomo put forward the concepts of a “line of sovereignty” and a “line of interest” at the First Diet, arguing that Japan’s territory was the line of sovereignty and Korea was Japan’s line of interest, and that to secure the line of interest, “advancing into China” was the top priority. At the Fourth Diet, the Japanese emperor proposed the so-called “embracing the six directions and covering the eight corners of the world” [n3], which in effect approved the policy of launching wars of aggression against Korea and China. In 1919, the founder of Japanese fascism, Kita Ikki, raised the issue of Japan’s “living space,” which became a slogan for many Japanese politicians. In 1927, Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi convened an “Eastern Conference” and produced the document “Outline of China Policy,” which stated that “the Empire’s rights and interests in China” required “resolute measures to be taken for their protection,” and arrogantly claimed that “Manchuria-Mongolia,” especially the three northeastern provinces, had a vital interest for Japan’s national defense and national survival. Tanaka also said: “Continental expansion is the primary condition for the survival of the Japanese nation.” In 1931, Matsuoka Yōsuke declared in the Diet that “the Manchuria-Mongolia issue is a matter of life and death for our nation; it is our lifeline.” From then on, the so-called “Northeast China is Japan’s lifeline, Japan’s right to survival” became a catchphrase for many Japanese politicians.

早在16世纪末，丰臣秀吉就曾设想进入朝鲜，侵略明朝。1868年明治维新，天皇就发出所谓“宸翰”，要“继承列祖列宗之伟业”，“开拓万里波涛，布国威于四方”。这反映了日本夺取琉球、朝鲜和我国台湾的图谋。19世纪90年代，通过明治维新国力强大起来的日本，最终成为帝国主义国家，侵略野心就不再掩盖了。1890年日本内阁总理大臣山县有朋在第一届国会上提出了“主权线”和“利益线”概念，认为日本的疆域是主权线，朝鲜是日本的利益线，为了确保利益线，“进取中国”就是第一要务了。在第四届国会上，日本天皇提出所谓“兼六合而掩八纮”，实际上就是批准了发动侵朝侵华战争的方针。1919年，日本法西斯鼻祖北一辉提出日本的“生存空间”问题，成为很多日本政客的口号。1927年日本首相田中义一通过召开“东方会议”形成《对华政策纲要》文件，提出“帝国在华权益”“需要采取断然措施予以维护”，蛮横声称“满蒙”尤其是东北三省地方与日本国防及国民生存具有重大利害关系。田中还说：“大陆扩展乃日本民族生存的首要条件。”1931年，松冈洋右在议会声称“满蒙问题是关系到我国存亡的问题，是我国的生命线”。自此以后，所谓“中国东北是日本的生命线、是日本的生存权”，就成为很多日本政客的口头禅。

In July 1931, Japanese imperialists maliciously created the Wanbaoshan Incident in Changchun, Jilin. Japanese Prime Minister Wakatsuki Reijirō said: “Our nation enjoys rights and interests in Manchuria-Mongolia that are closely tied to the survival of the nation. To protect our right to survival, we must rise up resolutely, regardless of any sacrifice.” Thereafter, the September 18th Incident [n4], which led to the occupation of Northeast China, occurred. The so-called line of interest, lifeline, right to survival, and right to self-defense are the shameless “theories” used by Japanese militarists to launch foreign aggression; they are synonyms for aggression. The launching of the September 18th Incident, the Marco Polo Bridge Incident [n5], and others were all acts of aggression carried out under the pretext of these synonyms.

1931年7月，日本帝国主义在吉林长春恶意制造万宝山事件。日本内阁首相若槻礼次郎说：“我国在满蒙地方，享有同国民生存紧密的权益，为了保护我国之生存权，必须不惜任何牺牲，毅然奋起。”此后，发生了占领我国东北的九一八事变。所谓利益线、生命线、生存权、自卫权，就是日本军国主义发动对外侵略的无耻“理论”，是侵略的代名词。发动九一八事变、卢沟桥事变等，都是以这些代名词为借口进行的侵略行为。

Reporter: Using such pretexts to launch wars of aggression, what historical crimes did Japanese militarism commit?

记者：以这样的借口发动侵略战争，日本军国主义犯下了哪些历史罪行？

Zhang Haipeng: In 1879, Japan dispatched troops to Naha, kidnapped the king of the Ryukyu Kingdom, extinguished the Ryukyu Kingdom, and turned the Ryukyus into Japan’s Okinawa Prefecture. How can this tragedy of a nation’s annihilation be described in words?

张海鹏：1879年，日本派兵到那霸，绑架了琉球国王，灭了琉球王国，把琉球改为日本的冲绳县。这一灭国惨剧如何用文字来形容？

During the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895, the Japanese army not only massacred the population of Lüshun (Port Arthur), killing over 20,000 peaceful residents, and plundered war reparations of 230 million taels of silver, but also occupied Taiwan and the Penghu Islands for more than 50 years. After the war, Japan also gained control over Korea, and in 1910 Japan announced the annexation of Korea.

甲午战争中，日军不仅在旅顺屠城，杀死旅顺和平居民超过两万人，掠夺战争赔款2.3亿两白银，而且占领台湾及澎湖列岛超过50年。甲午战后，日本还取得对朝鲜的控制权，到1910年日本宣布吞并朝鲜。

In 1931, Japan deliberately launched the September 18th Incident, thereby beginning a 14-year war of aggression against China. In 1937, it launched the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, successively occupying major transportation routes and large and medium-sized cities in North China, East China, Central China, and South China, including Beijing, Tianjin, Baoding, Jinan, Qingdao, Shanghai, Nanjing, Wuhan, Changsha, Nanchang, and Guangzhou. Japanese forces invaded more than half of China and established several puppet regimes on Chinese soil, such as Manchukuo, the Wang Jingwei regime in Nanjing, and the puppet organization in Beijing, where they imposed Japanese-style colonial rule. The war of aggression against China caused over 35 million Chinese military and civilian casualties, direct economic losses of more than 100 billion US dollars, and countless peaceful residents fled and perished amid the flames of war. The Nanjing Massacre resulted in the brutal deaths of 300,000 peaceful residents and disarmed soldiers; hundreds of mass graves scattered across the country still reveal bleached bones. The “Three Alls” policy [n6] — kill all, burn all, loot all — along with burning, killing, rape, and pillage, left the Chinese people with painful memories that can never be erased. The forced conscription of “comfort women,” Unit 731’s biological warfare experiments, and the so-called “death projects” and “human flesh projects” carried out by Chinese laborers across many parts of Northeast China caused millions of Chinese to suffer humiliation or die unnatural deaths. It is estimated that millions of poison gas shells were abandoned on Chinese soil, still threatening the lives of the Chinese people to this day.

1931年，日本蓄意发动九一八事变，自此开启了长达14年的侵华战争。1937年发动卢沟桥事变，陆续占领我国华北、华东、华中、华南交通要道以及大中城市，包括北平、天津、保定、济南、青岛、上海、南京、武汉、长沙、南昌、广州等地。日军势力侵略了大半个中国，并在中国境内制造了伪满洲国、南京汪伪和北平伪组织等几个傀儡政权，在那里实行日本式殖民统治。侵华战争造成中国军民伤亡3500万人以上，直接经济损失1000多亿美元，无数和平居民在战火中奔走流徙、辗转沟壑。南京大屠杀，造成30万和平居民和放下武器的士兵惨死；分布在各地的数以百计的万人坑，至今白骨嶙嶙。“三光”政策，烧杀奸淫，给中国人民留下了永远难以抚平的痛苦记忆。强征“慰安妇”、731细菌部队、遍布东北许多地方且利用中国劳工造成的所谓“死亡工程”“人肉工程”，使数以百万计的中国人受尽凌辱或死于非命。遗弃在中国境内的毒气弹据估计可能达数百万发，至今仍在威胁着中国人民的生命安全。

In December 1941, Japan launched the Pearl Harbor attack, striking the US Pacific Fleet and opening the Pacific War. Subsequently, Japan invaded Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand, and other countries, and occupied Hong Kong. Japanese militarists ran rampant for a time, attempting to establish a so-called “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” to achieve “eight corners of the world under one roof” [n7]. The so-called “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” and “eight corners of the world under one roof” meant taking Japan as the supreme ruler and the Asian countries as its colonies, so that Japan could take whatever it wanted and exploit the peoples of Asia at will.

1941年12月日本发动珍珠港事变，偷袭美国太平洋舰队，打响了太平洋战争的枪声，随后日本出兵侵略越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、缅甸、泰国等国，并占领香港。日本军国主义者横行一时，企图建立所谓“大东亚共荣圈”，以求达到“八纮一宇”。所谓“大东亚共荣圈”、所谓“八纮一宇”，就是以日本为共主，以亚洲各国为其殖民地，使日本在亚洲可以予取予求，任意盘剥亚洲各国人民。

The Japanese war of aggression brought immense suffering to the peoples of China and other Asian countries. The peoples of these countries, especially the Chinese people, rose up to resist Japanese aggression, forming the Eastern Main Battlefield of World War II. After the start of the Pacific War, China, the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union formed a strategic alliance against Japan. The world anti-fascist forces united to achieve victory in the anti-fascist war and rebuilt a peaceful post-war international order.

日本侵略战争给中国和亚洲各国人民带来深重灾难，各国人民特别是中国人民奋起反抗日本侵略，形成了第二次世界大战中的东方主战场。太平洋战争开始后，中美英苏形成反抗日本的战略同盟，世界反法西斯力量团结在一起取得了反法西斯战争的胜利，重建了战后和平的国际秩序。

Reporter: From the perspective of Japan’s domestic situation, Ishiba Shigeru’s erroneous words and actions reflect a clear rightward trend in Japan’s domestic political ecology. Does this mean that Japanese militarist ideology is reviving?

记者：从日本国内来看，高市早苗的错误言行是日本国内政治生态呈现明显右倾化趋势的体现，这是否意味着日本军国主义思潮死灰复燃？

Zhang Haipeng: Ishiba Shigeru, as Japan’s prime minister, openly and formally declared in a Diet interpellation that “a contingency in Taiwan” might constitute a so-called “crisis of national survival” allowing Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense. This is to say openly what former Prime Minister Abe Shinzō dared not say while in office — that “a contingency in Taiwan is a contingency for Japan.” This is an open war cry. This is the first time since the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations in 1972 that a Japanese prime minister has openly interfered in China’s internal affairs, blatantly disregarding international law, Japan’s domestic “Peace Constitution,” the spirit of the four Sino-Japanese political documents [n8], and the basic norms of international relations.

张海鹏：高市早苗作为日本首相，在国会答辩时公开、正式宣称“台湾有事”可能会构成所谓“存亡危机事态”，日本可以行使集体自卫权。这是把日本前首相安倍晋三在任上不敢讲的“台湾有事就是日本有事”等话，正式讲了出来。这是公开的战争叫嚣。这是1972年中日恢复邦交以来第一次有日本首相公开干涉中国内政，公然无视国际法，无视日本国内的“和平宪法”，无视中日四个政治文件精神和国际关系基本准则。

In fact, right-wing forces within Japan have been active all along and have tried to influence Japanese politicians. After the mid-1980s, some Japanese politicians began to visit the Yasukuni Shrine, the Ministry of Education began to revise history textbooks, and some right-wing politicians denied the Nanjing Massacre. Right-wing organizations such as the Japan War-Bereaved Families Association, the Research Society for the Greater East Asia War, the Liberalist View of History Study Group, and the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform have continuously manufactured public opinion denying aggression. These facts repeatedly prove that a trend of rightward shift in Japanese society is taking shape. On August 15, 1995, on the 50th anniversary of Japan's unconditional surrender, then-Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama issued a statement expressing deep remorse for the tremendous damage and suffering Japan had caused to many countries, especially Asian nations, through colonial rule and aggression. This was a statement consistent with the proper development of Sino-Japanese relations. In 1998, China and Japan issued their third political document, in which both sides confirmed that mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, peaceful coexistence, and the principles of the UN Charter are the basic norms for handling relations between states; both sides considered that facing the past squarely and correctly recognizing history are important foundations for developing Sino-Japanese relations. These played a significant role in curbing the rightward shift in Japanese society. However, after the Junichiro Koizumi cabinet was formed in 2001, he visited the Yasukuni Shrine multiple times. The 2012 farce of "purchasing" the Diaoyu Islands, the collective visits to Yasukuni Shrine after Shinzo Abe came to power, attempts to revise the "Peace Constitution," and revisions to history textbooks, among a series of other actions, posed a serious threat to Asian peace. These acts attempt to subvert the post-war international order, and also show that the Japanese government treats war guilt very lightly, has no remorse for the fault of launching war, and is moving down the path of reviving militarism.

事实上，日本国内的右翼势力一直在活动，并试图影响日本政客。20世纪80年代中期后，日本有政客开始参拜靖国神社，文部省开始修改历史教科书，一些右翼政客否认南京大屠杀。“遗族会”“大东亚战争研究会”“自由主义史观研究会”“新历史教科书编纂会”等右翼组织不断制造否定侵略的舆论。这些事实一再证明，日本社会的右倾化趋势正在形成。1995年8月15日，在日本无条件投降50周年之际，时任日本首相村山富市发表谈话，表示日本因殖民统治和侵略给许多国家特别是亚洲各国人民带来了巨大损害和痛苦，对此表示深刻反省。这是一个符合中日两国关系发展的正确谈话。1998年中日之间发表第三个政治文件，双方确认，互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不侵犯、互不干涉内政、平等互利、和平共处以及《联合国宪章》的准则是处理国与国之间关系的基本准则；双方认为，正视过去以及正确认识历史，是发展中日关系的重要基础。这些对于制止日本社会右倾化起了重要作用。然而，2001年小泉纯一郎内阁成立后，多次参拜靖国神社。2012年购岛闹剧、安倍晋三上台后集体参拜靖国神社、试图修改“和平宪法”、修改历史教科书等一系列举动给亚洲和平带来严重威胁。这些行径试图颠覆战后国际秩序，同时也表明日本政府非常轻率地看待战争罪责，对发动战争的过错没有悔改之意，正在走向军国主义复活之路。

The prime ministers of the cabinets since 2012 are all of the post-war generation. Some of them cater to Japan's right-wing思潮, challenge historical understanding and the Taiwan issue, and push hard to revise Article 9 of the "Peace Constitution" to militarize the Self-Defense Forces, becoming dangerous factors challenging the post-war order. Yoko Kamikaze inherits Shinzo Abe's erroneous stance and attempts to go further on its basis. This change in Japanese politics is extremely dangerous and requires focused attention from the international community.

2012年以后的内阁首相，都是战后出生的一代人，他们中的一些人，迎合日本右翼思潮，挑战历史认识和台湾问题，力推修改“和平宪法”第九条，使自卫队军队化，成为挑战战后格局的危险因子。高市早苗继承安倍晋三的错误立场，试图在其基础上更进一步。日本政坛的这种变化极其危险，需要国际社会重点关注。

Reporter: The erroneous remarks of Japanese politicians not only ignore historical facts but also violate legal principles and basic norms of international relations. In your view, what open challenges to the post-war international order do the erroneous remarks of Japanese Prime Minister Yoko Kamikaze constitute?

记者：日方政客的错误言论既罔顾历史事实，同时也违背法理和国际关系基本准则。在您看来，日本首相高市早苗错误言论对战后国际秩序构成了哪些公然挑战？

Zhang Haipeng: The Cairo Declaration clearly stipulates that Japan be stripped of all islands in the Pacific which it has seized or occupied since the beginning of the First World War in 1914; that all territories Japan has stolen from China, such as the four northeastern provinces, Taiwan, and the Penghu Islands, be restored to China; and that Japan be expelled from all other territories it has taken by violence and greed. The Potsdam Proclamation clearly defines Japan's sovereign territory as limited to the four main islands and a few minor islands determined by the Allies; the Diaoyu Islands, the Ryukyu Islands, and others are entirely outside Japan's territorial scope. The Proclamation stipulates that Japan must unconditionally surrender, that the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out, that Japan's militarist state apparatus and war machine must be destroyed, that Japan will be occupied by the Allied forces, that all Japanese armed forces must be completely disarmed, that Japanese war criminals must be tried, and that the industrial base sustaining Japan's economy may be maintained, but the military industry cannot be retained. The Japanese Instrument of Surrender declares acceptance of the Potsdam Proclamation and its Article 8, and that the Cairo Declaration shall be implemented.

张海鹏：《开罗宣言》明确规定，剥夺日本自从1914年第一次世界大战开始后在太平洋上所夺得或占领之一切岛屿；在使日本所窃取于中国之领土，例如东北四省、台湾、澎湖列岛等地归还中国；其他日本以武力或贪欲所攫取之土地，亦务将日本驱逐出境。《波茨坦公告》明确界定了日本的本土范围只在四个大岛以及盟国认定的几个小岛，钓鱼岛、琉球群岛等一概不在日本领土范围内，公告规定日本必须无条件投降，《开罗宣言》的条件必将实施，日本的军国主义国家机器和战争机器必将毁灭，日本将被盟军占领，日本军队必须全部解除武装，日本战犯必须受到审判，维持日本经济的工业体系，但军事工业不能保留。《日本投降书》宣布接受《波茨坦公告》以及该公告第八条，《开罗宣言》必将实施。

In 1972, China and Japan signed a Joint Statement, in which the Government of Japan recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal government of China; the Government of the People's Republic of China reiterates that Taiwan is an inalienable part of the territory of the People's Republic of China, and the Government of Japan fully understands and respects this position of the Chinese government and adheres to the stance of Article 8 of the Potsdam Proclamation.

1972年中日签署联合声明，日本国政府承认中华人民共和国政府为中国的唯一合法政府；中华人民共和国政府重申，台湾是中华人民共和国领土不可分割的一部分，日本国政府充分理解和尊重中国政府这一立场，并坚持遵循《波茨坦公告》第八条的立场。

As Prime Minister of Japan, Yoko Kamikaze's assertion in the Diet about so-called "Taiwan contingency" completely violates the provisions of the above international treaties. She is completely unaware that Japan is still nailed to the "enemy state" clause. Taiwan has long since legally and legitimately returned to China in accordance with the provisions of the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, and is an inalienable part of China's sacred territory, with an unshakable foundation in international law. As the head of government of a signatory state to the UN Charter, she should realize that Japan does not possess the right of collective self-defense. As the head of government of a state that once occupied Taiwan for 50 years, she should have at least a sense of guilt and shame, and should understand the importance of taking her stand on the basis of the 1945 Japanese Instrument of Surrender and of understanding the importance of maintaining the post-war order for the international community, including Japan.

高市早苗作为日本首相，在国会宣称所谓“台湾有事”云云，完全违反上述国际条约规定。她完全没有意识到，日本至今仍是被钉在“敌对国家”条款里的。台湾早就依《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》之规定合理合法回归中国，是中国神圣领土不可分割的一部分，具有牢不可破的国际法基础。作为《联合国宪章》签字国的政府首脑，她应该意识到，日本是不具有集体自卫权的。作为曾经侵占台湾50年的日本政府首脑，应该有起码的罪恶感、羞耻感，应该懂得把自己的立场站在1945年《日本投降书》之上，懂得维护战后格局对包括日本在内的国际社会的重要性。

Kamikaze's so-called "state of survival crisis" is shocking. This is a synonym for Japanese militarism's past aggression against other countries. If the Japanese side insists on this stance, is it trying to relive the fascist "old dream" of Japanese militarism? If the Japanese government ignores historical lessons and dares to take risks, it will inevitably hit a wall and bleed!

高市早苗所谓“存亡危机事态”，令人震惊。这是日本军国主义从前侵略他国的代名词，日本方面坚持这样的立场，难道想要重温日本军国主义的法西斯“旧梦”？如果日本政府罔顾历史教训，胆敢铤而走险，必将碰得头破血流！

Reporter: Facing the challenges and threats of the "reincarnation" of Japanese militarism, how should the international community fight back and jointly safeguard the victorious achievements of World War II and the world peace order?

记者：面对日本军国主义“还魂”的挑战与威胁，国际社会如何回击，共同维护二战胜利成果与世界和平秩序？

Zhang Haipeng: The Chinese government and the international community have already issued many severe condemnations and criticisms of the erroneous remarks of Japanese Prime Minister Yoko Kamikaze. For the international community to effectively prevent and resolutely stop these challenges from Kamikaze, it must return to the positions of the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Proclamation, and the UN Charter.

张海鹏：中国政府和国际社会已经对日本首相高市早苗的错误言论提出了很多严厉谴责与批评。国际社会要有效防范、坚决阻击高市早苗的这些挑战，必须回到《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》和《联合国宪章》的立场上来。

The purpose of the UN Charter is "to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace." Articles 53, 77, and 107 of the Charter involve provisions concerning enemy states. According to Article 53, paragraph 2, of the Charter, an "enemy state" means any state which during the Second World War was an enemy of any signatory to the present Charter; paragraph 1 of the same article stipulates that states responsible for preventing the renewed aggression of an enemy state are not subject to the authorization of the UN Security Council; the content of Article 107 of the Charter is generally the same as Article 53, paragraph 1.

《联合国宪章》之宗旨在于“采取有效集体办法，以防止且消除对于和平之威胁，制止侵略行为或其他和平之破坏”。宪章第53、77、107条涉及敌对国家之规定，所谓敌对国家，按照宪章第53条第2项之规定，系指第二次世界大战中为本宪章任何签字国之敌国而言；该条第1项规定，对敌对国家之再次侵略，担负防止责任之国家，不受联合国安理会授权之限制；宪章第107条内容大体与第53条第1项相同。

China, as the country that resisted Japanese aggression for the longest time and most resolutely during World War II, suffering the greatest loss of life and property, as a direct party to the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, and as a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the UN Security Council, has the right to issue international warnings against the erroneous words and deeds of the head of government of Japan, an "enemy state" as defined by the UN Charter, who challenges the post-war international order. The international community, including Japan, should focus on supervising and examining the following aspects: first, whether the Japanese government adheres to the stance declared in the 1945 Instrument of Surrender; second, whether the Japanese government adheres to the "Peace Constitution" and whether it has intentions or actions to break through Article 9; third, whether the composition of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, its defense budget, military industry, and strategic objectives conform to the UN Charter; fourth, whether the Japanese government implements the provisions of the Potsdam Proclamation concerning the scope of Japanese territory, and so on. The international community should work together to thoroughly combat the erroneous remarks and illegal challenges of the Japanese head of government, remove obstacles that harm the post-war international order, and jointly safeguard world peace.

中国作为第二次世界大战中抵抗日本侵略时间最长、最坚决、人口财产损失最大的国家，又是《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》的直接当事国，还是联合国的创始会员国和联合国安理会常任理事国，有权对《联合国宪章》认定的“敌对国家”日本政府首脑挑战战后国际秩序的错误言行，发起国际警告。包括日本在内的国际社会应重点从以下方面进行监督省视：一是日本政府是否坚守1945年投降书所宣告的立场；二是日本政府是否坚守“和平宪法”，是否有突破宪法第九条的意图和行径；三是日本自卫队的组成及其国防预算、军事工业以及战略目标是否符合《联合国宪章》；四是日本政府是否落实《波茨坦公告》有关日本领土范围的规定，等等。国际社会应携手协作，彻底打击日本政府首脑的错误言论和非法挑战，消除妨害战后国际秩序的障碍，共同维护世界和平。

(Reporter: Zhao Fan, Guangming Daily)

（记者 《光明日报》赵凡）

Online Editor: Huihui

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