Vigilance Against Japan’s Reckless Adventurism and Firm Defense of the Post-War International Order — A Perspective from International Law

The Second World War was a war between justice and evil, fought between the anti-fascist Allied nations and the fascist Axis powers. The great victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War not only ended the atrocities of fascism but also laid the foundation for the post-war international order. Today, Japan has still not correctly reflected on its history of aggression. Immediately upon taking office, the new Prime Minister, Ishiba Shigeru [1]1 The “Peace Constitution” refers to the Constitution of Japan, promulgated in 1946, whose Article 9 renounces war and the maintenance of armed forces., made erroneous statements concerning Taiwan that violate the One-China principle, recklessly discussed “collective self-defense,” and coveted a breakthrough of the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles” [2]2 The “Enemy State Clause” refers to Articles 53, 107, and 77(1)(b) of the UN Charter, originally targeting Axis powers from World War II., openly violating international law and the basic norms of international relations, challenging China’s core interests, and challenging the post-war international order built upon the fruits of the victory of the anti-fascist war. Faced with the current volatile and intertwined international situation, in order to uphold historical justice and historical truth, it is necessary to clarify from the perspective of international law the crimes of Japanese militarism and Japan’s obligations as a defeated nation, and to prevent the resurgence of Japanese militarist forces.

第二次世界大战是一场反法西斯同盟国与法西斯轴心国之间的正义与邪恶之战。中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争的伟大胜利，不仅终结了法西斯主义的暴行，而且奠定了战后国际秩序的基础。今天，日本仍未正确反省其侵略历史，新任首相高市早苗上台伊始即发表违背一个中国原则的涉台错误言论、妄议“集体自卫权”、觊觎突破“无核三原则”，公然违反国际法和国际关系基本准则，挑战中国核心利益，挑战建立在反法西斯战争胜利果实基础上的战后国际秩序。面对当前变乱交织的国际局势，为维护历史正义和历史真相，有必要从国际法角度厘清日本军国主义罪行和日本的战败国义务，防止日本军国主义势力卷土重来。

The International Law Foundation of the Post-War Order

战后秩序的国际法基石

The Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Proclamation, and the Japanese Instrument of Surrender together constitute the international law norms for rebuilding the East Asian order and the world order after World War II. They also serve as the international law basis for Japan to return to China all territories stolen from China, such as the Northeast, Taiwan, and the Penghu Islands.

《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》和《日本投降书》共同构成二战后重建东亚秩序和世界秩序的国际法准则，也是日本将东北、台湾、澎湖列岛等一切窃取于中国之领土归还中国的国际法依据。

On December 1, 1943, following a meeting of the heads of state of China, the United States, and the United Kingdom, the Cairo Declaration was issued. It declared that the purpose of the three powers in their war against Japan was “to restrain and punish the aggression of Japan.” The three major Allies, together with other nations at war with Japan, would “persevere in the serious and prolonged operations necessary to procure the unconditional surrender of Japan.” The declaration also stated: “Japan will be stripped of all islands in the Pacific which she has seized or occupied since the beginning of the first World War in 1914”; “all the territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Formosa [Taiwan], and the Pescadores [Penghu Islands], shall be restored

1943年12月1日，中美英三国首脑会晤后发布《开罗宣言》，宣布三国对日作战的目的“在于制止及惩罚日本之侵略”，三大盟国将与其他对日作战之联合国家一道，“坚忍进行其重大而长期之战争，以获得日本之无条件投降”。宣言还声明：“剥夺日本自从一九一四年第一次世界大战开始后在太平洋上所夺得或占领之一切岛屿”；“使日本所窃取于中国之领土，例如东北四省、台湾、澎湖群岛”归还中国；“使朝鲜自由与独立”。宣言确认了中国收复这些地方的神圣权利。

On 26 July 1945, China, the United States and the United Kingdom signed the Potsdam Proclamation, expressing the Allied determination to “prosecute the war against Japan until she ceases to resist”, urging Japan’s unconditional surrender, failing which “the full application of our military power, backed by our resolve, will mean the inevitable and complete destruction of the Japanese armed forces and just as inevitably the utter devastation of the Japanese homeland”. The Proclamation stated: “The terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such minor islands as we determine.” The Proclamation insisted on invoking the provisions of the Cairo Declaration, reiterating measures to combat militarism such as depriving Japan of its plundered territories, disarming it, punishing war criminals and imposing occupation. After the Soviet Union declared war on Japan on 8 August, it announced its adherence to the Proclamation. On 15 August, the Japanese Emperor, in a rescript broadcast nationwide, expressed acceptance of the joint proclamation of the four powers, i.e., the Potsdam Proclamation. On 2 September 1945, Japan signed the instrument of surrender, declaring unconditional surrender, fully acknowledging and implementing the provisions of the Potsdam Proclamation, and unconditionally returning the Chinese territories it had illegally occupied to China.

1945年7月26日，中美英签署《波茨坦公告》，表达盟国“对日本全面作战，不至其停止抵抗不止”的决心，敦促日本无条件投降，否则“必将使日本军队完全毁灭”，“而日本之本土亦终必全部残毁”。公告提出：“开罗宣言之条件必将实施，而日本之主权必将限于本州、北海道、九州、四国及吾人所决定其可以领有之小岛在内。”公告坚持援引《开罗宣言》的条款，重申剥夺日本掠夺的领土、解除其武装、制裁战犯、实行占领等打击军国主义的措施。苏联8月8日对日宣战后，声明加入公告。8月15日，日本天皇在向全国广播的诏书中表示接受四国的联合公告，即《波茨坦公告》。1945年9月2日，日本签署投降书，宣告无条件投降，全面承认并履行《波茨坦公告》条款，无条件将其侵占的中国领土归还中国。

In summary, the three above-mentioned important documents form a complete legal and jurisprudential chain in terms of content, clarifying the fact of Japan’s militarist aggression and its status as a defeated nation, proclaiming specific measures for punishing Japanese militarism, and together constituting the international legal norms for rebuilding the East Asian order and the world order after World War II.

总之，上述三个重要文件在内容上形成完整的法律和法理链条，明确了日本军国主义发动侵略战争的事实和战败国地位，宣告了对日本军国主义进行惩罚的具体措施，共同构成二战后重建东亚秩序和世界秩序的国际法准则。

The International Judicial Precedent of Punishing War Criminals

惩处战犯的国际司法先例

The consensus among the anti-fascist Allied nations during World War II was that criminals who launched wars of aggression must be tried by an international tribunal. On 19 January 1946, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, acting on the authorization of the Allies, promulgated the Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. From May 1946 to November 1948, the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, composed of judges from 11 countries including China, the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and France, tried Japanese Class A war criminals in Tokyo for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity, sentencing seven to death by hanging, 16 to life imprisonment and two to fixed-term imprisonment.

发动侵略战争的罪犯必须受到国际法庭的审判，是二战期间反法西斯同盟国家的共识。1946年1月19日，盟军最高统帅总司令部根据同盟国授权，公布了《远东国际军事法庭宪章》。1946年5月到1948年11月期间，由中、苏、美、英、法等11个国家的法官组成的远东国际军事法庭，在东京审判了犯有破坏和平罪、战争法规罪、违反人道罪的日本甲级战犯，判处7人绞刑、16人无期徒刑、2人有期徒刑。

However, compared with the contemporaneous Nuremberg Trials against Nazi Germany, the Tokyo Trials’ reckoning with Japan’s crimes of aggression was insufficiently thorough; a considerable number of war criminals escaped punishment, and atrocities committed by the Japanese military, such as biological warfare, live biological experiments on humans and chemical weapons warfare, were not included.

但与同时期针对纳粹德国的纽伦堡审判相比，东京审判对日本侵略罪行的清算不够彻底，相当数量的战犯逃脱惩罚，日军实施的细菌战、细菌活体实验、化学武器战等暴行未被纳入。

As a landmark practice of the post-World War II international criminal justice system, the Tokyo Trials, together with the Nuremberg Trials, pioneered the precedent of pursuing the individual criminal responsibility of war criminals through international judicial procedures, and hold important jurisprudential and historical significance for punishing war criminals, eradicating the remnants of militarism and comforting the victims of war. The two trials expanded the international law principles for punishing war crimes, possessed a sufficient jurisprudential basis in terms of judicial procedural jurisdiction and the application of law, and their legitimacy was rooted in the paradigms of procedural and substantive justice, making a great contribution to advancing post-war international criminal justice.

作为二战后国际刑事司法体系的标志性实践，东京审判与纽伦堡审判一起开创了通过国际司法程序追究战争罪犯个人刑事责任的先例，对于惩办战争罪犯、铲除军国主义残余、抚慰战争受难者具有重要的法理和历史意义。两场审判拓展了惩治战争犯罪的国际法原则，在司法程序性管辖权和法律适用方面具备充分的法理基础，其合法性根基在于程序正义和实体正义范式，为推动战后国际刑事司法进步作出了巨大贡献。

Since the Meiji Restoration, Japan’s ambition for external expansion had swelled, and it launched a series of wars of foreign aggression, with militarist ideology prevalent in both government and society. The Tokyo Trials exposed all manner of appalling war atrocities to the public, brought the heinous crimes of Japanese militarism to light, and, through a trial lasting two and a half years and a vast body of solid and rigorous evidence, meted out due punishment to the criminals who had launched wars of aggression, upholding justice and representing the common aspiration of all peace-loving people worldwide. The Japanese right-wing forces, which revived after the war, have long downplayed, denied or even whitewashed the history of aggression, vainly attempting to use a mistaken view of World War II history to slander the legality and legitimacy of the Tokyo Trials. This precisely proves that the historical conclusions and historical understanding of the Tokyo Trials have become a legal and institutional barrier to curbing the Japanese right wing’s attempts to reverse the verdict.

日本自明治维新后，对外扩张野心膨胀，发动了一系列对外侵略战争，朝野各界军国主义思潮盛行。东京审判将种种骇人听闻的战争暴行公之于众，将日本军国主义罄竹难书的罪行大白于天下，用历时两年半的庭审和大量确凿严谨的证据，对发动侵略战争的罪犯进行了应有的惩处，伸张了正义，代表了全世界一切爱好和平人民的共同愿望。战后死灰复燃的日本右翼势力，长期淡化、否认甚至美化侵略历史，妄图用错误的二战史观诋毁东京审判的合法性和正当性。这恰好证明东京审判的历史结论和历史认知，已经成为遏制日本右翼翻案的法理性和制度性屏障。

The “Peace Constitution” under the Status of a Defeated Nation

战败国身份下的“和平宪法”

The US occupation authorities under MacArthur took over all supreme power in defeated Japan and implemented demilitarisation and democratisation reforms aimed at eliminating militarism. On 3 May 1947, the Constitution of Japan, drafted under the direction of the US occupation authorities, slightly amended by the Japanese government and deliberated by the Japanese Diet, came into effect. This constitution, consisting of 11 chapters and 103 articles, marked Japan’s transition from a pre-war militarist state to a modern state with a separation of powers; the Emperor’s powers were hollowed out, reducing him to a symbolic role representing the state and the unity of the people. Article 9 of Chapter II stipulates that “the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes” and that “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognised.” This constitution is imbued with a strong pacifist character by Article 9 and is therefore also called the “Peace Constitution”. Article 9 largely reflected the institutional constraints imposed by the victorious powers on the defeated nation to prevent the resurgence of militarism, and was also a legal commitment Japan had to make in order to return to the international community as early as possible.

麦克阿瑟领导下的美国占领军当局接管了战败后日本的一切最高权力，推行旨在清除军国主义的非军事化和民主化改革。1947年5月3日，由美国占领军当局主导制定、经日本政府稍加修改和日本国会审议后的《日本国宪法》正式实施。这部宪法共11章103条，标志着日本从战前的军国主义国家转向现代意义上的三权分立制国家，天皇权力被架空，仅为日本国家与国民的象征角色。宪法第二章第九条规定，“永远放弃以国权发动的战争、武力威胁或武力行使作为解决国际争端的手段”，“不保持陆海空军及其他战争力量。不承认国家的交战权”。这部宪法被第九条赋予浓厚的和平主义色彩，因而又称为“和平宪法”。第九条在很大程度上反映了当时战胜国为防止军国主义东山再起而对战败国施加的制度约束，也是日本为早日重归国际社会不得不做出的法律承诺。

The “Peace Constitution” initially set post-war Japan on a peaceful track of economic reconstruction and rapid development. However, with the onset of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and the outbreak of the Korean War, Japan, with U.S. support, established a “Police Reserve Force” on the grounds that the constitution did not deny the right of self-defense, which was reorganized into the “Self-Defense Forces” with army, navy, and air force branches by July 1954. The unarmed principle of the “Peace Constitution” became a dead letter under the practical demands of the Cold War. Thereafter, Japan continuously breached the restrictions of Article 9 of the constitution through reinterpretations of the “right of self-defense,” running counter to the spirit of the “Peace Constitution.” In the early 1990s, under the banner of making a “greater contribution” to a new international order, Japan took the opportunity of participating in UN peacekeeping operations to dispatch Self-Defense Forces transport aircraft and minesweepers overseas. In 2001, the Junichiro Koizumi cabinet passed the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law following the September 11 attacks, opening the path for dispatching the Self-Defense Forces overseas during wartime and expanding their operational scope worldwide. Shinzo Abe, who served as prime minister four times from 2006 onward, made the deletion of Article 9 of the constitution his core political task during his tenure, setting a timeline for “constitutional revision,” lifting the ban on collective self-defense, and abandoning the “exclusive defense” policy. Although he did not achieve the goal of “constitutional revision,” he further weakened Article 9’s constraints on Japan’s military expansion. In essence, Article 9 of the constitution is a constitutional guarantee preventing the revival of Japanese militarism. “Constitutional revision” is not merely a matter of Japan’s domestic law but a question of whether the post-war East Asian order can be maintained. Japanese right-wing forces have placed the “Peace Constitution” in a precarious position, posing a serious threat to stability in East Asia and peaceful development worldwide.

“和平宪法”促使战后初期日本走上经济重建、高速发展的和平轨道。然而，随着美苏冷战拉开帷幕以及朝鲜战争的爆发，在美国支持下，日本以宪法不否认“自卫权”为由，建立“警察预备队”，到1954年7月改编为拥有陆海空三军的“自卫队”。“和平宪法”的非武装原则在冷战的现实需求下名存实亡，此后，日本通过重新解释“自卫权”的方式不断突破宪法第九条的限制，与“和平宪法”的精神背道而驰。20世纪90年代初，日本打着为国际新秩序作出“更大贡献”的旗号，借参与联合国维和行动的时机，实现了自卫队运输机、扫雷艇的海外派遣。2001年，小泉纯一郎内阁借“9·11事件”通过了《恐怖对策特别措施法》，开辟了战争期间日本向海外派遣自卫队的道路，使自卫队的活动范围扩展到了全世界。2006年起先后四次出任首相的安倍晋三，在任期间以删除宪法第九条作为核心政治任务，制定“修宪”时间表，解禁集体自卫权，抛弃“专守防卫”政策，虽未达成“修宪”目标，却进一步削弱了第九条对日本军事扩张的约束。本质上，宪法第九条是阻止日本军国主义复辟的宪法保障，“修宪”不仅仅是日本的国内法问题，而是涉及战后东亚秩序能否得到维护的问题。日本右翼势力将“和平宪法”置于岌岌可危的境地，给东亚地区稳定与世界和平发展带来严重威胁。

The “Enemy State Clause” to Prevent the Revival of Militarism

防止军国主义复辟的“敌国条款”

Deeply reflecting on the war crimes committed by militarism is an international legal obligation that Japan, as a defeated nation, must fulfill. However, militarism has been difficult to uproot from Japan’s cultural genes. Since the post-war period, Japan has never thoroughly reflected on its history of aggression, and the social foundation that breeds militarist forces still exists.

深刻反省军国主义犯下的战争罪行，是日本作为战败国必须遵守的国际法义务。然而，军国主义难以从日本的文化基因中连根拔掉。战后以来，日本始终没有彻底反省侵略历史，滋生军国主义势力的社会基础仍然存在。

In 1945, when the anti-fascist Allied powers drafted the United Nations Charter, they established a binding “Enemy State Clause” to prevent fascist states from launching aggressive wars again, composed of Articles 53, 107, and Article 77, paragraph 1(b) of the Charter. Article 53 stipulates that if a defeated state from World War II embarks again on a path of external expansion and aggression, any regional organization may, “at the request of the governments concerned,” use force against it without authorization from the Security Council. Article 107 stipulates that the victorious powers may take actions they deem necessary against enemy states of World War II without UN authorization. Article 77, paragraph 1(b) concerns the trusteeship or disposal of territories detached from enemy states. Although some member states have proposed deleting the “Enemy State Clause,” especially in the 1990s when Japan and other countries intensified diplomatic efforts to delete it in pursuit of permanent seats on the Security Council, the procedure for deletion has never been initiated. That is to say, legally speaking, the “Enemy State Clause” remains part of the UN Charter.

1945年，反法西斯同盟国在制定《联合国宪章》时，为防止法西斯国家再度发动侵略战争而订立了约束性的“敌国条款”，由宪章第53条、第107条和第77条1项（丑）款共同构成。第53条规定：如果二战中的战败国重新走上对外扩张的侵略道路，任何区域组织只要“经各关系政府之请求”，就可以对其使用武力，而无需安理会的授权。第107条规定：战胜国可以不经联合国授权对二战中的敌国采取其认为必要的行动。第77条1项（丑）款则是关于从敌国割离领土可被托管或处置的规定。尽管有成员国建议删除“敌国条款”，尤其是到20世纪90年代，日本等国为谋求安理会常任理事国席位，加大了删除“敌国条款”的外交努力。但删除“敌国条款”的程序从未启动。也就是说，从法理上讲，“敌国条款”仍然是《联合国宪章》的内容。

In fact, Japan’s “enemy state” status today does not depend on the clauses still retained in the Charter but on Japan’s own choices. When Japan strenuously denies the binding force of international documents such as the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, and vigorously seeks to break free from the constraints imposed by the Tokyo Trial and the “Peace Constitution” on militarism, it is choosing to be an enemy of historical truth and justice. When Japan disregards international morality, stubbornly attempts to reverse the verdict on its wars of aggression, and unscrupulously pursues “military normalization,” it is choosing to be an enemy of the victorious Allied powers of the anti-fascist war. From this perspective, the “Enemy State Clause” is not just a text to intimidate Japanese right-wing forces but a legal weapon to ensure that the historical view of World War II is not distorted or tampered with.

事实上，今天日本的“敌国”身份并不取决于宪章中仍然保留的条款，而是取决于日本自身的选择。当日本竭力否认《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》等国际文件对日本的束缚，极力突破东京审判、“和平宪法”对军国主义的压制，就是选择与历史真相和正义为敌。当日本漠视国际道义，执意为侵略战争翻案，肆无忌惮地追求“军事正常化”，就是选择与反法西斯同盟的战胜国为敌。从这个角度而言，“敌国条款”不只是敲打日本右翼势力的条文，更是确保二战史观不被歪曲、篡改的法律武器。

The Four Political Documents Forming the Foundation of Sino-Japanese Relations

构成中日两国关系基础的四个政治文件

Since the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan in 1972, there have been four important bilateral political documents: the 1972 Sino-Japanese Joint Statement, the 1978 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between China and Japan, the 1998 Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration, and the 2008 Joint Statement between China and Japan on Comprehensively Promoting Strategic and Mutually Beneficial Relations. These four political documents stipulate the principles that must be observed for the healthy development of Sino-Japanese relations and constitute the political and legal foundation of bilateral relations.

中日1972年邦交正常化以来，共有四个重要的双边政治文件，即1972年的《中日联合声明》、1978年的《中日和平友好条约》、1998年的《中日联合宣言》和2008年的《中日关于全面推进战略互惠关系的联合声明》，四个政治文件规定了中日关系健康发展所必须遵守的各项原则，构成两国关系的政治法律基础。

The Sino-Japanese Joint Statement states: “The Japanese side is keenly aware of its responsibility for the serious damage caused to the Chinese people through the war and expresses deep reflection,” “The Government of Japan recognizes the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government of China,” and “The Government of the People’s Republic of China reiterates that Taiwan is an inalienable part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China. The Government of Japan fully understands and respects this position of the Chinese government and adheres to the position of Article 8 of the Potsdam Proclamation.”

《中日联合声明》提出，“日本方面痛感日本国过去由于战争给中国人民造成的重大损害的责任，表示深刻的反省”，“日本国政府承认中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府”，“中华人民共和国政府重申：台湾是中华人民共和国领土不可分割的一部分。日本国政府充分理解和尊重中国政府的这一立场，并坚持遵循波茨坦公告第八条的立场”。

The Treaty of Peace and Friendship between China and Japan confirms that the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement is “the foundation of the peaceful and friendly relations between the two countries, and the principles set forth in the Joint Statement should be strictly observed.”

《中日和平友好条约》确认：《中日联合声明》是“两国间和平友好关系的基础，联合声明所表明的各项原则应予以严格遵守”。

The Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration comprehensively summarizes the positive and negative experiences and lessons from the course of exchanges between the two countries, stating: “The two sides believe that facing the past correctly and having a correct understanding of history are an important foundation for developing Sino-Japanese relations.”

《中日联合宣言》全面总结了两国交往历程中正反两方面的经验教训，提出：“双方认为，正视过去以及正确认识历史，是发展中日关系的重要基础。”

The Joint Statement between China and Japan on Comprehensively Promoting Strategic and Mutually Beneficial Relations reaffirms that the previous three political documents constitute the political foundation for the stable development of Sino-Japanese relations and for opening up the future, and confirms continued adherence to all principles of the three documents.

《中日关于全面推进战略互惠关系的联合声明》重申过去三个政治文件构成中日关系稳定发展和开创未来的政治基础，确认继续恪守三个文件的各项原则。

The stance of the four political documents on the Taiwan issue is consistent and clear. The Japanese government’s commitment to adhere to the position of the Potsdam Proclamation means it must abandon the erroneous “theory of Taiwan’s undetermined status.” Sanae Takaichi’s public signal in a Diet session of attempting to use force to intervene in the Taiwan issue is a product of the long-term and radicalized strategy of Japanese right-wing forces stubbornly pursuing “using Taiwan to contain China.” It exposes the adventurousness and threat posed by the dregs of Japanese militarism and sounds an alarm for peace and security in the region and the world.

四个政治文件在台湾问题上的立场是一贯而明确的。日本政府承诺坚持遵循《波茨坦公告》的立场，意味着必须放弃错误的“台湾地位未定论”。高市早苗在国会答辩中公开发出试图武力介入台湾问题的信号，是日本右翼势力顽固推行“以台制华”战略长期化、激进化的产物，暴露出日本军国主义残渣余孽的冒险性和威胁性，敲响了地区乃至全球和平与安全的警钟。

The countries and peoples in the Asia-Pacific region that once suffered from Japanese aggression should unite to oppose the blatant trampling of historical justice by Japanese right-wing forces. Peace-loving countries and peoples worldwide should be highly vigilant against the reckless adventurism of Japanese militarism. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in his important speech at the Commemorative Conference Marking the 80th Anniversary of the Victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War: “History warns people that the future of humanity is shared. Only when all countries and nations treat each other equally, live in harmony, and help each other can they maintain common security, eliminate the roots of war, and prevent the tragedy of history from repeating itself!” Adhering to the correct historical view of World War II, defending the post-war international order, and resolutely combating the countercurrent that summons the spirit of militarism are not only about respect for history but also point to the future direction of development for the international community and human civilization.

亚太地区曾经遭受日本侵略的国家和人民，应该联合起来反对日本右翼势力对历史正义的公然践踏，全世界爱好和平的国家和人民，应该高度警惕日本军国主义铤而走险。习近平总书记在纪念中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年大会上的重要讲话中指出：“历史警示人们，人类命运休戚与共，各个国家、各个民族只有平等相待、和睦相处、守望相助，才能维护共同安全，消弭战争根源，不让历史悲剧重演！”坚持正确二战史观，捍卫战后国际秩序，坚决打击为军国主义招魂的逆流，不仅关乎对历史的尊重，更指向国际社会和人类文明未来的发展方向。

(Author: Pu Ping, Professor, School of International Studies, Renmin University of China)

（作者：蒲 俜，系中国人民大学国际关系学院教授）

Online Editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧