The South Manchuria Railway Company’s Aggression Crimes Cannot Be Concealed

The South Manchuria Railway Company (hereinafter “SMR”) was the “state proxy organ” through which the Japanese government implemented its so-called “continental policy,” especially its “Manchuria-Mongolia policy.” From its inception, the SMR engaged in various aggressive activities in Northeast China, not only directly participating in the instigation of the September 18 Incident but also committing numerous crimes before and after the incident. Yet, to this day, the SMR is referred to in Japan as “Japan’s top think tank,” and it is claimed that “the essence of its work made a great contribution to Japan’s postwar economic development and to Asian research.” The criminal acts committed by the SMR during the war of aggression against China are irrefutable and beyond doubt! Reviewing this painful history and exposing the full process by which the SMR colluded with the Japanese Kwantung Army to launch the long-premeditated September 18 Incident is of great significance for establishing a correct view of history, safeguarding the victorious achievements of the War of Resistance Against Japan and the World Anti-Fascist War, and advancing the building of a strong country and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with greater confidence and resolve.

“南满洲铁道株式会社”（以下简称“满铁”）是日本政府推行其所谓“大陆政策”特别是“满蒙政策”的“国家代行机关”。“满铁”自成立以来，在中国东北从事各种侵略活动，不仅直接参与发动九一八事变，更在事变发生前后犯下累累罪行。然而，时至今日，“满铁”在日本却被称为“日本第一智库”，被认为“其工作精髓对战后日本经济发展和亚洲研究作出了巨大贡献”。“满铁”在侵华战争中犯下的罪恶行径，无可辩驳、不容置疑！回顾这段惨痛的历史，揭开“满铁”与日本关东军勾结，发动蓄谋已久的九一八事变全过程，对树立正确的历史观，维护好抗日战争和世界反法西斯战争的胜利成果，更加坚定自信地推进强国建设、民族复兴具有重要意义。

Collusion with the Kwantung Army to Launch the September 18 Incident

勾结关东军发动九一八事变

The conclusion that the SMR was a core instrument of Japan’s war of aggression against China and its colonial expansion policy has long been established. Okamatsu Santarō, one of the SMR’s first directors, declared: “The government intends to use the company’s name to realize the substance of an organ, and to have the South Manchuria Railway Company manage South Manchuria on behalf of the government.” Chinese scholar Zhang Kewei, in his book *Northeast China’s Anti-Japanese Railway Policy*, analogized it as “in fact an English East India Company for India.” Professor Su Chongmin’s analysis is even more penetrating: “The SMR was both a colonial-aggressive institution and a state-monopoly capitalist enterprise.” This dual nature of the SMR determined that it would inevitably invade Northeast China and monopolize its rights and interests, and also determined its reactionary stance of colluding with the Kwantung Army and launching the war of aggression against China during the September 18 Incident.

“满铁”是日本发动侵华战争、推行殖民扩张政策的核心工具，这一论断早有定论。“满铁”首批理事之一冈松参太郎声称：“政府欲假会社之名而行机关之实，欲使南满洲铁道株式会社代替政府经营南满洲。”中国学者张恪惟在《东北抗日的铁路政策》中将其类比为“实一英人对印度之东印度公司也”。苏崇民教授的剖析更加透彻：“满铁既是一个殖民侵略机构，又是一个国家垄断资本主义企业。”“满铁”的这一双重属性，决定其必然要侵略中国东北、垄断中国东北利权，也决定其在九一八事变中与关东军勾结、发动侵华战争的反动立场。

The Kwantung Army, the instigator of the September 18 Incident, was an illegal Japanese military force stationed in Northeast China under the pretext of “protecting the Kwantung Leased Territory and the South Manchuria Railway附属地.” This essential nature determined its long-term and close collusive relationship with the SMR. The expansion of monopoly capital inevitably seeks violent means to eliminate competition, and the SMR was no exception; the Kwantung Army became the provider of violent tools for the SMR. This collusion, in which each side took what it needed, was especially evident during the September 18 Incident: the SMR became an accomplice of the Kwantung Army, even directly participating in the war of aggression against China, while also seizing more aggressive rights and interests in the process.

九一八事变的发动者关东军，是日本以“保护关东州和南满铁路附属地”为名，在我国东北的非法驻军。这一本质属性决定了它与“满铁”形成了长期且密切的勾结关系。垄断资本的扩张必然寻求暴力手段排除竞争，“满铁”也不例外，关东军则成为“满铁”暴力工具的提供者。这种各取所需的勾结，在九一八事变中尤为明显——“满铁”成为关东军的帮凶，甚至直接参与侵华战争，同时也借此攫取了更多侵略权益。

From Secret Collusion to Open Conspiracy

从秘密勾结到公开同谋

In the course of the September 18 Incident, October 6, 1931, was a key temporal node, after which the SMR’s level of support for the Kwantung Army showed a marked difference from before. Prior to this date, although the SMR had critical aggressive collusion with the Kwantung Army in launching and expanding the September 18 Incident, the scale and scope of its support were relatively limited, mainly concentrated on basic guarantees such as railway control and military transport, and were relatively covert; after this date, the SMR entered a phase of all-out, large-scale, and open “support” for, and even direct participation in, the invasion of Northeast China, rapidly expanding the scope of its aggression.

在九一八事变进程中，1931年10月6日是一个关键时间节点，“满铁”对关东军的支持力度在此前后呈现显著的阶段性差异。在此之前，“满铁”虽与关东军发动和扩大九一八事变存在关键性的侵略勾结，但支持力度和范围相对有限，主要集中在铁路控制权和军事运输等基础性保障方面，且较为隐秘；在此之后，“满铁”则进入全力、大范围、公开“支援”乃至直接参与对中国东北的侵略，使其侵略范围迅速扩展。

In some historical works on the September 18 Incident, the then-President of the SMR, Uchida Yasuya, is portrayed as a so-called “moderate” who opposed the military occupation of Northeast China, disagreed with the Kwantung Army, and hoped at the beginning of the incident that “the incident would not expand.” However, Yamazaki Motoharu, then a director of the SMR and its last president, admitted in his postwar memoirs: “President Uchida even clearly predicted the date of the Manchurian Incident.” It is thus evident that Uchida Yasuya had prior knowledge and tacitly approved of the Kwantung Army’s launch of the September 18 Incident. Furthermore, as early as June 1931, SMR Director Sogō Shinji openly clamored at a transportation and communications liaison meeting for drawing up a “state of emergency” transportation plan, hinting that military action was imminent; this same person was the first senior SMR official to actively assist the Kwantung Army after the September 18 Incident. It can be concluded that before October 6, Uchida Yasuya and the SMR were by no means sincerely hoping that “the incident would not expand,” let alone opposing the aggression. No matter how painstakingly the SMR tries to conceal its aggressive acts, its criminal responsibility for the September 18 Incident cannot be evaded.

在部分关于九一八事变的史料论著中，时任“满铁”总裁内田康哉被塑造为与关东军对立的、不赞同武力侵占中国东北且在九一八事变初期希望“事变不扩大”的所谓“温和派”。但时任“满铁”理事，也是“满铁”最后一任总裁山崎元干在战后回忆录中承认：“内田总裁连满洲事变的日期都清楚地预料到了。”可见，内田康哉事前早已知情且默许关东军发动九一八事变。此外，早在1931年6月，“满铁”理事十河信二在交通运输联络会议上公然叫嚣拟定“非常时期”的交通计划，暗示军事行动迫在眉睫，而此人正是九一八事变后第一个积极协助关东军的“满铁”高层。可以认为，10月6日之前，内田康哉及“满铁”绝非真心希望“事变不扩大”，更谈不上反对侵略。无论“满铁”如何费尽心机掩盖侵略行径，其在九一八事变中的侵略罪责是不容推卸的。

Before October 6, on the one hand, the SMR colluded secretly with the Kwantung Army; on the other hand, it adopted two measures as a stop-loss plan in case the Kwantung Army’s actions were unfavorable or failed. First, during this period, the SMR’s aggressive acts were all excused as “requests from the Kwantung Army,” placing itself at the level of an executor. On September 21, Uchida Yasuya telegraphed Japanese Foreign Minister Shidehara Kijūrō, stating, “In response to the needs of the Kwantung Army’s deployment, we have so far provided convenience in military transport and other areas in accordance with all its demands,” which is clear evidence. Second, the SMR deliberately kept its senior management from expressing opinions or made ambiguous statements, creating the illusion that it was unaware of or powerless against the Kwantung Army’s aggression. As mentioned earlier, the SMR had already issued the “Emergency Mobilization Order” after the outbreak of the September 18 Incident, mobilizing SMR personnel to prepare to participate in the Kwantung Army’s war of aggression. Yamazaki Motoharu’s claim that “as the incident unfolded, some employees even went to Mukden without authorization, creating a situation difficult to control” is merely a trick by the SMR to cover up and evade responsibility.

10月6日前，“满铁”一方面与关东军隐秘勾结，另一方面采取两项措施作为关东军行动不利乃至失败后的止损预案。一是“满铁”在这一期间的侵略行径均借口是“关东军要求”，将自身置于执行者层面。9月21日，内田康哉致电日本外相币原喜重郎，“应关东军出动之需要，迄今为止，已按照其全部要求，在军事运输及其他方面提供方便”便是明证。二是“满铁”刻意让高层不表态或含糊表态，营造出其对关东军的侵略不知情或无能为力的假象。如前所言，“满铁”早已在九一八事变爆发后便下达《非常动员令》，动员“满铁”人员准备参与关东军的侵略战争，山崎元干所谓“随着事变，社员中甚至出现了擅自跑到奉天的人，产生了难以统制的现象”的说辞，不过是“满铁”掩人耳目、推卸罪责的把戏。

On October 6, 1931, most of Liaoning and Jilin provinces had been occupied by the Kwantung Army, and the Japanese government and the international community did not stop it. Marked by Uchida Yasuya’s meeting with Honjō Shigeru that day, the SMR fully supported the Kwantung Army’s aggressive atrocities and soon received “returns” from the Kwantung Army. In the “Matters Desired of the SMR Company” issued by Honjō Shigeru in the name of the Kwantung Army Headquarters, the SMR seized multiple aggressive rights and interests: taking over all railways in Northeast China except the Chinese Eastern Railway and the Beijing-Mukden Railway; controlling industry, commerce, mining, and farmland water conservancy in the Northeast; buying up various local official banks; and opening “Manchuria” airline routes, among others. These aggressive rights and interests not only enabled the SMR to resolve its then-existing operational crisis but also established its monopoly position in the puppet Manchukuo economic system.

1931年10月6日，辽宁、吉林大部被关东军侵占，日本政府与国际社会并未阻止。“满铁”以当日内田康哉会见本庄繁为标志，全力支持关东军的侵略暴行，并很快获取关东军的“回报”。在本庄繁以关东军司令部名义发布的《对满铁会社的希望事项》中，“满铁”攫取多项侵略权益：接管除中东路、京奉铁路以外的中国东北所有铁路；控制东北的工商业、矿业和农田水利；收买各地的官银号；开设“满洲”航空路线等。这些侵略权益不仅使“满铁”解决了当时的经营危机，更奠定了其在伪满经济体系中的垄断地位。

Fueling the Kwantung Army’s Aggressive Arrogance

助长关东军侵略气焰

Mr. Xie Xueshi pointed out: “History proves that without the participation, coordination, and support of the SMR, which had engaged in various aggressive activities in Northeast China for many years and possessed formidable strength, the Kwantung Army would have found it difficult to run rampant.” The SMR’s evil deeds during the September 18 Incident include, but are not limited to, providing military supplies, opening buildings within the railway附属地 for use as barracks and bases, manufacturing aggressive propaganda, gathering intelligence, and cobbling together puppet regimes. It even directly participated in “security” operations along the railway lines and organized so-called “self-defense armed forces” to cooperate with the Kwantung Army’s aggression. It is evident that the SMR had become a capable accomplice of the Kwantung Army in its invasion of China.

解学诗先生指出：“历史证明，如果没有多年在我国东北从事各种侵略活动而拥有雄厚实力的满铁的参与、配合和支持，关东军是难以逞凶的。”“满铁”在九一八事变中的恶行包括但不限于提供军用物资、开放铁路附属地内建筑作为兵营基地、制造侵略舆论、搜集情报、拼凑傀儡政权等，甚至直接参与铁路沿线“警备”行动，组织所谓“自卫武装”配合关东军的侵略。可见，“满铁”已经成为关东军侵华的得力帮凶。

The most important act of complicity by the SMR with the Kwantung Army was military transport. On the very night of the September 18 Incident, the SMR quickly dispatched a special train to urgently transport the Kwantung Army Commander Honjō Shigeru and his headquarters personnel from Port Arthur to Mukden (present-day Shenyang), and undertook the transport of subsequent reinforcements, providing crucial “support” for the Kwantung Army’s occupation of Beidaying. Thereafter, the SMR organized a large amount of military transport; by March 1932, the SMR had operated 4,056 military trains, transporting 197,980 tons of military supplies for the invasion of China. Almost all the troops and materiel needed for the Kwantung Army’s aggression were transported by the SMR. The SMR also dispatched railway repair crews to fix damaged railways and bridges and to carry out water supply operations, ensuring the smooth flow of the Japanese army’s invasion routes. The SMR also refitted armored vehicles and participated in “security” along the railway lines. After the September 18 Incident, the SMR assembled six sets of armored trains in just three days; these armed aggressive vehicles were successively dispatched to the four main railway trunk lines—Shenyang-Changchun, Jilin-Changchun, Fushun, and Siping-Taonan—while also undertaking “security” along these lines. In addition, the SMR provided the Kwantung Army with a large quantity of materiel and equipment to sustain its war of aggression.

“满铁”对关东军最重要的助纣为虐活动是军事运输。九一八事变爆发当晚，“满铁”迅速调动专列，将驻旅顺的关东军司令官本庄繁及司令部人员紧急运送至奉天（今沈阳），并承担了后续增援部队的运输任务，为关东军侵占北大营提供了关键“支援”。此后“满铁”组织了大量军事运输，到1932年3月，“满铁”军用列车运行4056次，运送侵华军需品197980吨。关东军侵略所需的兵员、物资几乎均由“满铁”运输，“满铁”还派出铁道修理班修复被破坏的铁路、桥梁以及进行给水作业，确保日军侵略线路的畅通。“满铁”还改制装甲车辆、参加铁路沿线“警备”。九一八事变后，“满铁”仅用3天时间就装配了6组装甲列车，这些武装侵略车辆相继开往沈长、吉长、抚顺、四洮东北四条主要铁路干线，同时承担这几条铁路沿线的“警备”。此外，“满铁”还向关东军提供了大量物资设备，以维持其侵略战争。

The South Manchuria Railway Company (SMRC) [3]3 The South Manchuria Railway Company (满铁, Mantetsu) was a Japanese state-owned enterprise established in 1906 to manage the railway and related infrastructure in Manchuria. It functioned as a key instrument of Japanese imperialist expansion and intelligence-gathering in Northeast China. acted as a cat’s-paw in the September 18 Incident [4]4 The September 18 Incident (九一八事变) refers to the Mukden Incident of 18 September 1931, a staged explosion on a Japanese-owned railway near Mukden (now Shenyang) that the Kwantung Army used as a pretext to invade and occupy all of Northeast China. and the aggressive acts of the Kwantung Army, yet the Japanese government lavished rewards upon it. After the September 18 Incident, a total of 23,301 SMRC employees received medals from the Japanese emperor for supporting or even participating in the war of aggression, which encompassed virtually all Japanese employees of the SMRC. This historical fact vividly exposes the SMRC’s full-scale involvement and deep engagement in Japan’s war of aggression against China.

“满铁”在九一八事变和关东军的侵略行径中为虎作伥，日本政府却对其大加奖赏。九一八事变后，“满铁”共有23301名社员因支持乃至参与侵略战争获得日本天皇授予的勋章，这几乎囊括了“满铁”全体日本社员。这一史实，生动揭露了“满铁”对日本侵华战争的全员参与和深度介入。

The above facts prove that both the SMRC, headed by Uchida Yasuya, and the Kwantung Army, headed by Honjō Shigeru, bear an inescapable aggressive responsibility for the September 18 Incident. Matsuoka Yōsuke, a later SMRC president and a Class-A war criminal of World War II who had served as Japan’s foreign minister, declared: “Launching the Manchurian Incident was a joint action of the Kwantung Army and the SMRC.” This remark can be said to have hit the nail on the head.

以上事实证明，以内田康哉为首的“满铁”和以本庄繁为首的关东军，都对九一八事变负有不容推卸的侵略罪责。后来的“满铁”总裁、曾任日本外相的二战甲级战犯松冈洋右宣称：“发动满洲事变是关东军与‘满铁’的共同行动。”此语可谓一语中的。

(This article is a phased result of the National Social Science Fund major project “Collection, Collation, and Research of Chinese Institutional Holdings of SMRC Historical Materials and Data Platform Construction” (25@ZH013))

（本文系国家社科基金重大项目“中国馆藏满铁史料归集整理与研究及数据平台建设”（25@ZH013）阶段性成果）

(The authors are, respectively, Deputy Director of the Institute of Japanese Studies, Jilin Academy of Social Sciences; and doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Jilin University)

（作者系吉林省社会科学院日本研究所副所长；吉林大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧