The Innovative Role of the Third National Congress of the CPC in the Development of the National Congress System

The National Congress of the Communist Party of China (hereinafter referred to as the National Congress) is the highest leading body of the Communist Party of China, and the National Congress system is an extremely important basic system of the CPC. The National Congress system "generally includes two aspects in its basic content: first, a series of regulations and systems concerning the formation, organization, powers and functions, and operational procedures of the National Congress itself; second, a series of regulations and systems concerning the relationship between the National Congress and Party members, as well as other leading bodies such as the Central Committee of the Party." Studying the historical evolution and development of the National Congress system is a key to exploring and understanding the highest leading body of the CPC, and thereby to probing the laws of development of the Party's century-long history.

中国共产党全国代表大会（以下简称全国党代会）是中国共产党的最高领导机关，全国党代会制度是中国共产党一项极其重要的基本制度。全国党代会制度“其基本内容大体包括两个方面：一是关于党的全国代表大会本身的产生、组织、职权及其运行程序等一系列规定和制度；二是关于党的全国代表大会与党员、与党的中央委员会等其他领导机关的关系的一系列规定和制度。”研究全国党代会制度的历史演变和发展，是我们探索了解中国共产党的最高领导机关，进而探求百年党史发展规律的一把钥匙。

Specifically regarding the Third National Congress of the CPC, the academic community unanimously considers it an important meeting in Party history. It "initiated the Party's policy practice of the united front, achieved the first strategic shift in the Party's central tasks, and made outstanding contributions to Party building, especially organizational building. The Third National Congress answered the epochal questions that urgently needed to be addressed in China at that time and had significant historical merits." However, from the current state of academic research, the compilation and research achievements do not yet match its historical status. First, regarding research materials on the Third National Congress: the main works include *Selected Materials on the Second and Third National Congresses of the CPC*, edited by the Modern History Research Office of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; *Materials on the Third National Congress of the CPC*, compiled by the Guangdong Revolutionary History Museum; *Selected Archival Documents of the Third National Congress of the CPC*, compiled by the Party History Research Office of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Archives; and *Compilation of Historical Documents on the Third National Congress of the CPC*, compiled by the Memorial Hall of the Third National Congress of the CPC, the Research Center for the Third National Congress of the CPC, and the History Department of Sun Yat-sen University. Second, regarding research monographs: representative works include *The Third National Congress of the CPC*, edited by Li Ying, and *The CPC Central Committee in Guangzhou: A Study of the Third National Congress of the CPC*, by Mo Yueyun et al., along with some published collections of essays. Third, regarding National Social Science Fund projects and research papers: the author searched the National Social Science Fund project database using the keywords "Third Congress," "Third Congress of the CPC," "Party's Third Congress," and "Third National Congress of the Communist Party of China," and found no related project approvals. The author searched the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) using the keywords "Third Congress of the CPC," "Party's Third Congress," and "Third National Congress of the Communist Party of China," yielding only 186, 3, and 1 results respectively. In summary, in terms of research materials, as the foundation for conducting research on the Third National Congress, the materials successively published by the academic community have effectively advanced related studies, but most of the subsequently published historical document collections contain content that has already been publicly released, with few newly discovered or disclosed materials. In terms of research outcomes, whether it is long-cycle monographs and projects, or short-cycle, innovative papers that best reflect the frontier dynamics of academic research, there is a clear insufficiency. Moreover, these outcomes are mostly concentrated on exploring the contributions of the Third National Congress to the united front. Therefore, there is still considerable room for expansion in the study of the Third National Congress. This article, which studies the Third National Congress from the perspective of the development history of the National Congress system, is an attempt in this regard. From the perspective of the development process of the National Congress system, the innovative role of the Third National Congress is manifested in three aspects: first, it achieved an important transition in the selection of delegates from appointment and recommendation to democratic election; second, it pioneered the unification of thought before the National Congress; third, its innovations in the meeting agenda were inherited by subsequent congresses.

具体到党的三大而言，学界一致认为这是党史上的一次重要会议，它“开启了党的统一战线政策实践的先河，实现党的中心任务的第一次战略转变，在党的建设特别是组织建设方面贡献突出。党的三大回答了当时中国亟待解决的时代命题，具有重大历史功绩”。但从学界研究现状来看，编研成果还不能与其历史地位相称。第一，关于党的三大的研究资料。主要有中国社会科学院现代史研究室选编的《“二大”和“三大”——中国共产党第二、三次代表大会资料选编》，广东革命历史博物馆编的《中共“三大”资料》，中共中央党史研究室、中央档案馆编的《中国共产党第三次全国代表大会档案文献选编》，中共三大会址纪念馆、中共三大研究中心、中山大学历史学系编的《中共三大历史文献资料汇编》。第二，关于研究专著。代表性的研究著作有李颖编著《中国共产党第三次全国代表大会》，莫岳云等著《中共中央在广州——中共三大研究》等，另外出版过一些论文集。第三，关于国家社科基金立项和研究论文。笔者在国家社科基金项目数据库，分别以“三大”“中共三大”“党的三大”“中国共产党第三次全国代表大会”为关键词，未检索到一项相关课题立项。笔者在中国知网分别以“中共三大”“党的三大”“中国共产党第三次全国代表大会”为关键词进行检索，显示检索结果仅为186个、3个、1个。综上可见，在研究资料方面，作为开展党的三大研究的基础，学界陆续推出的资料有力推进了相关研究，但后续出版的史料集大部分都是已公开刊布过的内容，新发现新披露的史料较少。在研究成果方面，不论是研究周期长的专著、课题，还是研究周期短、新意足、最能体现学术研究前沿动态的论文都明显不足，并且这些成果还多集中于探索党的三大在统一战线方面所作的贡献。因此，党的三大研究还有很大拓展空间，本文从全国党代会制度发展史的角度来研究党的三大就是一个尝试。从全国党代会制度的发展历程来看，党的三大的创新作用表现在三个方面：一是实现选举代表由指派推荐向民主选举发展的重要过渡，二是会前统一思想开全国党代会先河，三是会议议程的创新为以后所继承。

I. An Important Transition in the Selection of Delegates from Appointment and Recommendation to Democratic Election

一、选举代表由指派推荐向民主选举发展的重要过渡

Since it is a "representative" congress, the process of selecting delegates is an important reflection of the operational status of the National Congress system. During the period of the Party's founding and the Great Revolution, because the CPC was in a secretive state and various systems were in their initial stages, the methods of selecting delegates for successive National Congresses were not entirely consistent, but overall they developed toward democratic election. The Third National Congress was a crucial link in achieving this transition.

既然是“代表”大会，那么，代表的产生过程，就成为全国党代会制度运行状况的一个重要反映。在建党和大革命时期，由于中国共产党处于秘密状态，各项制度也处于初创阶段，所以，历次全国党代会代表的产生形式并不全然一致，但总体是向民主选举发展，党的三大是实现这一转变的重要一环。

Since there were no precedents or regulations to follow, the delegates to the First National Congress were generally selected and dispatched on a regional basis. Initially, Li Da and Li Hanjun, representing the early organization of the CPC in Shanghai, wrote letters "to Party groups in various localities, instructing each to send two delegates to Shanghai for the meeting." After receiving the notice from Shanghai, because there were no unified Party statutes or organizational regulations at the time, and because the political conditions and activities varied across localities, the methods of selecting delegates naturally differed. For example, Liu Rensheng recalled that after the early organization of the Party in Beijing received the notice from Shanghai, it immediately held a meeting at the Xicheng Summer School. "At the meeting, some people told Deng Zhongxia to go to Shanghai for the meeting. Deng Zhongxia said he couldn't go, and Luo Zhanglong also said he couldn't go. So it was decided that I and Zhang Guotao would attend the First Congress." Chen Gongbo of the early organization in Guangzhou recalled: "Shanghai took advantage of the summer vacation to hold the first congress, and Guangdong elected me to attend." Zhou Fohai, who was in Japan, recalled: "Then I received a letter from comrades in Shanghai, knowing that a congress was to be held in July. It happened to be summer vacation, so I returned to Shanghai." "I was considered a representative of Chinese students in Japan." Overall, because there were no regulations on delegate elections at the time, the selection of delegates to the First Congress was a non-institutional act. However, the allocation already took into account the need for sufficient representativeness, so, given the small number of Party members, selection was based on regional criteria.

由于并无先例和规章制度可循，所以出席党的一大的代表，总体是以地区为单位选派产生。最初是李达和李汉俊代表上海共产党早期组织写信“给各地党小组，各派代表二人到上海开会”。接到上海方面的通知后，由于当时党内尚无统一章程或者组织规定，加上各地政治状况和活动条件也各不相同，所以代表产生的方法自然就不尽然相同。例如刘仁静回忆说，北京党的早期组织接到上海的通知后，马上在西城暑期补习学校开会。“在会上，有的人叫邓中夏去上海开会，邓中夏说他不能去，罗章龙也说不能去。于是就决定由我和张国焘两个人去出席‘一大’。”广州党的早期组织的陈公博回忆说：“上海利用着暑假，要举行第一次代表大会，广东遂举了我出席。”在日本的周佛海回忆说：“接着上海同志的信，知道7月间要开代表大会了。凑巧是暑假中，我便回到上海。”“我便算是日本留学生的代表。”总的来看，由于当时尚无任何关于代表选举的规定，所以一大代表的选举是非制度性行为，但其分配已经考虑到要有充分代表性，所以在党员数量少的情况下是以地区为标准进行选派。

The delegates to the Second National Congress included members of the Central Bureau, representatives of local organizations, and some representatives who had returned from the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Far East. According to Li Da's recollection, the delegates to this congress were not elected either, "but were designated by Chen Duxiu and Zhang Guotao; those who returned from Moscow were designated as representatives of whichever province they were from." Since the *First Program of the Communist Party of China* and the *First Resolution of the Communist Party of China* adopted at the First National Congress contained no provisions on the selection of delegates to the National Congress, the selection of delegates to the Second National Congress still lacked institutional guidance. However, it followed the precedent of the First Congress of allocating delegates by region, with the addition of specific appointments. It should be said that although the delegates to the First and Second National Congresses were not elected, given the small number of Party members, these individuals were still quite representative.

出席党的二大的代表，有中央局成员、地方组织的代表和参加远东各国共产党及民族革命团体第一次代表大会后回国的部分代表。据李达回忆，出席这次代表大会的代表也不是选举产生，“而是由陈独秀、张国焘指定从莫斯科回国的是那省的人就作为那省的代表”。由于党的一大通过的《中国共产党第一个纲领》和《中国共产党第一个决议》中没有关于全国党代会代表产生的规定，所以党的二大代表的产生仍然无制度可循，但参照了一大按地区分配的先例，又加上了具体指派。应该说，党的一大、二大的代表虽不是选举产生，但在党员数量较少的情况下，这些人还是很有代表性的。

By the time of the Third National Congress, the situation had changed. Although the *Constitution of the Communist Party of China* adopted at the Second National Congress still contained no relevant provisions on the selection of delegates to the National Congress, the selection of delegates to the Third National Congress went through a certain organizational procedure. After the Central Committee of the CPC decided to convene the Third National Congress, various localities, in accordance with the spirit of the Central Committee's notice, carried out the work of selecting delegates through democratic procedures. At that time, the Central Committee had established four regional committees: the Northern, Lianghu (Hunan and Hubei), Jiangsu-Zhejiang, and Guangdong regions. The name of the regional Party organization was the Regional Committee. Each Regional Committee received a notice from the Central Committee requiring it to select and dispatch delegates to attend the Third National Congress.

到了党的三大，情况有所改变。虽然党的二大通过的《中国共产党章程》中依然没有大会代表产生的相关规定，但党的三大代表的产生是经过了一番组织程序的。中共中央决定召开三大后，各地依照中央的通知精神，按民主程序进行大会代表的推选工作。当时中共中央下设北方、两湖、江浙和广东四个区，区党组织的名称叫区委员会，各区委员会都接到中央通知，要求选派代表参加党的三大。

According to the recollection of Luo Zhanglong, then one of the leaders of the Northern Bureau of the CPC: in May 1923 he received a notice from the CPC Central Committee regarding the convening of the Party’s Third National Congress, requiring the Northern Bureau to select delegates in accordance with the following three conditions: first, mainly industrial workers; second, secretaries of district committees could come, but not all of them; third, leaders of the labor movement were to attend the meeting. In line with the spirit of the notice, the Northern Bureau carried out two aspects of work: first, discussion on the selection of candidates for delegates to the congress; second, conveying to the Party branches under its jurisdiction in the railways, mines, and major cities the relevant spirit and arrangements of the Central Committee regarding the convening of the Third National Congress. Luo Zhanglong also recalled that, in addition to the notice on convening the Third National Congress, the CPC Central Committee wrote a separate letter to Li Dazhao, secretary of the Northern Bureau, and to him, requesting that Li Dazhao and Luo Zhanglong attend the Third National Congress and report on the Northern Bureau’s preparations for the congress. Ultimately, through selection and discussion, the Northern Bureau decided to send 12 delegates, including Li Dazhao, Luo Zhanglong, Wang Hebo, Wang Zhongyi, and Wang Jun, the vast majority of whom were workers; the Communist Youth League organization also sent its responsible persons to attend, making this the largest delegation from any region. However, according to the recollection of Xu Meikun, secretary of the Jiangsu-Zhejiang District Committee, the notice he received to send delegates to the Third National Congress was oral; apart from himself, as district committee secretary, being designated an ex-officio delegate, no specific conditions for delegates were stipulated, so he then designated Wang Zhenyi to attend together with him.

据时任中共北方区委负责人之一的罗章龙回忆：他于1923年5月间接到中共中央关于召开党的三大的通知，要求北方区按照以下三个条件选派代表：第一，主要是产业工人；第二，各区委书记可以来，但不要都来；第三，工运负责人要参会。根据通知精神，北方区委开展了两方面的工作：一是对参会代表人选的推选工作进行讨论；二是向所属铁路、矿山和各大城市党支部传达中央关于召开党的三大相关精神及部署。罗章龙还回忆说，除了关于召开三大的通知外，中共中央又单独写了一封信给北方区委书记李大钊和他，要求李大钊和罗章龙参加三大并报告北方区关于三大的准备情况。最终，通过推选和讨论，北方区委决定派出李大钊、罗章龙、王荷波、王仲一、王俊等12人为代表，其中绝大多数是工人；共青团组织也派出负责人参加，这是全国各区代表中人数最多的。但据江浙区委书记徐梅坤回忆，他接到派代表参加三大的通知是口头的，除他本人作为区委书记被指定为当然代表外，没有规定代表的具体条件，于是他又指定了王振一一同参会。

This shows that delegate selection had already made notable progress compared to before, but institutionalized elections had not yet been uniformly required across all regions, and implementation was quite flexible. Other districts also sent delegates, either by designation or by election. Ultimately, the Central Committee delegates were Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, and Zhang Tailei; the Hunan-Hubei district had Mao Zedong, Chen Tanqiu, Xiang Ying, and others; the Jiangsu-Zhejiang district had Xu Meikun, Wang Zhenyi, Yu Shude, and others; the Guangdong district had Tan Pingshan, Feng Jupo, Ruan Xiaoxian, and others. In addition, Cai Hesen and Xiang Jingyu, who had returned from France, and Qu Qiubai, who had returned from the Soviet Union, also attended the meeting. Liu Renjing attended as a delegate to the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, and Maring attended as a delegate of the Communist International. In his report to the Executive Committee of the Communist International, the Red International of Labor Unions, and the Far Eastern Bureau of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on June 25, 1923, Maring stated: “The delegates attending the congress came from Beijing, Tangshan, Changxindian, Harbin, Shandong (Jinan Prefecture), Pukou, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Hankou, Changsha and Pingjiang (Hunan), Guangzhou, and Moscow (the branch of Chinese students abroad).” This indicates that the majority of delegates to the Party’s Third National Congress were elected by Party members, while also taking into account regional distribution, possessing broad representativeness, and being able to represent the will of the more than 420 Party members.

这就说明代表推选已较之前有明显进步，但制度化选举还没有在所有地区统一要求，执行情况也有较大弹性。其他区也或者指定或者选举，派出了代表。最终，中央代表为陈独秀、张国焘、张太雷，两湖区有毛泽东、陈潭秋、项英等，江浙区有徐梅坤、王振一、于树德等，广东区有谭平山、冯菊坡、阮啸仙等。此外，从法国回来的蔡和森、向警予，从苏联回来的瞿秋白也参加了会议。刘仁静作为出席共产国际第四次代表大会的代表，马林作为共产国际的代表出席会议。马林在1923年6月25日向共产国际执行委员会、工会国际和共产国际执行委员会东方部远东局的报告中说：“出席大会的代表来自北京、唐山、长辛店、哈尔滨、山东（济南府）、浦口、上海、杭州、汉口、长沙和平江（湖南）、广州和莫斯科（旅莫学生支部）。”这说明，党的三大部分代表经党员选举产生，同时兼顾了地区分布，具有广泛的代表性，能够代表全国420余名党员的意志。

The arrangement of delegates attending the Party’s Third National Congress vividly embodied its transitional nature. The delegates to the Party’s First and Second National Congresses were not elected; among the delegates to the Third National Congress, there were both elected and appointed ones. In subsequent National Congresses of the Party, although there were still appointments, emphasis was placed on elections, adherence to organizational procedures, and representativeness. Before the Party’s Fourth National Congress, the CPC Central Committee explicitly stipulated the number of attendees from each region and also emphasized organizational procedures, pointing out that “comrades’ meetings should be convened (where meetings cannot be held, group leader meetings should be convened)” to carry out delegate selection work. Before the Party’s Fifth National Congress, on January 21, 1927, Voitinsky, the Shanghai representative of the Far Eastern Bureau of the Communist International, cabled the Communist International, proposing “to hold the Party’s Fifth National Congress in Hankou or Changsha on March 15,” with a total Party membership of 25,000, “electing one delegate for every 300 Party members.” Because the Party’s Seventh National Congress was repeatedly placed on the work agenda, the selection of congress delegates can be roughly divided into three batches, namely in 1939, 1943, and early 1945; these three batches were all selected or chosen by various localities based on the requirements put forward by the Central Committee.

出席党的三大代表的这一安排生动体现了过渡性。此前的党的一大、二大代表均不是选举产生，三大代表中既有选举也有指派。此后召开的全国党代会，虽仍有指派，但都强调要经过选举，经过组织程序，要有代表性。党的四大召开前，中共中央就明确规定了各地区出席人数，还强调组织程序，指出应“召集同志大会（不能开大会处召集组长会议）”开展代表推选工作。党的五大召开前，1927年1月21日，共产国际远东局驻上海代表维经斯基致电共产国际，提出“拟于3月15日在汉口或长沙举行党的第五次代表大会”，以党员总数25000人的规模，“每300名党员选出1名代表”。党的七大由于多次被提上工作日程，大会代表的产生，前后大致可以分为三批，即1939年、1943年、1945年初各一批，这三批都是根据中央提出的代表要求，由各地选拔或选派产生。

II. Unifying Thought Before the Congress Set a Precedent for National Congresses

二、会前统一思想开全国党代会先河

The unity of thought is an important prerequisite for the successful convening of a National Congress of the Party. The various problems that emerged in the course of revolution, construction, and reform, as well as the various difficulties encountered by the CPC in its arduous struggle, all needed to be addressed at the congress. However, due to the limited duration of the congress and the fact that the CPC was in an underground state for a long period during the democratic revolution, convening a representative congress faced many practical difficulties. Therefore, to ensure the smooth progress of the congress, unifying thought before the congress gradually became an unwritten convention, a practice that began with the Party’s Third National Congress, institutionally manifested in the holding of preparatory meetings and the drafting of relevant documents before the opening of the National Congress.

思想的统一是全国党代会能否成功举行的重要前提。面对革命、建设、改革进程中出现的各种问题和中国共产党在艰苦奋斗中遇到的种种困难，都需要在大会上进行解答。但由于大会会期有限，中国共产党在民主革命时期又长期处于地下状态，召集代表大会有很多现实困难。所以，为保证大会顺利进行，会前统一思想逐渐形成不成文的惯例，这一惯例是从党的三大开始的，在制度上表现为在全国党代会开幕前召开预备会和起草相关文件。

Neither the Party’s First nor Second National Congress held preparatory meetings to prepare for the National Congress. The Party’s Third National Congress made a breakthrough, specifically arranging a preparatory meeting before the opening of the congress. According to Luo Zhanglong’s recollection: on the eve of the Party’s Third National Congress, a preparatory meeting was held in Guangzhou, “attended by members of the Second Central Committee and responsible persons from some provinces,” with the “main content being an exchange of views on issues related to the congress.” According to the recollection of attending delegate Liang Furan, one agenda item of the preparatory meeting was for the delegates gathered in Guangzhou to further elect the congress delegates; a list of candidate delegates had been prepared in advance and was passed by a show of hands at the meeting; those not elected could attend the meeting as non-voting delegates. The preparatory meeting also discussed the candidates for members of the Central Executive Committee and the drafting of various resolutions for the Party’s Third National Congress, and Maring also conveyed the Communist International’s views on the issue of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation and reported on the international situation.

党的一大、二大都没有召开为全国党代会做准备的预备会。党的三大有所突破，在大会开幕前特意安排了预备会。据罗章龙回忆：党的三大前夕，在广州召开了预备会议，“有二届中委和一些省的负责人参加”，“内容主要是就有关大会问题交换意见”。据与会代表梁复然回忆，预备会其中一项议程是由各地齐聚广州的参会代表进一步选举出大会代表，候选代表名单事先已经列好，经大会以举手表决的方式通过，未选上的人都可以作为列席代表参加会议。预备会还讨论了中央执行委员会委员人选和党的三大各个决议案的起草情况，马林还传达了共产国际关于国共合作问题的意见，报告了国际形势。

Preparing the main materials for the congress, reflecting the consensus of the attending delegates, before the meeting was another breakthrough of the Party’s Third National Congress. These materials mainly referred to the various reports, resolutions, and other written documents submitted to the congress for discussion. The preparation of the main materials was actually another form of unifying thought before the congress, that is, a written consensus carrier generated after oral discussions had unified thought. Because such a carrier had been fully discussed before the congress and a certain consensus had been formed, there were mostly no major revisions during the meeting; once these resolutions or reports were passed by the congress, they became programmatic documents that the entire Party should follow. It can be said that although using written materials as a carrier was formal, its purpose was to play a substantive role, so the drafting of the main materials for the congress was very important.

会前就准备好反映与会代表共识的大会主要材料是党的三大的又一突破。这些材料，主要指提交大会讨论的各项报告、决议案等文字材料。主要材料的准备其实是会前统一思想的另一种表现形式，即在经口头讨论统一思想后以文本形式生成的书面共识载体。这样一个载体因为已经会前充分讨论，形成了一定共识，所以在会议之中大多没有大的修改；这些决议或者报告一经大会通过，就变成了全党应该遵循的纲领性文件。可以说，以文字材料作为载体虽然是形式的，但其目的是要起到实质性作用的，所以大会主要材料的起草工作十分重要。

Before the Party’s First National Congress, the drafting of meeting materials was actually carried out, but unfortunately it could not reflect the consensus of the attending delegates. According to Zhang Guotao’s recollection, because he was involved in the preparatory work for the congress, he arrived in Shanghai early, but Li Hanjun told him: “As for the agenda and motions, it might be better to wait until all delegates have arrived before discussing them.” After the delegates arrived in Shanghai one after another, through discussion, “the Party program and political program were difficult to draft, but we all felt that such a document was indispensable”; the delegates also believed that a detailed Party constitution was unnecessary, and that a concise Party constitution would suffice. Chen Gongbo brought with him a letter from Chen Duxiu to the congress, in which Chen raised four points of opinion on organizational and policy issues. Zhang Guotao gathered the opinions of Chen Duxiu and the various delegates, first drafted two proposals, and submitted them to Li Hanjun, Liu Renjing, Zhou Fohai, and others for joint review. Although Li Hanjun and others did not fully agree with the draft political program, they considered it could serve as a basis for discussion; although Maring believed the draft did not clearly define the Party’s program for the current stage, he did not propose specific amendments. During the discussion at the congress, the delegates felt that the draft political program was not mature enough; the congress decided that delegates should first speak, report on work conditions in their respective localities, and after discussion, select people to draft a declaration. According to another recollection by Dong Biwu, the First National Congress had no preparatory meeting, but he participated in the drafting of the main documents. Checking Dong Biwu’s situation in 1921, before he went to Shanghai to attend the Party’s First National Congress, he had never been to Shanghai; he should have participated in the drafting work during the meeting. Therefore, the drafting of documents for the Party’s First National Congress was carried out both before and during the meeting.

在党的一大召开前，其实进行了会议材料的起草工作，但遗憾的是不能反映与会代表的共识。据张国焘回忆，因参与会议筹备工作，他提前到达上海，但李汉俊告诉他：“至于议程和议案等问题不妨等各代表到齐之后再行商定”。代表陆续到达上海后，经过商讨，“党纲与政纲是难于拟订的，但我们都觉得非有这一文件不可”，代表们还认为不必有一个详细的党章，只要有一个简明的党章就够用了。陈公博参会时携带有陈独秀致大会的信件，陈在信中就组织和政策问题向大会提了四点意见。张国焘汇集了陈独秀和各位代表的意见，先行拟出了两个草案，交由李汉俊、刘仁静、周佛海等共同审查。李汉俊等人虽不完全同意政纲草案，但认为可以作为讨论的基础，马林虽认为草案没有明确规定共产党现阶段的纲领，但没提出具体修改意见。在大会讨论中，代表们觉得政纲草案不够成熟，大会决定由各代表先行发言，报告各地工作状况，讨论后再行选人起草宣言。另据董必武回忆，一大没有筹备会，但他参与了主要文件的起草工作。查董必武在1921年当年赴沪参加党的一大前，并没有来过上海，他应该是在会议期间参加的起草工作。所以，党的一大的会前和会中都进行了文件起草工作。

The drafting of materials for the Party’s Second National Congress was carried out during the meeting. According to Zhang Guotao’s recollection, after the Party’s Second National Congress opened, a special drafting committee was established; to avoid attracting the attention of the authorities by holding too many meetings, it was decided that Chen Duxiu, Cai Hesen, and Zhang Guotao would form the drafting committee for the congress declaration, and after drafting was completed, the congress would be convened again for discussion and passage.

党的二大是在会议召开期间进行的材料起草工作。据张国焘回忆，党的二大在大会召开之后才成立了专门的起草委员会，为避免多次召开会议引起当局的注意，决定由陈独秀、蔡和森和张国焘组成大会宣言起草委员会，起草完毕后，再召开大会讨论通过。

Preparations for the Party’s Third National Congress began early, starting from the beginning of 1923. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) set about making preparations for the Third Congress, mainly under the direction of the representative of the Communist International and the Second Central Committee. An important matter was the study of the content and agenda of the congress, and a document drafting group was established. In accordance with the spirit of the resolution of the Executive Committee of the Communist International of 12 January 1923, Chen Duxiu drafted the “Resolution on the National Movement and the Question of the Kuomintang” for the Party’s Third Congress. The CPC Central Committee and the Communist International representative Marlin solicited opinions from Party organizations and members in various localities on congress agenda items such as Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. In particular, a special meeting of the drafting committee was convened to discuss the issue of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. In early June 1923, the preparatory meeting for the Party’s Third Congress was held at Chun Yuan [Spring Garden] on Dongshan in Guangzhou, where the drafting of the various resolutions for the Third Congress was specifically discussed. Marlin and Chen Duxiu and others often studied issues in the living rooms on the second and third floors of Building 24 at Chun Yuan, exploring the policies and strategies for Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, revising the CPC’s Party Programme and Party Constitution, and drafting the manifesto and various draft resolutions for the Party’s Third Congress. Luo Zhanglong recalled: “On the eve of the Third Congress of the CPC, I participated in the preparatory meeting held in Guangzhou… the main content was to exchange views on issues related to the congress.” One task of the preparatory work before the congress was to prepare resolutions and reports for the congress, such as resolutions on the workers’ movement, the peasant movement, the youth movement, and the women’s movement. But he also said: at the congress “several small groups were also established to draft documents.” According to another recollection by Xu Meikun, the Party Constitution was written in advance, with Mao Zedong, Cai Hesen, Zhang Tailei, Chen Duxiu, Qu Qiubai, and Marlin participating in the drafting. Other resolutions were only brought up during the meeting, discussed and drafted on the spot. The resolution on the Fourth Congress of the Communist International and the congress manifesto were drafted by Marlin; the resolution on the peasant question was drafted by Mao Zedong and Tan Pingshan; the resolution on the women’s question was drafted by Xiang Jingyu; the resolution on Kuomintang-Communist cooperation was drafted by Mao Zedong; the resolution on the youth movement was drafted by Zhang Tailei and Liu Renjing; the resolution on the labour movement was drafted collectively. Luo Zhanglong’s recollection and Xu Meikun’s recollection differ somewhat, but overall, before the convening of the Party’s Third Congress, the CPC Central Committee and the Communist International had already discussed the drafting of the main documents for the congress and drafted some document drafts.

党的三大筹备较早，从1923年初开始，中共中央就着手进行三大筹备工作，主要由第三国际代表和二届中央委员会主持，一个重要事项就是对大会的内容和议题进行研究，并成立了文件起草小组。根据共产国际执委会1923年1月12日决议精神，陈独秀为党的三大起草了《关于国民运动及国民党问题的议决案》。中共中央和共产国际代表马林就国共合作等大会议题，征求了各地党组织和党员的意见。尤其是对国共合作的问题，专门召开了起草委员会会议讨论。1923年6月上旬，党的三大预备会议在广州东山的春园召开，又专门讨论了三大各个决议案的起草情况。马林和陈独秀等经常在春园24号楼二楼和三楼客厅研究问题，探讨国共合作的方针策略，修改中国共产党党纲、党章，起草党的三大的宣言和各项决议草案。罗章龙回忆说：“中共‘三大’前夕，在广州开的预备会议我参加了……内容主要是对有关大会问题交换意见”，大会召开前筹备工作的一项就是为大会准备决议案和报告，如工运、农运、青运、妇运决议案等。但他又说：在代表大会上“还成立了若干小组，起草文件”。另据徐梅坤回忆，党章是事先写好的，由毛泽东、蔡和森、张太雷、陈独秀、瞿秋白以及马林参加起草。其他决议案是开会时才提出来的，边讨论边起草决议案。关于共产国际“四大”决议案及大会宣言，由马林起草；农民问题决议案由毛泽东、谭平山起草；妇女问题决议案由向警予起草；关于国共合作决议案由毛泽东起草；青年运动决议案由张太雷、刘仁静起草；劳动运动决议案是集体起草。罗章龙的回忆和徐梅坤的回忆有所出入，但总的来看，在党的三大召开前，中共中央和共产国际已经为大会主要文件的起草进行了讨论，并起草了部分文件的草案。

These two practices of the Party’s Third Congress pioneered the construction of the national congress system and were continued by subsequent national congresses. For example, the drafting of materials for the Party’s Fourth Congress was more standardized than before; not only was there full discussion during the drafting process to form a certain consensus, but a special document was also issued to solicit opinions from Party organizations in various localities. At the end of August 1924, the CPC Central Committee sent a circular to the committees of all districts, localities, and leaders of independent groups, stating that “the Fourth National Congress is not far off. Comrades in all localities must have many opinions on the Party’s various policies over the past year, the practical movements of workers, peasants, youth, the Kuomintang, and various matters in intra-Party education and organization. It is hoped that the committees of all districts, localities, and leaders of independent groups will express their views: and at each group meeting, discuss the above points and report the results to the Central Bureau.” Individuals with opinions could also send them directly to the Central Bureau. “Upon receiving these reports and opinion statements, the Central Bureau will publish them in the recent (fifth or sixth issue) Party newspaper as material for discussion and resolution at the Fourth National Congress,” requesting that “these reports and opinion statements be sent as quickly as possible.” Subsequently, the Party’s Fifth Congress and Sixth Congress also carried out work to unify thinking, and before the Party’s Seventh Congress, the precedent was set for discussing major historical issues in advance to unify thinking.

党的三大的这两项做法开创了全国党代会制度建设的先河，并为后来全国党代会所延续。如党的四大的材料起草工作较之前更为规范，不但在起草过程中充分进行讨论，形成了一定共识，还专门发文征求各地党组织的意见。1924年8月底，中共中央致电各区各地方委员和各独立组长，指出“第四次全国大会开会为期不远，各地同志对于本党一年来各种政策，工农，青年，国民党各种实际运动及党内教育上组织上各事必有许多意见，望各区各地方委员会各独立组组长发表其所见：并于每个小组会议时将上述各点提出讨论，以其结果报告中央局”，个人有意见者也可直接汇寄中央局，“中央接到此项报告及意见书，即于最近期（第五六期）党报上发表以为第四次大会各项讨论决议之材料”，要求“此次报告及意见书寄来以速为好”。此后党的五大、党的六大也都进行了统一思想的工作，党的七大前更是开创了对重大历史问题提前讨论以统一思想的先例。

III. Innovations in the Congress Agenda Were Inherited by Later Congresses

三、会议议程的创新为以后所继承

Revising the Party Constitution according to circumstances and electing new central leading organs are important agendas of the national congress and also important aspects of the construction of the national congress system. The Party’s Third Congress made innovations in both these aspects.

根据形势修改党章、选举产生新的中央领导机构是全国党代会的重要议程，也是全国党代会制度建设的重要方面。党的三大在这两个方面都有所创新。

Revising the Party Constitution in accordance with the needs of the development of the Party and the people’s cause and changes in circumstances began with the Party’s Third Congress.

根据党和人民事业发展的需要和形势变化修正党章，最早是从党的三大开始的。

The Party’s First Congress adopted the “First Programme of the Communist Party of China” and the “First Resolution of the Communist Party of China.” Although the “Programme” mentioned some content of the Party Programme and Party Constitution, it could not yet be called an independent Party Constitution. The Party’s Second Congress formulated and adopted the “Constitution of the Communist Party of China,” which was the first independent Party Constitution in Party history, providing a foundation for the subsequent formulation and revision of the Party Constitution.

党的一大通过《中国共产党第一个纲领》和《中国共产党第一个决议》。《纲领》虽然提到了党纲和党章的部分内容，但还称不上是一个独立的党章。党的二大制定并通过《中国共产党章程》，这是党史上第一个独立的党章，为以后党章的制定和修改提供了基础。

In response to the development of the revolutionary situation and the needs of Party building, the Party’s Third Congress revised the Party Constitution for the first time after the founding of the Party, adopting the “First Amended Constitution of the Communist Party of China,” thereby exercising the power of the national congress to revise the Party Constitution. Compared with the Party Constitution of the Party’s Second Congress, the Party Constitution of the Third Congress had 6 chapters and 30 articles, adding only 1 article, maintaining overall stability.

根据革命形势发展和党的建设需要，党的三大在党成立后第一次修改党章，通过了《中国共产党第一次修正章程》，行使了全国党代会修改党章的权力。与党的二大党章相比，党的三大党章共6章30条，只增加1条，总体上保持了稳定。

The Party Constitution adopted by the Party’s Third Congress mainly had the following changes: First, it was more cautious in developing new Party members. (a) It stipulated for the first time a probationary period for Party members: “The probationary period is three months for workers and six months for non-workers, but the local committee may adjust it according to circumstances.” (b) It required for the first time that two full Party members introduce a candidate before joining the Party. “When joining the Party, a person must be introduced by two Party members who have been full Party members for more than half a year.” Compared with the First and Second Congresses, which only required one Party member to introduce a candidate, the Third Congress’s requirement of introduction by two Party members who had been full Party members for more than half a year was more conducive to comprehensively examining the political quality, ideological motivation, and actual performance of the person joining the Party. This provision has been followed to this day. (c) It clarified for the first time the rights and obligations of probationary Party members, which was conducive to strengthening the management of probationary Party members. (d) It added for the first time a clause on Party members voluntarily withdrawing from the Party: “If a Party member voluntarily withdraws from the Party, it must be decided by the district, their Party card and other important documents must be recovered, and the introducer must guarantee that they will strictly observe all secrets of the Party. If violated, the district executive committee shall adopt appropriate measures against them.” Second, the level of approval for joining the Party was delegated. “After passing through the group meeting, examination by the local committee, and approval by the district committee, one may become a probationary Party member of the Party.” This changed the previous method of reporting the development of Party members to the Central Executive Committee, reflecting that after the expansion of the Party’s scale, it was necessary to grant greater autonomy to local Party organizations, while also helping the Party Central Committee focus more on the overall situation. Third, the number and division of labour of the Central Executive Committee were adjusted, and new provisions were made on the number of Party members in grassroots Party organizations. The number of members of the Central Executive Committee was expanded from “5 full members and 3 alternate members” stipulated in the Party Constitution of the Second Congress to “nine members elected by the National Congress; and five alternate members are also elected. If a member leaves office, an alternate member may act in their place.” The provision in the Party Constitution of the Second Congress that a group could be formed wherever there were 3 to 5 Party members was changed to forming a group with 5 to 10 members, while stipulating that in places with fewer than 5 members, “an organization should also be established, and a secretary publicly elected.” Fourth, more complete and clear provisions were made on the system and procedures for convening meetings from the national congress to grassroots Party organizations. For example, the requirement for the Central Executive Committee to convene an extraordinary meeting was changed from a request by a majority of districts to “a request by one-third of the districts representing one-third of the Party’s total membership,” reflecting respect for intra-Party opinions. Another example: the Party Constitution of the Second Congress did not make specific provisions on the number of representatives to the national congress or extraordinary meetings, while the Party Constitution of the Third Congress stated: “For the number of representatives to the National Congress or extraordinary meetings, each locality must send one representative, but localities with more than forty members may send two, those with more than sixty members may send three, and for every additional forty members, one additional representative may be sent. Each locality has one vote for every ten members. For places that have not formed a locality, if the Central Executive Committee deems it necessary, it may order them to send one representative, but whether they have the right to vote shall be decided by the congress.” These amendments were an effective response to the development of the Party’s cause and the increase in the number of Party members, while also laying a good foundation for further development later.

党的三大通过的党章主要有以下变化：第一，对发展新的党员更为慎重。一是首次规定了党员的候补期，“候补期劳动者三个月，非劳动者六个月，但地方委员会得酌量情形伸缩之。”二是首次要求有两名正式党员介绍才能入党。“党员入党时，须有正式入党半年以上之党员二人之介绍”。与一大、二大只要求党员一人介绍即可入党的要求相比，三大要求有正式入党半年以上党员二人介绍等规定，更有利于综合考察入党人员的政治素质、思想动机和现实表现，这一规定一直沿袭至今。三是首次明确候补党员的权利和义务，这有利于加强对候补党员的管理。四是首次增加党员自请出党的条款——“党员自请出党，须经过区之决定，收回其党证及其他重要文件，并须由介绍人担保其严守本党一切秘密，如违时，由区执行委员会采用适当手段对待之”。第二，对入党批准层级进行下放。“经小组会议之通过，地方委员会之审查，区委员会之批准，始得为本党候补党员。”这就改变了以往发展党员要报告中央执行委员会的办法，反映出党的规模扩大之后，有必要赋予地方党组织更大自主权，同时也有利于党中央更聚焦于全局。第三，对中央执行委员会的人数和分工进行了调整、对党的基层组织人数作了新的规定。将中央执行委员会的组成人员数由党的二大党章规定的“正式委员5人，候补委员3人”扩充为“由全国代表大会选举九人组织之；并选举候补委员五人，如委员离职时，得以候补委员代理之”。将党的二大党章规定凡有党员3人至5人均得成立一组，增至5人至10人成立一组，同时规定不满5人之处“亦当有组织，公推书记1人”。第四，对从全国党代会到基层党组织的会议召开制度、程序等作了更完善、明确的规定。如将中央执行委员会召集临时会议的要求，从过半数区之请求调整为“有三分之一区代表全党三分之一党员之请求”，体现了对党内意见的尊重。再如党的二大党章没有对全国党代会或临时会议的代表人数作出具体规定，三大党章则指出：“全国代表大会或临时会议之代表人数，每地方必须派代表一人，但人数在四十人以上者得派二人，六十人以上者得派三人，以上每加四十人得加派代表一人。每地方十人有一票表决权。未成地方之处，中央执行委员会认为必要时，得令其派出代表一人，但有无表决权由大会决定”。以上这些修正，是对党的事业发展和党员人数增多后的有效因应，同时也为之后的进一步发展奠定了好的基础。

Electing new central leading organs is an important agenda of all previous national congresses. Among them, the central leading organ elected by the Party’s First Congress was called the Central Bureau; the central leading organs elected by the Party’s Second to Fourth Congresses were called the Central Executive Committee; the central leading organs elected after the Party’s Fifth Congress were called the Central Committee.

选举产生新的中央领导机构，是历次全国党代会的重要议程。其中，党的一大选举产生的中央领导机构名称为中央局，党的二大至四大选举产生的中央领导机构名称为中央执行委员会，党的五大之后选举产生的中央领导机构名称为中央委员会。

Since its founding, the Communist Party of China has elected its central leadership bodies through democratic elections and enshrined this electoral system in its party program and constitution. At the time of the First National Congress, there were no provisions within the Party for electing the central leadership body, yet the Congress voluntarily adopted secret ballot voting to democratically elect the Central Bureau. According to Liu Renjing’s recollection, votes were counted on the spot; when the teller read out Li Hanjun’s name, Dong Biwu immediately asked: “Who voted for him?” Liu Renjing replied that he had. Later, Cai Hesen highly praised this, considering Liu Renjing’s act historically significant for the democratic electoral system of the Party’s leadership bodies, “because at that time the election seemed to have a tacit understanding, with everyone having someone in mind for whom to vote.”

中国共产党自创立起，就以民主选举方式产生中央领导机构，并把这一选举制度写入党纲和党章。党的一大召开时，党内尚无选举中央领导机构的规定，但大会自觉采用无记名投票的方式，民主选举产生中央局。据刘仁静回忆，现场还进行了唱票，当唱票人念到李汉俊的名字时，董必武马上问：“是谁选的？”刘仁静回答说是他选的。后来蔡和森对此进行了高度评价，认为刘仁静此举对党的领导机构的民主选举制度具有历史意义，“因为那时选举好象事先有默契，选谁每人心中都有数”。

The Constitution of the Communist Party of China adopted at the Second National Congress explicitly stipulated that the Central Executive Committee be elected by the National Congress, thereby providing a legal basis for the election of the Party’s leadership bodies. At the Congress, in accordance with the Constitution, a new Central Executive Committee was elected.

党的二大通过的《中国共产党章程》明确规定中央执行委员会由全国代表大会选举产生，党的领导机构的产生自此有法可依。在会上，大会依据章程，选举产生新一届中央执行委员会。

The innovation of the Third National Congress regarding elections lay in comprehensively strengthening the consideration of new leadership body members, making the leadership body more representative and more capable of leadership as a whole. First, before the election of the new Central Executive Committee, opinions were solicited from the delegates. According to delegate Xu Meikun’s recollection, before the election, the chairperson “proposed several individuals to solicit the delegates’ opinions, and then a show of hands was taken.” Qu Qiubai recorded the vote counts at the time: “Chen Duxiu (40), Cai Hesen (37), Li Dazhao (37), Wang Hebo (34), Mao Zedong (34), Zhu Shaolian (32), Tan Pingshan (30), Xiang Ying (27), Luo Zhanglong (25). Alternates: Deng Pei, Zhang Lianguang (absconded), Xu Meikun, Li Hanjun, Deng Zhongxia.” This is the earliest surviving record of vote counts for electing the central leadership body at a National Congress. Second, greater attention was paid to balance among various groups and sectors, and more emphasis was placed on practical work experience. First, more fresh blood was introduced. Of the 14 members, 9 were new, accounting for 64.3%; of the 5 members of the Central Bureau, 3 were new, accounting for 60%. The oldest member was Chen Duxiu, aged 44; the youngest was Xiang Ying, aged 25. These leading members were all in their prime, vigorous, sharp-minded, and receptive to new things and new ideas. Second, for the first time, there were members from the industrial working class. Of the 14 members, 5 were industrial workers, accounting for 35.7%. Except for Zhang Lianguang, all were worker leaders who had emerged from the labor movement and were embraced by the workers. They included mechanics, textile workers, drivers, and printers. Wang Hebo, a worker by origin, concurrently served as a member of the Central Bureau. The proportion of worker members was the highest except for the sixth central leadership collective, but their quality level was clearly superior to that of the sixth. Third, there were 8 representatives of workers and peasants, significantly more than in the previous two congresses, accounting for two-thirds of the 12 members who actually assumed duties. They had broad regional representativeness, coming from Shanghai, Beijing, Anyuan, Tangshan, and other places; they also had broad representativeness in terms of industry, with frontline work experience in Chinese factories, railways, mines, and other sectors. Fourth, they had rich practical struggle experience, with many having served as middle- or grassroots-level cadres and having organized and participated in mass movements. Overall, the quality level and leadership ability of the third central leadership collective should be considered among the highest of all those before the Zunyi Conference. [28]28 The Zunyi Conference (January 1935) was a pivotal meeting of the Politburo during the Long March that established Mao Zedong’s leading role in the Party and corrected military errors, often regarded as a turning point in the history of the CPC.

党的三大对于选举方面的创新在于全面加强对新的领导机构成员的考量，使领导机构整体更有代表性更有领导力量。第一，在新的中央执行委员会选举前征求代表意见。据与会代表徐梅坤回忆，在选举前，主持人“提出几个人征求代表们的意见，然后举手表决”。瞿秋白记下了当时的选举票数：“独秀（40），和森（37），守常（37），荷波（34），泽东（34），朱少连（32），平山（30），项英（27），章龙（25）。候补：邓培，张连光（潜逃），梅坤，李汉俊，邓中夏。”这是现存全国党代会选举中央领导机构的最早的得票记录。第二，更加注意各群体各方面的平衡、更加注重实际工作经验。一是引入更多新鲜血液。14人中有9名新成员，占64.3％；中央局5人中有3名新成员，占60％。成员年龄最大的是陈独秀，44岁；最小的是项英，25岁。这些领导成员都正值青壮年，朝气蓬勃，思维敏捷，易于接受新事物新思想。二是第一次有产业工人成员。14人内有5人是产业工人，占35.7％。除张连光外，均是工人运动中涌现出的受工人拥戴的工人领袖。有机械工、纺织工、司机、印刷工。工人出身的王荷波兼任中央局委员。工人委员是除第六届中央领导集体外比例最高的，但素质水平明显超过第六届。三是工农代表有8人，明显比前两届要多，占实际担当工作的12位委员的三分之二。他们在地域上具有广泛代表性，分别来自上海、北京、安源、唐山等地；他们在行业上也具有广泛代表性，对中国工厂、铁路、矿山等行业有一线工作经验。四是实际斗争经验丰富，多人担任过中层、基层干部，参加组织过群众运动。总体来看，第三届中央领导成员的素质水平和领导能力应是遵义会议以前各届较高的。

The National Congress revises and improves the Party Constitution, incorporating into it the major practical, theoretical, and institutional achievements made by the Party in advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This is crucial for promoting the development of the Party’s and the people’s cause, and the Third National Congress pioneered this practice. In the Party’s history, except for the Fifth National Congress, which, due to the urgency of the situation at the time, entrusted the Central Political Bureau with drafting amendments to the Party Constitution, all other formulations and revisions of the Party Constitution have been decided by the National Congress.

全国党代会修正完善党章，把党在推进中华民族伟大复兴过程中取得的重大实践成果、理论成果、制度成果体现在党章中，对推进党和人民事业的发展至关重要，党的三大开了先河。在党的历史上，除了五大因开会时因形势紧急，委托中央政治局制定党章修正案以外，其余历次党章的制定和修改都由全国党代会作出。

The central leadership body elected by the National Congress is the highest leading body of the entire Party between two congresses after the congress adjourns, bearing the heavy responsibility of leading the entire Party in implementing the line, principles, and policies formulated by the National Congress. Therefore, the election of the central leadership body is of great significance to the development of the Communist Party of China. The Third National Congress accumulated successful experience in electing the central leadership body, providing an important reference for the gradual institutionalization and democratization of elections thereafter.

全国党代会选举产生的党的中央领导机构，是大会闭幕之后，两次代表大会之间全党的最高领导机构，肩负着领导全党贯彻落实全国党代会所制定的路线方针政策的重任。因此，中央领导机构的选举对中国共产党的发展有着非常重要的意义。党的三大在选举产生中央领导机构方面积累了成功经验，为之后选举逐步走向制度化、民主化提供了重要借鉴。

Conclusion

结语

The emergence and formation of the National Congress system of the Communist Party of China is the result of the CPC following Marx’s and Engels’ institutional design for proletarian parties, drawing on Lenin’s practical experience in Soviet Russia, and continuously developing and improving it in the process of integrating with China’s actual conditions. Starting from the First National Congress, which proclaimed the birth of the CPC, the National Congress has had a major impact on the development of the CPC, China, the Chinese nation, and the communist movement. However, judging from the current state of academic research, the quantity and quality of related achievements are still disproportionate to this impact. The study of Party history emphasizes both causality and process. The author believes that research on the National Congress should be strengthened from two aspects: First, from the perspective of causality, that is, taking the historical status, historical influence, and contemporary inspiration of the National Congress as research approaches. Currently, there are relatively more achievements in this area, but they are still insufficient overall. Second, from the perspective of process, where research is currently relatively lacking. Engels believed that “the world is not to be comprehended as a complex of ready-made things, but as a complex of processes.” [29]29 This is a paraphrase of a well-known passage from Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy (1886) by Friedrich Engels. Looking at the development process of the National Congress during the democratic revolution period, the various systems of the Seventh National Congress were relatively the most mature through continuous exploration and practice, and it was recorded in history as a “congress of unity and a congress of victory,” [30]30 This is a standard historical characterization of the Seventh National Congress (1945), which adopted Mao Zedong Thought as the Party’s guiding ideology and elected a unified central leadership. accumulating rich experience for the successful convening of National Congresses after the founding of New China. However, this was not achieved overnight but underwent an arduous process of exploration. For the study of the National Congress, attention should be paid to both larger processes and smaller processes. The so-called larger process refers to research like this article, which examines the Third National Congress within the development process of the National Congress. It was precisely through the continuous summation of experiences and lessons from the First to the Sixth National Congresses that the Seventh National Congress achieved great results. The so-called smaller process refers to the convening process of a single National Congress, that is, the specific details. A National Congress at least includes processes such as convening the meeting, setting the agenda, drafting documents, discussing at the meeting, and forming resolutions. Whether smooth or tortuous, these are all important objects of Party history research. Returning to this article, by examining the Third National Congress within the development process of the National Congress system, it can be clearly seen that its innovative role is mainly manifested in three aspects: From the perspective of delegate election, the Third National Congress played an important transitional role from appointment and recommendation to democratic election; from the perspective of unifying thinking before the meeting, the two systems of holding preparatory meetings and drafting congress materials reflecting the consensus of the attending delegates began with the Third National Congress; from the perspective of the meeting agenda, the Third National Congress revised and improved the Party Constitution for the first time and elected a central leadership body with strong leadership capabilities, providing experience for the institutional construction of subsequent Party congresses.

中国共产党全国代表大会制度的产生形成，是中国共产党遵循马克思、恩格斯关于无产阶级政党的制度设计，借鉴列宁在苏俄实践经验，在结合中国实际过程中不断发展完善的结果。从党的一大宣告中国共产党诞生开始，全国党代会就对中国共产党、对中国、对中华民族、对共产主义运动的发展都产生了重大影响，但从学界研究现状来看，相关成果的数量、质量还难以与其影响相称。党史研究讲因果、也讲过程。笔者认为应从这两个方面加强党代会研究：一是从因果方面着手，即以全国党代会的历史地位、历史影响及现实启示作为研究进路，目前这方面的成果相对较多，但整体还不够。二是从过程方面着手，目前这方面的研究相对欠缺。恩格斯认为：“世界不是既成事物的集合体，而是过程的集合体”。从民主革命时期全国党代会的发展历程来看，党的七大各项制度在不断摸索实践中相对最为成熟，也以“团结的大会，胜利的大会”载入史册，为新中国成立后全国党代会的胜利召开积累了丰富经验。但这并不是一蹴而就的，而是经历了艰辛的探索过程。对于全国党代会研究而言，既要关注较大的过程，也要关注较小的过程。所谓较大的过程是指类似本文这种研究，把党的三大放入全国党代会发展过程中去考察，正是从党的一大到党的六大期间不断的总结经验教训，才使党的七大取得了很大成绩。所谓较小的研究是指一次党代会的召开过程，即具体细节，一次党代会最起码包括会议召集、制定日程、起草文件、会议讨论、形成决议等过程，中间或顺利或波折，都是重要的党史研究对象。回到本文而言，把党的三大放入全国党代会制度发展过程中进行考察，可以清晰的看到三大的创新作用主要表现在三个方面：从代表选举看，党的三大起到了由指派推荐向民主选举发展的重要过渡；从会前统一思想看，开预备会、起草反映与会代表共识的大会材料，这两项制度是从党的三大开始的；从会议议程看，党的三大第一次修正完善党章，选举出领导力强的中央领导机构，为之后党代会的制度建设提供了经验。

Source: Journal of China Executive Leadership Academy Jinggangshan, Issue 2, 2024

文章来源：《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2024年第2期

Online Editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆