On the Reshaping of Five Major Relationships by Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively

The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was a meeting of great importance held at a critical juncture in advancing the great cause of building a strong country and realizing national rejuvenation through Chinese-path modernization. By laying out plans for multiple major reform tasks in the process of advancing Chinese-path modernization on the new journey of the New Era, the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC proposed the guiding ideology, overall requirements, timetable, and roadmap for further deepening reform comprehensively, thereby being recorded in history. The plenary session reviewed and adopted the “Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively to Advance Chinese-Path Modernization” (hereinafter referred to as the “Decision”). The content of the Decision is very rich, among which the profound elaboration on the “reshaping” of five major aspects—namely, China’s central-local relations, regional development, social grassroots, human-nature relations, and urban-rural relations—has important cognitive value and practical significance, and should be systematically analyzed and studied.

党的二十届三中全会是在以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴伟业的关键时期召开的一次十分重要的会议。党的二十届三中全会通过对新时代新征程推进中国式现代化进程中的多项重大改革任务进行谋篇布局，提出进一步全面深化改革的指导思想、总体要求、时间表、路线图等，而载入史册。全会审议通过了《中共中央关于进一步全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化的决定》（以下简称《决定》）。《决定》内容十分丰富，其中深刻阐述的关于对我国中央与地方、区域发展、社会基层、人与自然以及城乡关系五大方面的“重塑”的内容，有重要的认识价值和实践意义，对此应加以系统的分析和研究。

I. Reshaping of Central-Local Relations

一、对央地关系的重塑

Since reform and opening up, central-local relations have achieved new balance and vitality under China’s unitary state structure. In terms of fiscal system reform, the tax-sharing reform implemented in 1994, by clarifying the tax revenue sharing ratios between the central and local governments, enhanced the central government’s macro-control capacity while ensuring relatively stable revenue sources for local finances, thereby stimulating to a certain extent local governments’ enthusiasm for developing the economy and organizing fiscal revenue. In recent years, in line with economic development trends, the division of tax revenues between central and local governments has been continuously adjusted. For example, the 2016 “Transition Plan for Adjusting the Division of VAT Revenue between Central and Local Governments after Fully Replacing Business Tax with VAT” and the 2019 “Reform Promotion Plan for Adjusting the Division of Revenue between Central and Local Governments after Implementing Larger-Scale Tax and Fee Reductions” not only safeguarded local financial resources but also provided institutional and mechanism guarantees for local governments to implement the central government’s tax and fee reduction policies, promoting positive interaction between central and local governments. In terms of administrative system reform, the central government has continuously delegated powers in economic management, social management, and other areas to local governments. For instance, in the approval of investment projects, approval authority for some projects has been gradually delegated, allowing local governments to approve and manage projects more flexibly based on local actual conditions, thereby improving administrative efficiency and stimulating local development vitality. At the same time, according to economic development and administrative management needs, administrative divisions have been reasonably adjusted, and special zones such as special economic zones, national-level new areas, and pilot free trade zones have been established, providing new platforms and opportunities for local economic development. In terms of economic management system reform, the central government has established a relatively complete macro-control system, playing an important role in maintaining macroeconomic stability and promoting economic growth, while also paying attention to granting local governments a certain degree of autonomy, allowing them to formulate corresponding economic development policies and measures based on local actual economic conditions. In addition, for regions with relatively lagging economic development, the central government has implemented strategies such as the Western Development, the Revitalization of Northeast China, and the Rise of Central China, providing support in terms of policies, funds, and projects, thereby promoting coordinated regional economic development.

改革开放以来，央地关系在我国单一制的国家结构形式下取得新的平衡与活力。在财政体制改革方面，1994 年实施的分税制改革通过明确中央和地方的税收分成比例，在增强中央财政宏观调控能力的同时保障了地方财政有相对稳定的收入来源，一定程度上调动了地方发展经济、组织财政收入的积极性。近年来，根据经济发展形势，中央和地方的税收收入划分也在不断进行调整。例如，2016 年的《全面推开营改增试点后调整中央与地方增值税收入划分过渡方案》、2019年的《实施更大规模减税降费后调整中央与地方收入划分改革推进方案》等既保障了地方财力，又为地方政府落实中央减税降费政策提供了体制机制保障，促进了央地之间的良性互动。在行政体制改革方面，中央持续向地方政府下放经济管理、社会管理等方面的权力。例如，在投资项目审批方面，逐步下放了部分项目的审批权限，让地方政府能够根据本地实际情况更灵活地审批和管理项目，提高了行政效率，激发了地方的发展活力。同时根据经济发展和行政管理的需要，对行政区划进行合理调整，设立经济特区、国家级新区、自由贸易试验区等特殊区域，为地方经济发展提供了新的平台和机遇。在经济管理体制改革方面，中央政府建立了较为完善的宏观调控体系，在保持宏观经济稳定、促进经济增长等方面发挥着重要作用，同时注重给地方政府一定的自主空间，让地方政府能够根据本地经济发展的实际情况制定相应的经济发展政策和措施。此外，对于一些经济发展相对滞后的地区，中央政府通过实施西部大开发、东北振兴、中部崛起等战略，给予政策、资金、项目等方面的支持，促进了区域经济的协调发展。

However, at the same time, with economic and social development, central-local relations, especially central-local fiscal relations, have gradually become unsuitable for the needs of China’s high-quality economic development, the construction of a unified national market, and the creation of a market-oriented, law-based, and internationalized first-class business environment for modernization, failing to fully leverage the initiative of both the central and local governments. The problems are mainly manifested as follows: First, local fiscal expenditures exceed national fiscal revenues. Over the past three years, the gaps between the two have been 0.88 trillion yuan, 2.13 trillion yuan, and 1.96 trillion yuan respectively, meaning that even if all national fiscal revenues were used for local expenditures, there would still be a significant funding shortfall, and the gap between the two shows a trend of gradual expansion. Simply increasing the downward transfer of financial resources can no longer effectively alleviate local fiscal difficulties. Second, the excessive scale of transfer payments reduces economic efficiency. China’s transfer payment scale has increased for many consecutive years, and in 2023, the transfer payment scale exceeded 10 trillion yuan.[1]1 Transfer payments refer to fiscal funds transferred from the central government to local governments to balance regional development and provide public services. The essential purpose of transfer payments is to balance regional economic development and social public service gaps, but this inevitably reduces economic efficiency while achieving the goal of balance, meaning that more developed regions receive fewer transfer payments. During periods of rapid economic growth, the general public budget revenues of developed regions can meet their fiscal expenditure needs. However, as downward economic pressure increases and land finance becomes unsustainable, the public budget revenues of developed regions can no longer cover their fiscal expenditures, leading to issues of economic operational efficiency that cannot be ignored. Third, there is uncertainty in the distribution of fiscal powers, administrative powers, and financial resources between central and local governments. Local fiscal powers, administrative powers, and expenditure responsibilities change constantly as the state responds to various public risks, making it difficult for local governments to accurately estimate future expenditure needs. On the revenue side, the distribution of revenues between central and local governments is in a state of dynamic adjustment. To better respond to domestic and international economic and social development situations, the central government’s discretionary macro-control measures, such as the redistribution of tax revenues between central and local governments and tax and fee reduction policies, continuously and implicitly adjust and change the division of revenues between central and local governments, leading to uncertainty on the local revenue side. On the expenditure side, there is tension between the flexibility of central government policies and the distribution of local administrative powers and financial resources. Policies on ecology, stability maintenance, education, and other areas formed by the central government during specific periods make it difficult for local governments to effectively arrange government budget preparation. The mismatch and uncertainty between central and local fiscal powers, administrative powers, and expenditure responsibilities thus have adverse effects on local debt management, grassroots governance, the business environment, and other aspects.

但与此同时，随着经济社会发展，央地关系尤其是央地财政关系逐渐不适应我国经济高质量发展、构建全国统一大市场以及营造市场化法治化国际化一流营商环境等现代化建设的需要，不能充分发挥中央与地方两个积极性。问题主要表现为：一是地方的财政支出大于全国的财政收入。近三年两者之间缺额依次为0.88万亿、2.13万亿与1.96万亿，这意味着即使将全国的财政收入全部用于地方支出，也存在着较大的资金缺口，且两者之间的缺额有逐渐扩大的趋势，仅通过加大财力下沉已无法有效缓解地方财政困难。二是转移支付规模过大降低了经济效率。我国的转移支付规模连续多年增加，2023年转移支付规模更是突破10万亿。[1] 转移支付的本质目的是平衡地区经济发展、社会公共服务差距，但这不可避免地在实现平衡目标的同时降低了经济效率，即越发达的地区得到的转移支付越少。在经济快速增长时期，发达地区一般公共预算收入可以满足其财政支出的需要，但随着经济下行压力增大，土地财政难以为继，发达地区的公共预算收入也难以覆盖其财政支出，进而导致的经济运行效率问题不容忽视。三是央地之间财权、事权及财力分配的不确定性。地方的财权、事权与支出责任随着国家应对各种公共风险而不断变化，导致地方难以准确预估未来的支出需求。在收入侧方面，央地之间的收入分配处于动态调整中，为更好地应对国内外经济社会发展局势，中央相机采取的宏观调控诸如央地之间税收的重新分配、减税降费等政策会不断地隐性调整和改变中央与地方收入的划分，导致地方收入侧的不确定性。在支出侧方面，中央政策的灵活性与地方事权与财力分配之间存在张力。中央政府特定时期形成的生态、维稳、教育等政策使得地方难以有效安排政府预算编制，央地之间财权、事权、支出责任之间的不匹配与不确定性进而对地方债务管理、基层治理、营商环境等方面产生不良影响。

In this regard, the *Decision* of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC [2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. Its *Decision* is the key policy document adopted at the session. made arrangements for further deepening fiscal and tax system reform comprehensively, with specific content including budget system reform, tax system reform, and reform of central-local fiscal relations. Reform of central-local fiscal relations is the core and hub of budget system reform and tax system reform, emphasizing the need to “establish central and local fiscal relations with clear powers and responsibilities, coordinated financial resources, and regional balance” [2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. Its *Decision* is the key policy document adopted at the session.. The impact of this reform is far-reaching and will reshape central-local relations over the next 10 to 20 years. First, increase local autonomous financial resources and optimize the division of central and local revenues. In response to local fiscal difficulties, the *Decision* does not simply emphasize increasing local share of revenues, but rather enhances local autonomous financial resources by strengthening local fiscal autonomy, stressing the need to “expand local tax sources, appropriately enlarge local tax management authority” and “optimize the sharing ratio of shared taxes.” From the arrangements of the *Decision*, comprehensive measures need to be adopted to enhance local autonomous financial resources; after the consumption tax reform, partial allocation to local governments, tax sharing, transfer payment reform, surtax reform, and local debt governance can all play a role in strengthening local fiscal autonomy. Second, improve the fiscal transfer payment system. The *Decision* proposes: “Clean up and regulate special transfer payments, increase general transfer payments, and enhance the degree of matching between the fiscal powers and expenditure responsibilities of cities and counties. Establish a transfer payment incentive and constraint mechanism to promote high-quality development” [3]3 The *Decision* refers to the document adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC.. Promoting high-quality economic development, building a unified national market, and advancing Chinese-path modernization all require fully leveraging the initiative of both the central and local governments. From the arrangements of the *Decision*, further improving fiscal transfer relations requires achieving coordination among the three objectives of incentive, balance, and control in central-local fiscal relations. It is necessary not only to fully mobilize the initiative and vitality of local governments in promoting high-quality economic development and fulfilling their duties, but also to achieve the central government’s goals of balancing regional development gaps and public service gaps, ultimately attaining the unity of efficiency, fairness, and order. Third, clearly divide central and local fiscal powers and expenditure responsibilities. In response to the issues of uncertainty and incoordination regarding fiscal powers, administrative powers, and expenditure responsibilities between central and local governments, the *Decision* points out the need to “appropriately strengthen central administrative powers and increase the proportion of central fiscal expenditure,” and makes clear requirements on reducing the delegation of local fiscal administrative powers and prohibiting the illegal requirement for local governments to arrange matching funds. By shifting administrative powers and expenditure responsibilities upward, the situation of “the higher level ordering dishes and the lower level paying the bill” will be significantly reduced, and endogenous uncertainty can be effectively lowered. Under these circumstances, the predictability of local administrative powers and expenditure responsibilities can be greatly improved, thereby helping to reduce the mismatch between fiscal powers and expenditure responsibilities within local government jurisdictions, and achieving coordination and reshaping of central-local relations.

对此，党的二十届三中全会《决定》对进一步全面深化财税体制改革做出部署，具体内容包括预算制度改革、税收制度改革与央地财政关系改革。央地财政关系改革是预算制度改革与税收制度改革的核心与枢纽，强调要“建立权责清晰、财力协调、区域均衡的中央和地方财政关系”[2]，而这项改革的影响是深远的，将会在未来10年甚至20年间重塑央地关系。其一，增加地方自主财力，优化中央和地方收入划分。针对地方财政困难问题，《决定》并未单纯强调增加地方分成收入，而是通过增强地方财政的自主权以提升地方自主财力，强调要“拓展地方税源，适当扩大地方税收管理权限”“优化共享税分享比例”。从《决定》的部署看，需要采取综合施策以增强地方自主财力，消费税改革后部分划归地方政府、税收分享、转移支付改革、附加税改革、地方债治理等，都可以起到增强地方财政自主权的作用。其二，完善财政转移支付体系。《决定》提出：“清理规范专项转移支付，增加一般性转移支付，提升市县财力同事权相匹配程度。建立促进高质量发展转移支付激励约束机制。”[3] 推进经济高质量发展，构建全国统一大市场以及推进中国式现代化等都需要充分发挥中央与地方两个积极性。从《决定》部署看，进一步完善财政转移关系，需要实现央地财政关系的激励、平衡与控制三个目标的协调，既要充分调动地方政府推动经济高质量发展，履职尽责的积极性与活力，也要实现中央政府平衡地区间发展差距、公共服务差距的目标，最终达到效率、公平和秩序的统一。其三，清晰划分中央与地方财政事权与支出责任。针对央地之间财权、事权、支出责任等不确定、不协调的问题，《决定》指出要“适当加强中央事权、提高中央财政支出比例”，并就减少地方财政事权委托、禁止违规要求地方安排配套资金等方面做了明确要求。通过将事权与支出责任上移，“上面点菜、下面买单”的情形将显著减少，内生不确定性可以有效降低，在这种情况下，地方事权、支出责任可预期性就可以大大提高，从而有利于减少地方政府辖区内财政事权与支出责任不相匹配的状况，实现中央与地方之间关系的协调和重塑。

II. Reshaping of Regional Development Relations

二、对区域发展关系的重塑

Large regional differences and unbalanced development are a basic national condition of China. Contrary to the topographical feature of high west and low east in the geographic development pattern, China’s regional economic pattern shows a development trend of low west and high east. This imbalance and inadequacy manifests between regions as large differences in economic development across localities. Therefore, coordinating regional coordinated development, promoting the equalization of basic public services, and achieving significant improvement in people’s living standards have always been important goals of our Party in governing and rejuvenating the country. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, especially since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has led the people to achieve important accomplishments in narrowing regional development differences and promoting coordinated regional development. In terms of regional economic aggregate, the gross domestic product of the eastern region increased from 25.7 billion yuan in 1952 to 65,208.4 billion yuan in 2023; calculated at constant prices, the average annual growth rate from 1953 to 2023 was 9.1%. The gross domestic product of the central region increased from 14.6 billion yuan in 1952 to 26,989.8 billion yuan in 2023, with an average annual growth rate of 7.9%. The gross domestic product of the western region increased from 12.7 billion yuan in 1952 to 26,932.5 billion yuan in 2023, with an average annual growth rate of 8.3%. The gross domestic product of the northeastern region increased from 8.4 billion yuan in 1952 to 5,962.4 billion yuan in 2023, with an average annual growth rate of 7.5% [4]4 These figures are cited from official Chinese statistical sources, likely the National Bureau of Statistics.. Regional economic development has been rapid. In terms of regional development balance, with the implementation of strategies such as the Western Development Strategy, the Revitalization of the Northeast, the Rise of Central China, and the Eastern Region Taking the Lead in Development, the per capita gross domestic product ratio between the eastern, central, western, and northeastern regions was 2.54:1 in 1952, narrowed to 2.09:1 in 1978, and further narrowed to 1.86:1 in 2023 [5]5 Ibid.. Looking at data from the past decade, the economic growth rates of the central and western regions have been higher than that of the eastern region for many consecutive years. The proportions of the central and western regions’ gross domestic product in the national total increased from 21.3% and 19.6% in 2012 to 21.6% and 21.5% in 2023, respectively [6]6 Ibid., with the relative regional development gap continuing to narrow. In terms of regional comparative advantages, in 2023, the gross domestic product of the eastern region accounted for 52.1% of the national total, continuing to play a “shouldering the heavy burden” role. The central region accelerated its rise, with its gross domestic product accounting for over one-fifth of the national total in 2023. Infrastructure conditions in the western region have been greatly improved, absolute poverty has been completely eliminated, and people’s living standards have steadily improved.

区域差异大，发展不平衡是我国的一个基本国情。与地理发展格局西高东低的地势特征相反，我国的区域经济格局发展呈现出西低东高的发展态势。这种不平衡不充分体现在地区之间就是各地经济发展差异大。因此，统筹区域协调发展，推动实现基本公共服务均等化，人民生活水平有较大提高一直是我们党执政兴国的重要目标。中华人民共和国成立尤其是党的十八大以来，我们党领导人民在缩小地区发展差异，促进区域协调发展上取得了重要成就。从区域经济总量上看，东部地区生产总值由1952年的257亿元提升至2023年的652 084亿元，按不变价格计算，1953—2023年，年均增长9.1%；中部地区生产总值从1952年的146亿元提升至2023年的269 898亿元，年均增长7.9%；西部地区生产总值从1952年的127亿元提升至2023年的269 325亿元，年均增长8.3%；东北地区生产总值从1952年的84亿元提升至2023年的59 624亿元，年均增长7.5%[4]，区域经济发展迅猛。从区域发展平衡上看，随着我国西部大开发、东北振兴、中部崛起和东部率先发展等战略的实施，从人均地区生产总值看，1952年东部、中部、西部、东北地区极差比为2.54比1，1978年缩小到2.09比1，2023年进一步缩小至1.86比1[5]。从近十年的数据来看，中西部地区经济增速连续多年高于东部地区，中部和西部地区生产总值占全国比重分别由2012年的21.3%、19.6%提高到2023年的21.6%、21.5%[6]，区域发展相对差距持续缩小。从区域比较优势上看，2023年，东部地区生产总值占全国比重提升至52.1%，持续发挥“挑大梁”作用。中部地区加快崛起，2023年生产总值占全国比重超过1/5。西部地区基础设施条件大为改善，绝对贫困全面消除，人民生活水平稳步提高。

While China’s regional economic coordinated development has achieved major accomplishments, new problems and new situations have emerged in regional development. First, the trend of regional economic development differentiation is evident. Regions such as Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei, the Yangtze River Delta, and the Pearl River Delta have initially embarked on the track of high-quality development, with rapid development of new quality productive forces, while some northern provinces have seen growth slowdown and difficulties in economic transformation and upgrading. For example, the economic aggregate of the northern region accounted for 45.8% of the national total in 2012, but dropped to 36.9% in 2023. The national economic center of gravity has further shifted southward, presenting a pattern of “fast in the south, slow in the north” in economic growth rates and “rising in the south, falling in the north” in total share. Second, the polarization of development momentum is increasingly prominent. Megacities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, as well as strong provincial capitals, have obvious siphon effects and agglomeration effects, continuously attracting advanced production factors such as talent, capital, technology, and data. In contrast, a large number of third- and fourth-tier cities face problems such as brain drain, capital shortage, and lagging industrial development, leading to gradual regional development imbalance. Third, some regions face significant difficulties in development. The development of the northeast, southwest, and northwest regions is relatively lagging, and the revitalization and development of special types of regions still face difficulties. For example, old revolutionary base areas, ethnic minority areas, border areas, and impoverished areas—the so-called “old, young, border, and poor” areas—due to harsh natural conditions, weak economic foundations, and prominent social contradictions, have become important focal points for improving the inadequacy and imbalance of coordinated regional development. [7]7 The “old, young, border, and poor” areas (老少边穷地区) is a standard Chinese political term referring to old revolutionary base areas, ethnic minority areas, border areas, and impoverished areas, which are targeted for special development support.

在我国区域经济协调发展取得重大成就的同时，区域发展中出现了一些新问题新情况。一是区域经济发展分化态势明显。京津冀、长三角、珠三角等地区已初步走上高质量发展轨道，新质生产力发展迅速，而一些北方省份增长放缓，经济转型升级困难。例如，2012年北方地区经济总量占全国的比重为45.8%，2023年则下降为36.9%，全国经济重心进一步南移，经济增长速度呈现“南快北慢”和总量占比“南升北降”的格局。二是发展动力极化现象日益突出。北上广深等特大城市、强省会的虹吸效应、集聚效应明显，不断吸引着人才、资金、技术、数据等先进生产要素流入。与之相反，大量三四线城市面临着人才流失、资金短缺、产业发展滞后等问题，区域发展逐渐失衡。三是部分区域发展面临较大困难。东北、西南、西北地区发展相对滞后，特殊类型地区振兴发展仍有困难。如革命老区、民族地区、边疆地区和贫困地区等老少边穷地区，由于自然条件恶劣、经济基础薄弱、社会矛盾突出等原因，已成为改善区域协调发展不充分不平衡的重要着力点。[7]

In response to these issues, the *Decision* of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC further points out: “Improve the mechanisms for implementing the regional coordinated development strategy,” and “Improve the mechanisms for regional integrated development and establish new mechanisms for cross-administrative-region cooperative development,”[8]8 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024. Its *Decision* on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese-path modernization is the key document referenced here. thereby indicating the direction of impetus for promoting regional coordinated development in the New Era and the new journey. From the perspective of the *Decision*’s deployment, the current logic and focus of improving the mechanisms for implementing the regional coordinated development strategy lie in constructing a regional economic layout and territorial spatial system characterized by complementary advantages and high-quality development. Within this, complementary advantages are the inherent requirement for coordinating regional coordinated development, while high-quality development is the goal and direction of regional coordinated development. Therefore, to further deepen reform comprehensively and coordinate regional coordinated development, first, we must thoroughly implement the regional coordinated development strategy and promote relative balance through development. Xi Jinping points out: “Imbalance is universal; relative balance must be promoted through development. This is the dialectics of regional coordinated development.”[9]9 The “Fengqiao Experience” originated in the 1960s in Fengqiao Township, Zhejiang Province, as a method of resolving conflicts at the grassroots level through mass mobilization and mediation. It has been periodically updated and promoted by the CPC as a model for social governance. We must further coordinate the common development of developed and underdeveloped regions, improve mechanisms such as regional interest compensation and market integration development, promote the establishment of mechanisms for sharing benefits and bearing costs in cross-administrative-region cooperation, and accelerate the equalization of basic public services, so that the level of basic living security for the people is roughly equivalent. Second, we must optimize regional industrial mutual-aid mechanisms and deepen industrial collaboration between the eastern, central, and western regions. Innovate and improve the construction and operation models for cross-regional industrial transfer, thoroughly implement regional industrial transfer policy documents such as the *Guiding Opinions on Promoting the Formation of a New Pattern for the Development of the Western Region in the New Era* and *Several Measures on Promoting Orderly Industrial Transfer to Facilitate Regional Coordinated Development*, promote the rational flow of factors such as talent, capital, and technology among the eastern, central, and western regions, and further enhance the level of connectivity in basic infrastructure between regions. Third, we must improve the systems and mechanisms for developing new quality productive forces according to local conditions. An important prerequisite for coordinating regional coordinated development is the differences in resource endowments, development levels, and industrial foundations among regions. Achieving coordinated regional development through complementary advantages can fully leverage the strengths of each region and promote high-quality economic development. Xi Jinping points out: “Developing new quality productive forces does not mean neglecting or abandoning traditional industries; we must prevent a rush to action, bubbles, or adopting a single model.”[10]10 The “New Normal” refers to the stage of economic development in China since around 2014, characterized by a shift from high-speed growth to medium-high-speed growth, structural adjustment, and a focus on quality and innovation rather than sheer quantity. Different regions must deeply explore their development potential and characteristic industries, achieving complementary advantages and orderly flow of various advanced production factors among regions.

面对这些问题，党的二十届三中全会《决定》进一步指出“完善实施区域协调发展战略机制”，“完善区域一体化发展机制，构建跨行政区合作发展新机制”[8]，为新时代新征程统筹推进区域协调发展指明了动力方向。从《决定》的部署来看，当前完善实施区域协调发展战略机制的逻辑和重点，关键在于构建优势互补、高质量发展的区域经济布局和国土空间体系。在这其中，优势互补是统筹区域协调发展的内在要求，而高质量发展则是区域协调发展的目标方向。因此，进一步全面深化改革，统筹区域协调发展，一是深入实施区域协调发展战略，在发展中促进相对平衡。习近平指出：“不平衡是普遍的，要在发展中促进相对平衡。这是区域协调发展的辩证法。”[9] 要进一步统筹发达地区与欠发达地区共同发展，健全区域利益补偿、市场一体化发展等机制，推动建立跨行政区合作的收益共享成本共担机制，加快实现基本公共服务均等化，人民基本生活保障水平大体相当。二是优化区域产业互助机制，深化东中西部产业协作。创新完善跨区域产业转移建设运营模式，深入实施《关于新时代推进西部大开发形成新格局的指导意见》《关于推动产业有序转移促进区域协调发展的若干措施》等区域产业转移政策文件，促进人才、资金、技术等要素在东中西部之间合理流动，进一步提升区域间基础社会互联互通水平。三是健全因地制宜发展新质生产力体制机制。统筹区域协调发展的重要前提是区域间资源禀赋、发展水平、产业基础等存在差异，通过优势互补实现统筹区域协调发展能够充分发挥各地优势，促进经济高质量发展。习近平指出：“发展新质生产力不是忽视、放弃传统产业，要防止一哄而上、泡沫化，也不要搞一种模式。”[10] 不同区域之间要深挖地区发展潜力与特色产业，实现区域间各类先进生产要素的优势互补、有序流动。

III. Reshaping Social Grassroots Relations

三、对社会基层关系的重塑

Attaching importance to and correctly handling social grassroots relations is an important experience summary of our Party leading the people to create “the world’s rare miracles of rapid economic development and long-term social stability”[11]11 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, held in July 2024, adopted a decision on further deepening comprehensive reform to advance Chinese-path modernization. since the founding of New China. Our Party, leading the people, has achieved great accomplishments in correctly handling social grassroots relations. First, a comprehensive victory was achieved in the fight against poverty. The degree of economic poverty shows a positive correlation with the effectiveness of grassroots social governance: the poorer the economy, the greater the challenges to public service provision, resource allocation, and social order maintenance in grassroots governance. The comprehensive victory in China’s fight against poverty laid a solid material foundation for handling grassroots relations. In this process, “grassroots Party organizations fully played their role as fighting fortresses, were tempered in strengthening Party building to promote poverty alleviation, and their cohesion and combat effectiveness were continuously enhanced, with grassroots governance capacity significantly improved,”[12] and the Party’s social grassroots leadership, cohesion, and combat effectiveness were markedly enhanced. Second, the grassroots democratic system was continuously improved. In rural areas, the villagers’ self-governance system has been increasingly perfected, with the vast majority of farmers achieving self-management, self-education, self-service, and self-supervision through extensive participation in the management and decision-making of rural affairs. In urban areas, community resident self-governance has been progressively advanced, with the standardization and democratization of community residents’ committee elections continuously improving. Community consultative democracy has been steadily developing; through forms such as community councils, residents engage in consultation and discussion on major community affairs, enhancing the cohesion and sense of belonging among community residents. Third, the grassroots social governance system has become increasingly sound. From a “scientific and effective social governance system” to a “social governance pattern of co-construction, co-governance, and shared benefits,” and then to the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee elevating the social governance system to the height of advancing the modernization of the national security system and capacity for deployment, the Party’s theory and practice of grassroots social governance have been continuously enriched. Multiple subjects, including the government, social organizations, enterprises, and residents, jointly participate in grassroots social governance, each leveraging their strengths to form a governance synergy. At the same time, with the development of information technology, grassroots social governance methods have been continuously innovated. Various localities have actively promoted the construction of smart communities, utilizing technologies such as big data, cloud computing, and the Internet of Things to improve the efficiency and precision of grassroots social governance, continuously consolidating “governance of China” through “grassroots governance.”

重视并正确处理社会基层关系是新中国成立以来我们党领导人民创造“世所罕见的经济快速发展奇迹和社会长期稳定奇迹”[11] 的重要经验总结。我们党领导人民在正确处理好社会基层关系方面取得了伟大成就。一是脱贫攻坚取得全面胜利。经济上的贫困程度与社会基层治理效能呈现出正相关性，经济越贫困，对基层治理中的公共服务供给、资源分配、社会秩序维护带来的挑战就愈大。我国脱贫攻坚战的全面胜利，为处理好基层关系奠定了坚实的物质基础，在此过程中，“基层党组织充分发挥战斗堡垒作用，在抓党建促脱贫中得到锻造，凝聚力、战斗力不断增强，基层治理能力明显提升”[12]，党的社会基层领导力，凝聚力、战斗力得到明显提升。二是基层民主制度不断完善。在农村，村民自治制度日益完善，广大农民通过广泛参与农村事务的管理和决策，实现了自我管理、自我教育、自我服务、自我监督。在城市，社区居民自治逐步推进，社区居委会选举的规范化、民主化程度不断提高。社区协商民主不断发展，通过社区议事会等形式，居民对社区的重大事项进行协商讨论，增强了社区居民的凝聚力和归属感。三是基层社会治理体系日益健全。从“科学有效的社会治理体制”到“共建共治共享的社会治理格局”，再到二十届三中全会将社会治理体系提高到推进国家安全体系和能力现代化的高度进行部署，党的基层社会治理体系理论与实践不断丰富，政府、社会组织、企业、居民等多元主体共同参与基层社会治理，各自发挥优势形成治理合力。与此同时，随着信息技术的发展，基层社会治理方式不断创新，各地积极推进智慧社区建设，利用大数据、云计算、物联网等技术，提高了基层社会治理的效率和精准度，不断以“基层之治”夯实“中国之治”。

At the same time, along with the continuous advancement of Chinese-path modernization, social grassroots relations are also facing new problems and new challenges. First, the issue of the wealth gap is gradually becoming prominent. According to the *China Statistical Yearbook*, China’s Gini coefficient from 2017 to 2022 was 0.467, 0.468, 0.465, 0.468, 0.466, and 0.467 respectively, remaining above the international warning line of 0.4 for a long time. The wealth gap issue is increasingly becoming a major challenge for us in promoting common prosperity and realizing the modernization of social governance. Second, under the socialist market economy, there is the issue of diversified demands and interest differentiation among stakeholders. Xi Jinping points out: “Currently, China’s social structure is undergoing profound changes, especially with the rapid development of emerging fields, the massive emergence of new economic organizations and new social organizations, and the continuous expansion of the scale of new employment groups.”[13] Adjustments to the economic system and further comprehensive deepening of reform will undoubtedly promote the emergence of new social strata and new interest groups. How to reconcile and negotiate the interest demands of different groups under the market economy system has become an inherent requirement for advancing the modernization of grassroots social governance in the New Era and the new journey. Third, various risks and challenges encountered in the process of Chinese-path modernization impact grassroots social governance. The grassroots level is the most sensitive nerve ending of society; various risks and challenges encountered in advancing Chinese-path modernization will also first manifest at the grassroots level. Xi Jinping points out: “Currently, changes unseen in a century

与此同时，伴随着中国式现代化的不断推进，社会基层关系也面临着新问题与新挑战。一是贫富差距问题逐渐凸显。据《中国统计年鉴》，2017—2022年我国的基尼系数分别为0.467、0.468、0.465、0.468、0.466，0.467，长期高于0.4的国际警戒线，贫富差距问题越来越成为我们推动共同富裕，实现社会治理现代化的重大挑战。二是社会主义市场经济下利益主体需求多元化与利益分化问题。习近平指出，“当前我国社会结构正在发生深刻变化，尤其是新兴领域迅速发展，新经济组织、新社会组织大量涌现，新就业群体规模持续扩大”[13]，经济体制的调整，改革的进一步全面深化无疑会推动新的社会阶层、新的利益群体的出现，而如何调和、协商市场经济体制下不同群体的利益需求则成为新时代新征程推进基层社会治理现代化的内在要求。三是中国式现代化过程中遇到的各种风险挑战对基层社会治理的冲击。基层是社会最敏感的神经末梢，推进中国式现代化中遇到的各种风险挑战也会首先在基层中表现出来。习近平指出：“当前世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，局部冲突和动荡频发，全球性问题加剧，来自外部的打压遏制不断升级，我国发展进入战略机遇和风险挑战并存、不确定难预料因素增多的时期，各种‘黑天鹅’、‘灰犀牛’事件随时可能发生。”[14] 在这种背景下，将基层治理作为主要内容的社会治理体系提升至国家安全的高度，也体现出基层治理在现代化进程中面临的巨大风险与挑战。

Based on this, the *Decision* of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC [8]8 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024. Its *Decision* on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese-path modernization is the key document referenced here. made comprehensive arrangements for narrowing the gap between rich and poor, promoting consultation on interests at the grassroots level, and improving the national security system, thereby effectively promoting the reshaping of social grassroots relationships. First, it regulates the order of income distribution and the mechanism for wealth accumulation. Regulating wealth accumulation does not mean restricting the growth of residents’ wealth, nor does it mean equalizing wealth; rather, it encourages people to become prosperous through hard work and cracks down on illegal enrichment and abnormal “sudden wealth.” On the one hand, the *Decision* emphasizes “forming an institutional system that effectively increases the income of low-income groups, steadily expands the size of the middle-income group, and reasonably regulates high incomes” [15], making comprehensive arrangements for the social security and social assistance systems and mechanisms for low-income groups in areas such as housing, employment, medical care, and elderly care. On the other hand, it stresses the need to “improve the direct tax system” and “regulate tax policies on business income, capital income, and property income,” gradually narrowing the gap between rich and poor by increasing the proportion of labor remuneration in primary distribution, strengthening the role of taxation in redistribution, and enhancing the regulatory effect of public welfare and charity in tertiary distribution, thereby reducing the tearing of grassroots society caused by excessive income disparity. Second, it improves the social governance system. The most solid foundation of strength for social governance work lies at the grassroots level, and the most prominent contradictions also lie there. The *Decision* proposes to “improve the system for matching the responsibilities, powers, and resources of townships (subdistricts), and strengthen the service and management capacity of townships (subdistricts)” [16]. It adheres to and develops the “Fengqiao Experience” [9]9 The “Fengqiao Experience” originated in the 1960s in Fengqiao Township, Zhejiang Province, as a method of resolving conflicts at the grassroots level through mass mobilization and mediation. It has been periodically updated and promoted by the CPC as a model for social governance. in the New Era, further shifting the focus of social governance and services downward to the grassroots level, channeling more resources, services, and management to the grassroots, and enhancing grassroots social governance capacity. Third, it improves the national security system. The *Decision* emphasizes the need to “improve the guarantee system for handling major public emergencies, perfect the emergency command mechanism under the framework of comprehensive security and comprehensive emergency response, strengthen grassroots emergency foundations and capabilities, and enhance disaster prevention, mitigation, and relief capabilities.” It continuously elevates the important position of grassroots governance within the national security system, improves the urban and rural governance system under the leadership of Party organizations that combines autonomy, rule of law, and rule of virtue, strengthens Party-building guidance for grassroots governance, transforms the grassroots governance system led by the Party into grassroots governance effectiveness, and persistently advances the construction of a Peaceful China.

基于此，党的二十届三中全会《决定》就缩小贫富差距、推动基层利益协商、健全国家安全体系等进行了全面部署，有力地促进了社会基层关系之间的重塑。一是规范收入分配秩序与规范财富积累机制。规范财富积累不是限制居民财富增长，也不是搞财富的平均化，而是鼓励人们勤劳致富，打击非法致富，畸形“暴富”。《决定》一方面强调“形成有效增加低收入群体收入、稳步扩大中等收入群体规模，合理调节过高收入的制度体系”[15]，对低收入群体的住房、就业、医疗、养老等社会保障与社会救助体制机制进行全方位的部署。另一方面则强调要“健全直接税体系”“规范经营所得、资本所得、财产所得税收政策”，通过提高劳动报酬在初次分配中的比重，加大税收在再分配中的力度以及公益、慈善在第三次分配中的调节作用逐渐缩小贫富差距，降低收入差距过大对基层社会的撕裂。二是健全社会治理体系。社会治理工作最坚实的力量支撑在基层，最突出的矛盾也在基层。《决定》提出要“健全乡镇（街道）职责和权力、资源相匹配制度，加强乡镇（街道）服务管理力量”[16]。坚持和发展新时代“枫桥经验”，进一步推动社会治理和服务重心向基层下移，把更多资源、服务、管理下沉到基层，提升基层社会治理能力。三是健全国家安全体系。《决定》强调要“健全重大突发公共事件处置保障体系，完善大安全大应急框架下应急指挥机制，强化基层应急基础和力量，提高防灾减灾救灾能力”。不断提升基层治理在国家安全体系中的重要地位，健全党组织领导的自治、法治、德治相结合的城乡治理体系，加强党建引领基层治理，将党领导的基层治理制度转化为基层治理效能，持续推进平安中国建设。

IV. Reshaping the Relationship Between Humans and Nature

四、对人与自然关系的重塑

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has incorporated ecological civilization construction into the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, established the new development philosophy of “innovation, coordination, green, openness, and sharing,” formed major theoretical achievements such as Xi Jinping Thought on Ecological Civilization, and achieved a series of breakthrough progress and landmark accomplishments in ecological civilization construction. In terms of ecological construction, as of 2023, the average concentration of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) in cities at the prefectural level and above nationwide was 30 micrograms per cubic meter, a decrease of 54% compared to ten years ago; the proportion of surface water quality sections rated excellent (Class I-III) nationwide reached 89.4%, an increase of 25.3 percentage points compared to ten years ago; the proportion of offshore sea areas with excellent water quality reached 85%, setting a historical high. In addition, in recent years, China’s green and low-carbon transformation has accelerated, new energy has developed rapidly, the proportion of clean energy consumption has continuously increased, and the goal of building a Beautiful China is steadily advancing. In terms of institutional construction, ecological civilization has been enshrined in the Party Constitution and the Constitution; more than thirty ecological and environmental laws and regulations, such as the Environmental Protection Law, have been formulated and revised, providing a solid legal guarantee for ecological civilization construction; a series of major systems, such as the central ecological and environmental protection inspection system, have been established and implemented to strengthen supervision and assessment of local governments and enterprises, promoting the implementation of responsibilities for ecological civilization construction; a range of policy measures supporting green development, such as green finance and ecological compensation policies, have been introduced to guide social funds into ecological civilization construction. In terms of international contributions, China actively participates in global ecological governance, promotes the conclusion, signing, entry into force, and implementation of the Paris Agreement, firmly implements the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and makes significant contributions to addressing climate change. At the same time, China actively participates in action plans such as the United Nations Decade on Ecosystem Restoration, shares China’s experience and technology in ecological civilization construction, promotes the joint construction of a green Belt and Road Initiative, and extensively conducts bilateral and multilateral international cooperation, making important contributions to promoting global sustainable development.

党的十八大以来，我们党将生态文明建设纳入中国特色社会主义事业“五位一体”总体布局，确立了“创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享”的新发展理念，形成了习近平生态文明思想等重大理论成果，生态文明建设取得一系列突破性进展与标志性成就。在生态建设方面，截至2023年，全国地级及以上城市细颗粒物（PM26）平均浓度为30微克/立方米，比十年前下降了 54%；全国地表水环境质量优良（Ⅰ-Ⅲ类）水质断面比例为89.4%，比十年前提高了25.3 个百分点；近岸海域水质优良比例达到 85%，创造了历史新高。此外，近些年来我国绿色低碳转型加快推进，新能源发展迅速，清洁能源消费比重不断提高，美丽中国建设目标正不断有序推进。在制度建设方面，生态文明载入党章和宪法，制定修订环境保护法等三十余部生态环境法律法规，为生态文明建设提供了坚实的法律保障；建立实施中央生态环境保护督察等一系列重大制度，加强对地方政府和企业的监督考核，推动生态文明建设责任落实；出台了一系列支持绿色发展的政策措施，如绿色金融、生态补偿等政策，引导社会资金投入生态文明建设。在国际贡献方面，积极参与全球生态治理，推动《巴黎协定》达成、签署、生效和实施，坚定落实《联合国气候变化框架公约》，为应对气候变化作出重要贡献。同时，我国积极参与联合国“生态系统恢复十年”等行动计划，分享中国的生态文明建设经验和技术，推进共建绿色“一带一路”，广泛开展双多边国际合作，为推动全球可持续发展作出重要贡献。

While China has achieved major accomplishments in ecological civilization construction, some problems have gradually emerged in the process of development. First, the quality of economic development is not high. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, especially since reform and opening up, relying on advantages such as a large and low-cost labor force, low costs for land, resources, and taxes, and a broad consumer market, China’s economy has achieved leapfrog development, and the people’s living standards have been greatly improved. However, as China’s economic development enters the New Normal [10]10 The “New Normal” refers to the stage of economic development in China since around 2014, characterized by a shift from high-speed growth to medium-high-speed growth, structural adjustment, and a focus on quality and innovation rather than sheer quantity. and the international situation becomes increasingly volatile, promoting green development and industrial transformation and upgrading is extremely urgent. Achieving green development, intensive development, and high-quality development is imperative. Second, the mindset of some leading cadres has not changed. Strengthening ecological civilization construction and promoting the green transformation of the economic development model require long-term planning and sustained promotion. However, some leading cadres place too much emphasis on the total amount and growth rate of regional economic development, neglecting the quality and efficiency of economic growth, which constrains the sustainable development of the economy and society. Third, the mechanisms for realizing the value of ecological products and for accounting are not well-established. Currently, the market trading mechanism for ecological products is still immature. On the one hand, the ecological product trading market is still in the initial stage of development, and the construction of trading platforms lags behind. For example, cross-regional transactions of ecological resources lack effective information-sharing platforms to match supply and demand; on the other hand, the pricing mechanism for ecological products is also imperfect, and their prices often fail to truly reflect factors such as the cost, scarcity, and ecological service functions of ecological products. In addition, in the ecological compensation mechanism, it is sometimes difficult to precisely define the subjects and objects of compensation; the degree of industrialization of ecological products is relatively low; the scope of value accounting for ecological products is unclear; accounting methods are not unified; basic data are lacking; and difficulties in dynamic accounting also constrain the green transformation of the economy and society.

在我国生态文明建设取得重大成就的同时，一些问题也逐渐在发展中暴露出来。一是经济发展质量不高。中华人民共和国成立尤其是改革开放以来，凭借劳动力人口众多且价格低廉、土地、资源、税收的成本较小以及消费市场广阔等优势，我国经济实现了跨越式发展，人民群众生活得到极大改善提高。但随着我国经济发展进入新常态，国际局势日渐波谲云诡，推动绿色发展与产业转型升级迫在眉睫。实现绿色发展、集约发展、高质量发展势在必行。二是一部分领导干部思维方式没有转换过来。加强生态文明建设，推进经济发展方式绿色转型需要长期谋划，持续推进，而一部分领导干部过于看重地区经济发展总量与增速，忽略了经济增长的质量与效益，制约了经济社会的可持续发展。三是生态产品价值实现机制、核算机制不健全。目前，生态产品市场交易机制尚不成熟。一方面，生态产品交易市场还处于初步发展阶段，交易平台建设滞后。例如一些跨区域的生态资源交易，缺乏有效的信息共享平台来对接供需双方；另一方面，生态产品的定价机制也不健全，其价格往往不能真实反映生态产品的成本、稀缺性和生态服务功能等诸多因素。此外，生态补偿机制方面存在的补偿主体和补偿对象有时难以精准界定、生态产品的产业化程度较低、生态产品价值核算范围不明确，核算方法不统一、基础数据缺乏以及动态核算困难等也在制约着经济社会的绿色转型。

Advancing ecological progress and realizing the modernization of harmony between humanity and nature is an inherent requirement of advancing the great cause of building a strong country and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and is a hurdle that our Party’s governance must overcome. The Decision of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC [11]11 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, held in July 2024, adopted a decision on further deepening comprehensive reform to advance Chinese-path modernization. deployed the strategic priorities for advancing Chinese-path modernization, proposing to deepen the reform of the ecological civilization system, continuously improve the foundational system of ecological civilization, perfect the ecological environment governance system, and improve the green and low-carbon development mechanism, thereby achieving a reshaping of the relationship between humanity and nature on the new journey of the New Era. Currently, to further comprehensively deepen the reform of the ecological civilization system and advance harmony between humanity and nature, first, it is necessary to improve the foundational system of ecological civilization: perfect the property rights system for natural resource assets, clearly delineate rights such as ownership, use rights, and management rights over natural resources, clarify responsible entities, and strengthen the protection and management of natural resources; establish a scientific ecological compensation system, formulating reasonable ecological compensation standards and methods based on the service value and protection costs of different regions and ecosystems; improve the ecological environment supervision system: strengthen monitoring, assessment, and law enforcement supervision of the ecological environment. Second, it is necessary to perfect the ecological environment governance system: break down administrative divisions and departmental barriers, establishing cross-regional and cross-departmental coordination mechanisms for ecological environment governance; strengthen the capacity building of grassroots ecological environment governance, enhancing the ecological environment governance capabilities of grassroots governments and communities, increasing investment in grassroots ecological environment governance, and cultivating professional ecological environment governance talent; promote the digital transformation of ecological environment governance, utilizing information technologies such as big data, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things to improve the efficiency and precision of ecological environment governance. Third, it is necessary to improve the green and low-carbon development mechanism: establish and improve the green financial system, guiding financial institutions to increase support for green industries and ecological environment protection projects, and innovating green financial products and services; strengthen publicity and education, raising public awareness of ecological civilization, and advocating lifestyles such as green consumption, green travel, and green living; accelerate the construction of a carbon emission statistical accounting system and an ecological product value accounting system, and improve systems such as carbon market trading and ecological compensation.

推进生态文明建设，实现人与自然和谐共生的现代化是推进强国建设，民族复兴伟业的内在要求，是我们党治国理政必须要过的一道关卡。党的二十届三中全会《决定》对推进中国式现代化的战略重点进行部署，提出深化生态文明体制改革，不断完善生态文明基础体制、健全生态环境治理体系、健全绿色低碳发展机制的改革任务，实现了新时代新征程上人与自然关系的重塑。当前，进一步全面深化生态文明体制改革，推进人与自然和谐共生，一是要完善生态文明基础体制，健全自然资源资产产权制度，清晰界定自然资源的所有权、使用权、经营权等权利，明确责任主体，加强对自然资源的保护和管理；建立科学的生态补偿制度，根据不同地区、不同生态系统的服务价值和保护成本，制定合理的生态补偿标准和方式；完善生态环境监管制度：加强对生态环境的监测、评估和执法监督。二是要健全生态环境治理体系，打破行政区划和部门壁垒，建立跨区域、跨部门的生态环境治理协调机制；加强基层生态环境治理能力建设，提高基层政府和社区的生态环境治理能力，加大对基层生态环境治理的投入，培养专业的生态环境治理人才队伍；推动生态环境治理数字化转型，利用大数据、人工智能、物联网等信息技术，提高生态环境治理的效率和精准度。三是要健全绿色低碳发展机制，建立健全绿色金融体系，引导金融机构加大对绿色产业、生态环境保护项目的支持力度，创新绿色金融产品和服务；加强宣传教育，提高公众的生态文明意识，倡导绿色消费、绿色出行、绿色居住等生活方式；加快构建碳排放统计核算体系，生态产品价值核算体系，健全碳市场交易、生态补偿等制度。

V. Reshaping of the Urban-Rural Relationship

五、对城乡关系的重塑

Xi Jinping pointed out: “In the process of modernization, how to handle the relationship between industry and agriculture and between urban and rural areas determines, to a certain extent, the success or failure of modernization.” [17]17 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Central Conference on Urbanization Work” (December 12, 2013), in Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works, vol. 1, p. 240. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, especially since reform and opening up, how to achieve coordinated urban-rural development, narrow the urban-rural development gap, and promote integrated urban-rural development has always been an important goal of our Party’s governance, and our Party has led the people to achieve significant accomplishments in this regard. First, the relative urban-rural income gap has been continuously narrowing. With the comprehensive victory in the battle against poverty, the income gap between urban and rural areas in our country has also been continuously narrowing. Currently, the ratio of per capita disposable income of urban residents to that of rural residents in our country has dropped from 2.88:1 in 2013 to 2.39:1 in 2023. [18]18 National Bureau of Statistics, “Statistical Communiqué of the People’s Republic of China on National Economic and Social Development in 2023” (February 29, 2024). The per capita disposable income of rural residents has been continuously increasing, reaching over 20,000 yuan in 2023, an increase of 130% compared to over 9,400 yuan in 2013; the average annual real growth of per capita disposable income of rural residents has gradually exceeded the growth rate of per capita disposable income of urban residents, and the relative income gap between urban and rural residents has gradually narrowed. Second, the urbanization rate of the population has been continuously increasing. Urbanization is the only path to modernization. Before reform and opening up, due to the urban-rural dual system, labor, land, and capital between urban and rural areas in our country were in a state of separation, with a huge gap. At the end of 1949, the urbanization rate of our country was only 10.64%, and at the end of 1978, it was only 17.92%. However, with the accelerating process of reform and opening up, by the end of 2023, the urban permanent resident population of our country reached 930 million, an increase of 760 million compared to the end of 1978; the urbanization rate of the permanent resident population was 66.16%, an increase of 48.24 percentage points [19]19 National Bureau of Statistics, “Report on the Development of New-Type Urbanization in China in 2023” (March 2024)., achieving the target of the 14th Five-Year Plan ahead of schedule. The continuous increase in the urbanization rate has provided a powerful driving force for continuously advancing Chinese-path modernization. Third, the mechanism for integrated urban-rural development has been continuously improved. Since reform and opening up, our country has continuously established and improved the institutional mechanisms and policy systems for integrated urban-rural development, breaking down the institutional barriers of the urban-rural dual structure, and promoting the free flow and rational allocation of urban-rural factors. At the same time, a series of policies supporting integrated urban-rural development have been introduced, such as the rural revitalization strategy and the new-type urbanization strategy, providing policy support and guarantees for integrated urban-rural development, accelerating the pace of urban-rural infrastructure connectivity and integration, and continuously making new progress in the equalization of basic public services.

习近平指出：“在现代化进程中，如何处理好工农关系、城乡关系，在一定程度上决定着现代化的成败。”[17] 中华人民共和国成立尤其是改革开放以来，如何实现城乡协调发展，缩小城乡发展差距，推动城乡融合发展一直是我们党治国理政的重要目标，在这方面我们党领导人民也取得了重大成就。一是城乡收入相对差距不断缩小。随着脱贫攻坚战的全面胜利，我国城乡之间收入差距也在不断缩小。当前我国城乡居民人均可支配收入之比由2013年的2.88∶1降到2023年的2.39∶1。[18] 农村居民人均可支配收入不断增长，2023年达到2万余元，较2013年9400余元增长130%，农村居民人均可支配收入年均实际增长逐渐超过城镇居民人均可支配收入增长幅度，城乡居民的收入相对差距逐步缩小。二是人口城镇化率不断提高。城镇化是现代化的必由之路。改革开放前，由于城乡二元体制，我国城乡之间劳动力、土地、资本之间属于分割状态，差距极大，1949年末我国城镇化率仅为10.64%，1978年末也只有17.92%。但随着改革开放进程的不断加快，2023年末，我国城镇常住人口达9.3亿人，比1978年末增加7.6亿人；常住人口城镇化率为66.16%，提高48.24个百分点[19]，提前实现“十四五”规划目标。城镇化率的不断提高，为不断推进中国式现代化提供了强大动力。三是城乡融合发展机制不断完善。改革开放以来，我国不断建立健全城乡融合发展的体制机制和政策体系，打破了城乡二元结构的制度壁垒，促进了城乡要素的自由流动和合理配置。同时出台了一系列支持城乡融合发展的政策，如乡村振兴战略、新型城镇化战略等，为城乡融合发展提供了政策支持和保障，推动城乡基础设施联通化、一体化步伐加快，基本公共服务均等化不断取得新进展。

While our country has achieved significant accomplishments in integrated urban-rural development, some new problems and challenges have gradually emerged in practice. First, although the relative income gap between urban and rural residents has gradually narrowed, the absolute income gap has a tendency to gradually expand. According to statistics from the China Statistical Yearbook 2024, the income difference between the per capita disposable income of urban and rural residents in our country from 2019 to 2023 increased year by year, being 26,338, 26,703, 28,481, 29,150, and 30,130 yuan respectively, reflecting the current difficulty in increasing rural residents’ income and the relatively low income level. Second, there is still considerable room for the development of new-type urbanization. At the end of 2023, the urbanization rate of the permanent resident population in our country was 66.16%, but the urbanization rate of the registered household population was only 48.3%, a difference of nearly 18 percentage points, meaning that nearly 250 million rural migrant populations face considerable difficulties in accessing public services such as children’s education, housing security, and social assistance in cities, and the quality of urbanization still needs further improvement. Third, integrated urban-rural development faces practical obstacles. For example, in terms of urban-rural integrated development planning, current urban-rural planning in our country is still primarily city-oriented, while rural planning is relatively lagging; in terms of urban-rural institutional coordination, the urban-rural dual household registration system and land system hinder the process of integrated urban-rural development in our country; in terms of the flow of urban-rural resource factors, there are still certain obstacles to the smooth flow of resource factors such as labor, land, and capital; in terms of the level of urban-rural industrial integration, the dual division of urban and rural industrial structures is evident, especially in the vast rural areas dominated by agricultural production, which are still constrained by the predicament of the small-scale peasant economy, and the limited increase in rural residents’ income, among other issues [20]20 See Research Group of the Development Research Center of the State Council, “Research on the Path and Policy of Integrated Urban-Rural Development in the New Era,” Management World, no. 1 (2024), pp. 1–15., restricting the high-quality development of integrated urban-rural development in our country.

我国城乡融合发展取得重大成就的同时，实践中也逐渐出现了一些新问题新挑战。一是城乡居民收入的相对差距虽逐渐缩小但绝对收入差距有逐渐扩大的趋势。据《中国统计年鉴2024》统计，2019—2023年我国城镇居民人均可支配收入两者之间的收入差额逐年依次递增，分别为26 338、26 703、28 481、29 150、30 130元，反映出当前农村居民收入增收难度较大，收入相对较低的问题。二是新型城镇化建设仍有较大空间。2023年末我国常住人口城镇化率为66.16%，但户籍人口城镇化率只达到48.3%，两者之间相差接近18个百分点，意味着有将近2.5亿左右的农村流动人口在城市获取子女入学、住房保障、社会救助等公共服务方面存在较大难度，城镇化质量还有待进一步提升。三是城乡融合发展面临现实障碍。例如，在城乡融合发展规划，目前我国城乡规划仍是以城市为主而乡村规划编制则相对滞后；在城乡制度协同性上，城乡二元户籍制度、土地制度阻碍了我国城乡融合发展进程；在城乡资源要素流动上，劳动力、土地、资金等资源要素的顺畅流动仍存在一定障碍；在城乡产业融合水平上，城乡产业结构二元分割明显，尤其是以农产品生产为主的广大农村地区发展仍受限于小农经济的困境，乡村居民增收幅度有限等等问题[20]，制约了我国城乡融合的高质量发展。

On the new journey of the New Era, for China to realize new-type industrialization and to advance Chinese-path modernization, which takes as its important features the harmonious coexistence of humanity and nature and common prosperity, it must face squarely the important position of agriculture, rural areas, and farmers in China’s modernization, promote the formation of a system and mechanism of mutual assistance between industry and agriculture and of integrated urban-rural development, and realize the reshaping of urban-rural relations. The “Decision” of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC proceeds precisely from this perspective, proposing that integrated urban-rural development is an inevitable requirement of Chinese-path modernization, requiring that we must coordinate new-type industrialization, new-type urbanization, and comprehensive rural revitalization, and making deployments on multiple tasks such as improving the system and mechanism for promoting new-type urbanization, perfecting the support system for strengthening agriculture, benefiting farmers, and enriching rural areas, and deepening reform of the land system, thereby demonstrating the important significance of reshaping urban-rural relations in further deepening reform comprehensively for advancing Chinese-path modernization. At present, to further promote high-quality development of integrated urban-rural development, first, it is necessary to perfect the support system for strengthening agriculture, benefiting farmers, and enriching rural areas. China has already eliminated absolute poverty; eliminating absolute poverty is a historic achievement, but this does not mean that poverty reduction work is complete, as relative poverty will still exist for a long time. To narrow the urban-rural income gap, while further perfecting the normalized mechanism for preventing the return to poverty covering the rural population and establishing a tiered and classified assistance system for the low-income rural population and underdeveloped regions, we must continuously guide the flow of production factors to the countryside, strengthen county-level industries that enrich the people, build a diversified food supply system, cultivate new industries and new business forms in the countryside, and continuously improve the long-term mechanism for comprehensive rural revitalization. Second, it is necessary to improve the system and mechanism for promoting new-type urbanization, implement a system of providing basic public services based on household registration at the place of habitual residence, and further realize that migrant workers in cities enjoy equal rights with the registered population of the place of immigration in basic public services such as their children’s enrollment in school, housing security, and medical insurance. Accelerate the urbanization of the agricultural transfer population, protect the legitimate land rights and interests of farmers who have settled in cities, and eliminate the worries of farmers who have settled in cities. Third, coordinate integrated urban-rural development, strengthen urban-rural planning coordination in aspects such as urban-rural territorial space planning and public service provision, and comprehensively raise the level of integration in urban-rural planning, construction, and governance. Continuously deepen reform of the urban-rural household registration system, promote smoother flow of urban-rural resources, further strengthen integrated urban-rural industrial development, expand channels for farmers to increase income and become prosperous, enable rural areas to gradually possess modern living conditions, and solidly promote common prosperity.

新时代新征程我国要实现新型工业化，推动以人与自然和谐共生、共同富裕为重要特征的中国式现代化取得新进展，就必须正视“三农”在我国现代化中的重要地位，推动形成工农互助，城乡融合发展的体制机制，实现城乡关系的重塑。党的二十届三中全会《决定》正是从这个角度出发，提出城乡融合发展是中国式现代化的必然要求，要求必须统筹新型工业化、新型城镇化和乡村全面振兴，并就健全推进新型城镇化体制机制、完善强农惠农富农支持制度、深化土地制度改革等多方面任务进行部署，彰显出进一步全面深化改革中重塑城乡关系对于推进中国式现代化的重要意义。当前，进一步推动城乡融合高质量发展，一是要完善强农惠农富农支持制度，当前我国已消除了绝对贫困，消除绝对贫困是历史性的成就，但并不意味着减贫工作已完成，相对贫困仍将长期存在。缩小城乡收入差距，要在进一步完善覆盖农村人口的常态化防止返贫致贫机制与建立农村低收入人口和欠发达地区分层分类帮扶制度的同时，不断引导生产要素向乡村流动，壮大县域富民产业，构建多元化的食物供给体系，培育乡村新产业新业态，不断健全乡村全面振兴长效机制。二是要健全推进新型城镇化体制机制，推行由常住地登记户口提供基本公共服务制度，进一步实现进城务工人员在子女入学、住房保障、医疗保险等基本公共服务方面享有同迁入地户籍人口同等权利。加快农业转移人口市民化，保障进城落户农民合法土地权益，消除进城落户农民后顾之忧。三是统筹城乡融合发展，在城乡国土空间规划、公共服务提供等方面加强城乡规划统筹，全面提高城乡规划、建设、治理融合水平。不断深化城乡户籍制度改革，促进城乡资源更加顺畅流动，进一步加强城乡产业融合发展，拓展农民增收致富渠道，让农村逐步具备现代化生活条件，扎实推进共同富裕。

(The author is Vice President and Professor of the Gansu Provincial Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者为甘肃省社会科学院副院长、教授）

[This article is a phased result of the National Social Science Fund Major Project “Research on the Theoretical Basis and Development Path of Whole-Process People’s Democracy” (Project No. 22ZDA067), which interprets and studies the spirit of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC] [21]21 The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, held in November 2021, adopted a landmark resolution on the Party’s historical achievements and experience.

【本文为研究阐释党的十九届六中全会精神国家社科基金重大项目《全过程人民民主的理论基础与发展路径研究》（项目编号：22ZDA067）的阶段性成果】

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