A Semiotic Reading of How the Red Press of the Chinese Communist Party Shaped Revolutionary Spirit

During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the red press, as an important propaganda and public-opinion front of the Chinese Communist Party, played a key role in shaping revolutionary spirit and spreading revolutionary ideas. At different historical stages, the red press closely centered its propaganda work on the Party’s central tasks, becoming an important vehicle and medium for revolutionary spirit. Through multiple symbolic elements such as text, images, and layout, the press vividly and concretely disseminated the Party’s revolutionary ideas, aroused the revolutionary enthusiasm of the broad masses, and coalesced powerful revolutionary forces. However, existing research on the mechanism by which the red press used symbols to shape revolutionary spirit is rather limited, and the relevant findings await further enrichment. Semiotics, as a discipline that studies symbols and the mechanisms by which meaning is generated, provides an important theoretical tool for an in-depth interpretation of how the red press shaped revolutionary spirit. Analyzing the characteristics and mechanisms of symbol use in the red press from a semiotic perspective helps to reveal its role in meaning production and ideological construction, and deepens our understanding of the pathways for disseminating revolutionary spirit. In his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping stressed the need to “build a socialist ideology that has powerful cohesion and leading power” and emphasized the need to “consolidate and strengthen the mainstream public opinion that strives forward in the New Era.”[1]1 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects — Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China” (October 16, 2022), in *Selected Readings from Important Documents since the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2022), p. 43.(P43) Against this background, studying the semiotic mechanism by which the red press shaped revolutionary spirit has important theoretical and practical significance for inheriting and carrying forward the Party’s fine traditions and for enhancing the cohesion and leading power of socialist ideology. As an outstanding representative of the red press, the newspaper *Red China* (红色中华) displayed a distinctive way of using symbols in shaping revolutionary spirit. This article takes it as a case study to explore the semiotic value of the Chinese Communist Party’s red press and its contemporary implications.

新民主主义革命时期，红色报刊作为中国共产党重要的宣传舆论阵地，对塑造革命精神、传播革命思想发挥关键作用。红色报刊在不同历史阶段紧密围绕党的中心任务开展宣传工作成为革命精神的重要载体和传播媒介。报刊通过文字、图像、版式等多种符号元素，生动形象地传播党的革命思想，激发广大人民群众的革命热情，凝聚起强大的革命力量。然而，现有研究对红色报刊如何通过符号运用来塑造革命精神的机制探讨较为有限，相关成果有待进一步丰富。符号学作为研究符号及其意义生成机制的学科，为深入解读红色报刊塑造革命精神提供重要的理论工具。通过符号学视角分析红色报刊的符号运用特点和机制，有助于揭示其在意义生产和意识形态建构中的作用，深化对革命精神传播路径的理解。习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中强调，要“建设具有强大凝聚力和引领力的社会主义意识形态”，并强调需“巩固壮大奋进新时代的主流思想舆论”。[1]（P43）在此背景下，研究红色报刊塑造革命精神的符号学机制，对于继承和弘扬党的优良传统，增强社会主义意识形态的凝聚力和引领力，具有重要的理论和实践意义。《红色中华》报作为红色报刊的杰出代表，在革命精神塑造中展现了独特的符号运用方式，本文以此为案例，探讨中国共产党红色报刊的符号学价值及其当代启示。

I. The Symbolic Composition of Revolutionary Spirit in the Red Press

一、红色报刊的革命精神符号构成

During the revolutionary period, the Chinese Communist Party built a propaganda system through the red press that transmitted revolutionary ideas and cultivated revolutionary spirit. As an important propaganda tool of the Chinese Communist Party in the Soviet areas, the newspaper *Red China* had its content and page layout rely on the mutual support of linguistic and visual symbols, forming a distinctive communication system. Linguistic symbols directly conveyed revolutionary ideas through keywords, slogans, and commentary, while visual symbols used images and typography to create atmosphere and trigger emotional resonance. The interweaving of the two constructed a multi-layered symbolic network, giving the press a pronounced symbolic and agitational character.

中国共产党在革命时期通过红色报刊构建起传递革命理念、培育革命精神的宣传体系。《红色中华》报作为中国共产党在苏区的重要宣传工具，内容和版面设计中语言与视觉符号相互依托，形成了独特的传播体系。语言符号通过关键词、口号、评论直接传达革命思想，而视觉符号则借助图像与排版营造氛围，触发情感共鸣。两者交织，建构出多层次的符号网络，使报刊呈现出鲜明的象征性与鼓动性。

1. Identification of the Symbolic Elements of Revolutionary Spirit in the Red Press. For symbols to bear revolutionary spirit, they cannot do without specific media forms and audience perception mechanisms. In the red press, symbolic elements can be divided, according to medium and mode of perception, into linguistic symbols and visual symbols, which respectively shape revolutionary spirit at the textual and pictorial levels. First, linguistic symbols, as an important type of symbol in the red press, are found throughout the text and are the core mode of expressing revolutionary spirit. For example, in *Red China*, linguistic symbols conveyed revolutionary spirit mainly through three forms. One is key vocabulary: in the article “Oppose Imperialism’s Partition of China and Overthrow the Rule of the Kuomintang,” the words with the highest frequency are “imperialism,” “Kuomintang,” etc., directly exposing and opposing the schemes of imperialism and criticizing the Kuomintang government’s treasonous and reactionary nature.[2]2 *Red China*, no. 27, 2nd ed., August 4, 1932. The second is slogans and catchphrases: at the “Opening of the First Congress of the Soviet Area Youth League,” the masses shouted slogans such as “Support the Red Army!”, “Youth, join the Red Army of your own accord!”, “Support the Fifth Red Army Corps!”,[3]3 *Red China*, no. 27, 2nd ed., August 4, 1932. so that individual voices merged into a whole, forming a collective linguistic practice with mobilizing power and promoting the widespread dissemination of revolutionary goals. The third is the expression in main texts and commentary: the editorial “The Soviet Area Masses and the Red Army Develop Greatly Outward and Actively Carry Out Revolutionary War” exposed the internal splits, financial bankruptcy, and diplomatic failures of the Kuomintang. The article pointed out that “the rule of the Kuomintang is collapsing very rapidly.” At the same time, it emphasized the aggression of the imperialist powers against China, calling on the people of the whole country to “raise high the banner of the Soviets and use revolutionary war to lead the national revolutionary movement.”[4]4 *Red China*, no. 27, 2nd ed., August 4, 1932. Through logically rigorous argumentation and the enumeration of concrete facts, these expressions in main texts and commentary interpreted revolutionary ideas more comprehensively and deeply, enhancing readers’ understanding of and support for the revolutionary cause. Second, visual symbols, through intuitive and vivid visual representation, can quickly arouse readers’ emotional resonance, strengthen ideological identification, and improve the efficiency and effectiveness of information transmission. In *Red China*, visual symbols included image symbols such as illustrations, “picture groups,” and masthead (or section-head) drawings, as well as layout symbols such as typeface and page design. Through these visual elements, revolutionary spirit was made concrete, providing vivid visual support for revolutionary spirit. Among them, image symbols, through vivid pictures and concrete images, represented revolutionary scenes, allowing readers to be moved at the visual level. According to statistics, from the time *Red China* published the illustration “The Red Army Defeats the Two Divisions of Yue Ye’s and Li Zhenqiu’s Cantonese Troops,” the journal published a total of 172 illustrations. An examination of these illustrations reveals that their meaning construction basically follows the “conflict framework” model of the opposition among “enemy, self, and friend”: “enemy” refers to the Kuomintang and the imperialist countries represented by Japan; “self” represents the Soviets and the Red Army; and “friend” refers to the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. Taking the illustration “The Red Army Defeats the Two Divisions of Yue Ye’s and Li Zhenqiu’s Cantonese Troops” on page 2 of issue 27 of *Red China* as an example, the image, by displaying the Red Army’s victory scene, strengthens the power of the “self” side and the advanced deeds in revolutionary mobilization. In addition, through design techniques such as typeface, layout, and black-and-white contrast, the revolutionary thematic atmosphere was further intensified. In the page layout, taking the masthead of page 1 of issue 230 of *Red China* as an example, the figure on the left side of the masthead, raising his right hand and facing the light, symbolizes the revolutionary masses’ pursuit of light and victory, hinting at the lofty goal and direction of struggle of the revolutionary cause. At the same time, the four large characters “红色中华” (Red China) on the right are thick and powerful, composed of black-and-white contrasting block forms, conveying a sense of solemnity and strength, symbolizing the firmness and unshakability of the revolutionary cause.

1. 红色报刊中革命精神符号元素的识别。符号要承载革命精神，离不开特定的媒介形式和受众感知机制。在红色报刊中，符号元素可以根据媒介和感知方式分为语言符号和视觉符号，两者分别从文字和图像层面塑造革命精神。首先，语言符号，作为红色报刊的重要符号类型，遍布于文本之中，是革命精神的核心表达方式。例如在《红色中华》报中，语言符号主要通过三种形式传达革命精神。一是关键词汇，“反对帝国主义瓜分中国和推翻国民党的统治”一文中，出现词频最高的为“帝国主义”“国民党”等，直接揭露和反对帝国主义的阴谋、批判国民党政府的卖国和反动本质[2]；二是口号标语，“苏区青年团第一次代表大会的开幕”上，群众高呼“拥护红军！”“青年自动加入红军去！”“拥护红军第五军团！”等口号[3]，个体的声音融入整体，形成具有号召力的集体语言实践，推动革命目标的广泛传播；三是正文与评论的表达，“苏区群众和红军大大的向外发展积极的进行革命战争”社论文中，揭露了国民党内部的分裂、财政的破产和外交上的失败。该文指出“国民党的统治是在很迅速的崩溃中”。同时，强调帝国主义列强对中国的侵略，如呼吁全国人民“高举着苏维埃的旗子，用革命战争去领导全国革命运动”。[4]这些正文与评论的表达，通过逻辑严密的论证和具体事实的列举，更全面、深入地诠释革命理念，增强读者对革命事业的理解和支持。其次，视觉符号，通过直观、生动的视觉表现，能够迅速引起读者的情感共鸣，强化意识形态认同，提升信息传达的效率和效果。《红色中华》报中，视觉符号包括插图、“组图”和刊（版）头画等图像符号，以及字体、版式设计等版面符号。通过这些视觉元素，革命精神得以具象化，为革命精神提供生动的视觉支持。其中，图像符号通过生动的画面和具体的形象表现革命场景，让读者在视觉层面被感染。据统计，自《红色中华》报刊登“红军击溃粤敌叶肇李振球二师”的插图以来，该刊共发布172幅插图。通过对这些插图的考察，发现其意义建构基本遵循“敌、我、友”的对立的“冲突框架”模式：“敌”指向国民党和以日本为代表的帝国主义国家，“我”代表苏维埃和红军，“友”则是苏联等社会主义国家。以《红色中华》报第27期第2版插图“红军击溃粤敌叶肇李振球二师”为例，图像通过展示红军的胜利场面，强化“我”方的力量和革命动员中的先进事迹。此外，通过字体、布局和黑白对比等设计手法，进一步强化革命的主题氛围。在版面设计中，以《红色中华》报第230期第1版的刊头为例，版头左侧人物高举右手、面向光芒的形象，象征革命群众对光明与胜利的追求，暗示着革命事业的崇高目标和奋斗方向。同时，右侧的“红色中华”四个大字粗壮有力，采用黑白对比的块状构成，传递出庄严与力量感，象征革命事业的坚定和不可动摇。

2. The combination and structure of revolutionary-spirit symbols in the red press. Through the combination of linguistic and visual symbols, the symbolic system of the red press forms a distinctive structure. Through the interactive combination and arrangement of symbols, the red press constructs a multi-dimensional symbolic network, enabling the revolutionary spirit to be fully transmitted and elevated. The first is combination within linguistic symbols. Within linguistic symbols, there exists a close linkage among headlines, slogans, catchphrases and main text, jointly shaping the symbolic network of the revolutionary spirit. Taking the article “The Opening of the First Congress of the Soviet Area Youth League” in the newspaper *Red China* [5]5 *Red China* (《红色中华》) was the official newspaper of the Chinese Soviet Republic, first published on December 11, 1931 in Ruijin, Jiangxi. It served as the organ of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic and later of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, playing a key role in mobilizing the masses and propagating revolutionary policies during the Chinese Civil War and the early period of the War of Resistance Against Japan. as an example, the headline and the main text closely coordinate, presenting the importance of the congress, the warm atmosphere, and the interaction between the leadership and the masses, thereby transmitting the revolutionary spirit. As Terry Eagleton states, units within a system produce meaning through their interrelations. [5]5 *Red China* (《红色中华》) was the official newspaper of the Chinese Soviet Republic, first published on December 11, 1931 in Ruijin, Jiangxi. It served as the organ of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic and later of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, playing a key role in mobilizing the masses and propagating revolutionary policies during the Chinese Civil War and the early period of the War of Resistance Against Japan. (p. 101) The organic combination of headlines, slogans and main text enables the revolutionary spirit to be expressed on multiple levels; readers not only obtain key information from the headline but can also feel the specific scenes and emotional atmosphere of the revolution in the detailed descriptions of the main text. This makes the connections among elements form a more infectious symbolic combination, fully releasing the ideological and agitational nature of the newspaper’s content. The second is combination within visual symbols. Visual symbols play an auxiliary and reinforcing role in the newspaper, creating a distinctive visual communication effect. On the front page of issue 221 of *Red China*, the masthead uses thick black horizontal characters reading “Red China,” accompanied by a map of China, a five-pointed star and the Party emblem, creating a highly infectious visual effect. These symbols each bear specific meanings in their design, while forming an overall visual expression through their mutual combination. The thick black font of “Red China” symbolizes strength and solemnity, reinforcing the newspaper’s revolutionary propaganda function; the map of China reflects the overall nature of the revolution and the goal of national liberation; the five-pointed star signifies the Party’s leading role and the important position of the international workers’ movement; the Party emblem symbolizes the unity and struggle spirit of the worker and peasant classes. Through careful design and organic combination, these symbols highlight the firmness and cohesiveness of the revolutionary spirit, providing intuitive and powerful support for spreading revolutionary ideas. Saussure believed that the meaning of a sign derives not only from its own nature but also from the connections among signs and their mode of combination in context. [6]6 *Wangguonu* (亡国奴) — literally “slave of a lost country,” a term used in modern Chinese history to refer to a person living under foreign occupation, stripped of national sovereignty and basic rights. (pp. 170-173) Through a unified design style and rigorous arrangement, these visual symbols not only clearly convey the firmness and cohesiveness of the revolutionary spirit but also, through the interrelatedness and symbolism among the signs, form a highly integrated visual narrative. A clear and readable layout, with closely echoing visual symbols, allows the revolutionary ideas embedded within to be intuitively reinforced through visual means. The third is the intersection of linguistic and visual symbols. On page 5 of issue 84 of *Red China*, linguistic and visual symbols coexist and intersect, jointly constructing a highly infectious and inspiring propaganda system. The main body of the page consists of a blazing flame and the emblem of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army (a five-pointed star with a hammer and sickle pattern); on the left side is a classic quotation from Lenin on military strength, and on the right side an appraisal from the Soviet newspaper *Pravda*; the combination of the two provides a theoretical basis for the Red Army’s expansion and mobilization. In addition, the propaganda slogan below — “Quickly complete the combat task of creating a million-strong iron Red Army, prepare for direct struggle against imperialism!” — vividly conveys the revolutionary theme of strengthening the Red Army’s forces and fighting imperialism. Thus, through symmetrical layout, the image and text guide the reader’s gaze naturally from the central flame and army emblem to the quotations on both sides and the slogan below, constructing a logical transition from image perception to textual interpretation. This design not only strengthens the readability and communicative power of the page but also guides readers to gradually deepen their understanding of the revolutionary theme.

2. 红色报刊的革命精神符号组合与结构。红色报刊的符号体系通过语言与视觉符号的组合，形成独特的结构。通过符号之间的交互组合与排布，红色报刊建构多维度的符号网络，使革命精神得以完整地传递和升华。一是语言符号内部的组合。在语言符号中，标题、标语、口号和正文之间存在着紧密的联动关系，共同塑造革命精神的符号网络。以《红色中华》报“苏区青年团第一次代表大会的开幕”一文为例，该文标题与正文紧密配合，呈现大会重要性、热烈氛围及领导群众互动，传递革命精神。正如特里·伊格尔顿所言，系统中的单位通过相互关系产生意义。[5]（P101）标题、标语和正文的有机组合使革命精神得以在多层次中得到表达，读者不仅能够从标题中获取关键信息，还可以在正文的细节描写中感受到革命的具体场景和情绪氛围，使得元素间的联系形成更具感染力的符号组合，报纸内容的思想性和煽动性得到充分释放。二是视觉符号内部的组合。视觉符号在报刊中起到辅助和增强的作用，形成独具特色的视觉传播效果。《红色中华》报第221期第1版的报头采用描黑横排大字“红色中华”，配以中国地图、五角星和党徽，营造出极具感染力的视觉效果。这些符号在设计上各自承担着特定的意义，同时通过相互组合形成整体的视觉表达。“红色中华”粗黑字体象征力量与庄重，强化了报纸的革命宣传功能；中国地图体现出革命的全局性和民族解放的目标；五角星标志党的领导力量和国际工人运动的重要地位；党徽则象征工农阶级的团结与斗争精神。这些符号通过精心的设计和有机的组合，突出革命精神的坚定性与凝聚力，为传播革命理念提供直观而强有力的支持。索绪尔认为，符号的意义不仅来自其本身的性质，还取决于符号之间的联系以及其在语境中的组合方式。[6]（P170-173）这些视觉符号通过统一的设计风格、严谨的排列方式，不仅明确传递革命精神的坚定性与凝聚力，而且通过符号间的关联性和象征性，形成高度整合的视觉叙事。清晰易读的版式、紧密呼应的视觉符号，使得蕴含的革命理念通过视觉手段得到直观强化。三是语言符号与视觉符号的交叉。在《红色中华》报第84期第5版中，语言与视觉符号交叉共存，共同构建一个极具感染力和感召力的宣传体系。版头主体由熊熊燃烧的火焰和中国工农红军军徽（五角星与镰刀锤子图案）构成，左侧引用列宁关于军队力量的经典论述，右侧则选用苏联《真理报》的评价，两者的结合为红军扩大动员提供理论依据。此外，下方的宣传标语“迅速完成创造百万铁的红军的战斗任务，准备与帝国主义直接作战！”图文并茂地传递了红军壮大力量与反帝斗争的革命主题。由此，画面与文字通过对称式排版将读者视线从中心的火焰与军徽自然引导至两侧的语录和下方的标语，构建从图像感知到文字解读的逻辑过渡。这种设计不仅强化版头的可读性和传播力，还引导读者逐层深入理解革命主题。

II. The symbolic dissemination and reception of the red press

二、红色报刊的符号传播与接受

Peirce’s semiotic theory points out that a sign is composed of a representamen, an object and an interpretant. Among these, the interpretant is divided into the intentional interpretant, the effectual interpretant and the communicational interpretant, corresponding respectively to the intention of communication, audience identification and social consensus. [7]7 Red China (《红色中华》) was a newspaper founded by the Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Soviet Republic (Jiangxi Soviet) in 1931, serving as the Party’s central organ during the early 1930s. (pp. 43-48) The symbolic dissemination mechanism of *Red China* embodies this theoretical framework. On the front page of issue 242, through the careful design and combination of headlines, main text and mobilizing language, the Party clearly endows the signs with the initial meaning of mobilizing revolution and awakening class consciousness. Through situational narration and concrete expression, it successfully guides the audience’s emotional resonance and cognitive interpretation, thereby transforming into the effectual interpretant. In the process of the signs’ recurrence and socialization, the communicational interpretant, relying on broad social consensus and collective action, embeds the revolutionary spirit into the masses’ daily life and collective memory.

皮尔斯符号学理论指出，符号由再现体、对象和解释项构成。其中，解释项分为意向解释项、效力解释项与共同解释项，分别对应传播意图、受众认同和社会共识。[7]（P43-48）《红色中华》报的符号传播机制体现了这一理论框架。在第242期第1版中，通过标题、正文和号召性语言的精心设计与结合，党明确赋予符号以动员革命、唤醒阶级意识的初始意义。通过情境叙述与具体表达，成功引导受众的情感共鸣与认知解读，从而转化为效力解释项。在符号的复现与社会化过程中，共同解释项则以广泛的社会共识和集体行动为依托，将革命精神嵌入群众生活和集体记忆之中。

1. The intentional interpretant: the communicator’s revolutionary mobilization and shaping of class consciousness. The intentional interpretant carries the communicator’s initial endowment and transmission of meaning to the sign, serving as the starting point for meaning generation in the process of symbolic dissemination. On the front page of issue 242 of *Red China*, through the organic combination of headlines, main text and mobilizing language, a clear framework of class antagonism and action goals is constructed, systematically presenting the communicator’s intention of revolutionary mobilization and class-consciousness shaping. First, the headline, as a key carrier of the intentional interpretant, concisely expresses the communicator’s core intention. Taking the headline “Support the Central Government and the Central Revolutionary Military Commission’s Declaration of Resistance Against Japan and National Salvation; All the People of China Unite to Drive Japanese Imperialism Out of China, Overthrow the Traitor Chiang Kai-shek!” as an example, the headline, through a clear distinction between the core goal (driving out Japanese imperialism) and the enemy-ally relationship (“the traitor Chiang Kai-shek”), constructs a logic of struggle centered on “anti-imperialist resistance against Japan and overthrowing the Kuomintang.” Second, the main text reinforces the function of the intentional interpretant through situational narration and factual exposure. For instance, the article describes in detail the aggressive acts of Japanese imperialism, such as “the tax authorities in Beiping, Tianjin and other places being directly controlled” and “six or seven million people in North China being reduced to slaves of a subjugated nation,” combined with criticism of the Kuomintang’s traitorous acts, such as “Chiang Kai-shek shamelessly accepted the eight conditions put forward by Japan,” thereby concretizing the image of the enemy. This narrative, by exposing real crises and concrete oppression, not only enhances the cognitive validity of the signs but also further stimulates the audience’s emotional resonance. Third, through the structured arrangement of signs, the front page of issue 242 of *Red China* forms a symbolic dissemination system centered on the headline. The headline reinforces the revolutionary direction through high-level generalization, the main text deepens class consciousness through the revelation of contradictions and emotional appeals, and the mobilizing language further pushes the meaning of the signs toward the level of action. Thus, the intentional interpretant of the sign is not a single endowment of meaning; rather, in the mutual linkage of headline, main text and mobilizing slogans, it systematically presents the communicator’s intention of proletarian revolutionary mobilization. This precisely designed symbolic system not only clarifies the communicator’s political stance and ideological goals but also lays a solid ideological foundation for the transmission of symbolic meaning among the audience and the generation of consensus.

1. 意向解释项：传播者的革命动员与阶级意识塑造。意向解释项承载传播者对符号意义的初步赋予与传递，是符号传播过程中实现意义生成的起点。在《红色中华》报第242期第1版中，通过标题、正文及号召性语言的有机组合，构建清晰的阶级对立框架和行动目标，系统呈现出传播者对革命动员与阶级意识塑造的意图。首先，标题作为意向解释项的关键载体，凝练地表达了传播者的核心意图。以“拥护中央政府和中革军委的抗日救国宣言，全中国的民众联合起来驱逐日本帝国主义出中国，打倒卖国贼蒋介石！”为例，标题通过对核心目标（驱逐日本帝国主义）与敌我关系（“卖国贼蒋介石”）的明确区分，构建以“反帝抗日、推翻国民党”为核心的斗争逻辑。其次，正文通过情境叙述与事实揭露强化意向解释项的功能。例如，文章详细描述日本帝国主义的侵略行径，如“北平、天津等地税收机关被直接控制”“华北六七千万群众沦为亡国奴”等，结合对国民党卖国行径的批判，如“蒋介石无耻接受日本提出的八项条件”，构建敌人形象的具体化。这种叙事通过揭露现实危机和具体压迫，不仅提升符号的认知效度，还进一步激发受众的情感共鸣。再次，通过符号的结构化安排，《红色中华》报第242期第1版形成以标题为核心的符号传播体系。标题通过高度概括强化革命方向，正文通过矛盾揭示与情感诉求深化阶级意识，号召性语言则进一步推动符号意义向行动层面延伸。由此，符号的意向解释项并非单一的意义赋予，而是在标题、正文与号召标语的相互联动中，系统呈现传播者对无产阶级革命动员的意图。这种精确设计的符号体系，不仅明确传播者的政治立场与意识形态目标，还为符号意义在受众中的传递与共识生成奠定坚实的思想基础。

2. The effective interpretant: the audience’s emotional resonance and self-interpretation. The meaning of semiotic communication exists not only in the designer’s intended message, but also in the independent meaning generated by the symbol through the audience’s emotional identification and cognitive interpretation. The appeal symbols on page 1 of issue No. 242 of *Red China* — such as “Drive out Japanese imperialism” and “Overthrow the traitor Chiang Kai-shek” — through clear slogans and detailed situational descriptions, aroused a profound resonance among the worker-peasant masses regarding their real-life hardships. The audience not only perceived the urgency of resisting Japan and saving the nation from these symbols, but also interpreted them as a call to action to defend their national dignity and class interests. At this stage, the symbol was no longer confined to the one-way expression of the communicator; rather, it was integrated into the audience’s daily experience, generating emotional meanings that transcended the communicative intent. First, from the perspective of emotional resonance, the textual narrative of issue No. 242, combined with historical facts and specific scenarios, delineated the atrocities of Japanese imperialist aggression against China and the traitorous acts of the Kuomintang regime. By transforming a macro-level historical crisis into a perceptible real threat, these narratives evoked in the audience a sense of anxiety over national survival and stimulated a strong emotional response to the existing situation. Such narratives not only strengthened the audience’s identification with the anti-Japanese struggle, but also made them feel, on an emotional level, that participating in revolutionary action was a realization of their own self-worth. Second, at the level of cognitive interpretation, the combination of appeal language and historical narrative provided the audience with a clear logical framework: Japanese imperialist aggression and the Kuomintang’s submission and betrayal had led to the current national crisis; only through the leadership of the Red Army and the awakening of the worker-peasant masses could national independence and liberation be achieved. This logic not only endowed the revolutionary appeal with a strong sense of justice, but also, through a structured narrative, guided the audience to regard revolutionary struggle as the only reasonable choice. At this stage, the efficacy of the symbol was further extended: its meaning transcended the communicator’s one-way directive and formed a concrete practical orientation within the audience’s emotions and cognition. At the same time, the combination of the symbol’s emotional appeal and cognitive persuasiveness provided the basis for the transformation from individual emotion to collective action. In the process of calling on people to “Join the Red Army” and “Go together to fight Japanese imperialism and the Kuomintang’s Chiang Kai-shek,” the use of strong emotional symbols such as “Long live the sacred national revolutionary war” enabled individual interpretations to gradually transform into a social consensus. In this process, the audience not only felt the necessity of revolutionary action from the symbols, but also generated a shared emotional identification through the repetition and interaction of symbols, promoting the widespread dissemination of the revolutionary spirit among the masses. Thus, the analysis of the effective interpretant not only reveals the role of symbols in individual interpretation, but also lays a dual emotional and cognitive foundation for the social consensus formed in the common interpretant.

2. 效力解释项：受众的情感共鸣与自我解读。符号传播的意义不仅存在于传播者的设计意图中，更体现在符号通过受众的情感认同和认知解读所生成的独立意义之中。《红色中华》报第242期第1版的号召性符号如“驱逐日本帝国主义”“打倒卖国贼蒋介石”等，通过明确的口号和详细的情景描述，引发工农群众对现实困境的深刻共鸣。受众不仅从这些符号中感知到抗日救亡的迫切性，还将其解读为自己捍卫民族尊严和阶级利益的行动号令。符号在此阶段已不再局限于传播者的单向表达，而是被融入受众的日常体验，生成了超越传播意图的情感意义。其一，从情感共鸣来看，第242期的文字叙述结合历史事实和具体场景，勾勒出日本帝国主义侵华的暴行与国民党政权的卖国行径。通过将宏观的历史危机转化为可感知的现实威胁，这些叙述唤起受众对民族存亡的忧患意识，并激发出对现状的强烈情绪反应。此类叙述不仅增强受众对抗日斗争的认同，更让他们在情感层面将参与革命行动视为自我价值的实现。其二，在认知解读层面，号召性语言与历史叙事的结合，为受众提供一套清晰的逻辑框架，即日本帝国主义的侵略与国民党的屈从卖国，导致当前的民族危机；而唯有通过红军的领导和工农群众的觉醒，才能实现民族独立与解放。这种逻辑不仅使革命号召具备强烈的正义性，还通过结构化的叙事引导受众将革命斗争视为唯一合理的选择。符号的效力在此阶段被进一步延展，其意义超越了传播者的单向指令，而在受众的情感和认知中形成具体的实践导向。与此同时，符号的情感感染力与认知说服力相结合，为从个体情感到集体行动的转化提供基础。在号召“加入红军”“一同去打日本帝国主义和国民党蒋介石”的过程中，依托“神圣的民族革命战争万岁”这样的强烈情感符号，使个人解读逐渐转化为社会共识。这一过程中，受众不仅从符号中感受到革命行动的必要性，还在符号的复现与互动中生成共同的情感认同，推动革命精神在群众中的广泛传播。由此，效力解释项的分析不仅体现符号对个体解读的作用，也为符号在共同解释项中的社会共识奠定情感和认知的双重基础。

3. The common interpretant: the symbol’s social consensus and action orientation. In the ideal situation of semiotic communication, the interaction between the intentional interpretant and the effective interpretant ultimately achieves the common interpretant — that is, the broad consensus and collective practice formed by the meaning of the symbol at the social level. Through the dual design of emotional mobilization and practical orientation, page 1 of issue No. 242 of *Red China* enabled the revolutionary spirit to be consolidated and strengthened at the social level, laying the foundation for promoting collective action. First, the collective shareability of the symbol is the basis for generating the common interpretant. Taking appeal symbols such as “Drive out Japanese imperialism” and “Overthrow the traitor Chiang Kai-shek” as the core, and through the concrete narration of the national crisis — for example, “Over sixty or seventy million people in North China have all become slaves of a亡国奴 [6]6 *Wangguonu* (亡国奴) — literally “slave of a lost country,” a term used in modern Chinese history to refer to a person living under foreign occupation, stripped of national sovereignty and basic rights.” — these symbols transcended the communicator’s initial intention and were endowed with broader social meaning in the audience’s common cognition. Through the repetition of the symbols, the audience gradually internalized the urgency of resisting Japan and saving the nation, and regarded it as a universal social responsibility. Second, through the combination of emotional appeal and practical orientation, the symbol promoted the transformation from individual identification to collective action. Strong emotional symbols such as “Long live the sacred national revolutionary war,” while arousing the audience’s shared sense of anxiety over the national crisis, also clearly defined the moral legitimacy and historical inevitability of collective action. Combined with specific calls such as “Join the Red Army” and “Go together to fight Japanese imperialism and the Kuomintang’s Chiang Kai-shek,” the symbol completed the transformation from mobilization to practice at both the emotional and logical levels, providing a strong organizational foundation for revolutionary action. Finally, the generation of the common interpretant realized the historical continuity of the symbol. By embedding the revolutionary spirit in social practice and the memory of the masses, issue No. 242 enabled it to transcend the immediate communicative context and become part of the collective historical identity. Taking the establishment of the “Anti-Japanese and Anti-Chiang Alliance” as an example, the practicality of the symbol not only consolidated the current consensus for action, but also allowed the revolutionary spirit to continue in the depth of history, accumulating cultural capital for future social mobilization. Thus, the socialized use of symbols constructs collective identity and a consensus for action, providing important inspiration for Party media in the New Era to enhance the leading power and cohesive force of the mainstream ideology.

3. 共同解释项：符号的社会共识与行动导向。在符号传播的理想情境中，意向解释项与效力解释项的互动最终达成了共同解释项，即符号意义在社会层面形成的广泛共识与集体实践。《红色中华》报第242期第1版通过情感动员与实践指向的双重设计，使革命精神在社会层面得以凝聚和强化，为推动集体行动奠定基础。首先，符号的集体共享性是共同解释项生成的基础。以“驱逐日本帝国主义”“打倒卖国贼蒋介石”等号召性符号为核心，通过对民族危机的具象化叙述，如“华北六七千万以上的群众都变成了亡国奴了”，这些符号超越了传播者的初始意图，在受众的共同认知中被赋予更广泛的社会意义。受众在符号的复现中逐步内化了抗日救国的紧迫性，并将其视为普遍的社会责任。其次，符号通过情感感染力与实践导向的结合，推动从个体认同到集体行动的转化。“神圣的民族革命战争万岁”等强烈的情感符号，在唤起受众对民族危机的共同忧患意识的同时，明确集体行动的道德正当性与历史必然性。结合具体的号召如“加入红军”“一同去打日本帝国主义和国民党蒋介石”，符号在情感和逻辑层面完成了从动员到实践的转化，为革命行动提供强有力的组织基础。最后，共同解释项的生成实现符号的历史延续性。第242期通过将革命精神嵌入社会实践与群众记忆，使其超越即时的传播情境，成为集体历史认同的一部分。以“反日讨蒋同盟”的成立为例，符号的实践性不仅凝聚当前的行动共识，也使革命精神在历史的纵深中得以延续，为未来的社会动员积累文化资本。由此，符号的社会化运用，构建集体认同和行动共识，为新时代党媒增强主流意识形态的引领力与凝聚力提供重要启示。

III. The Historical Value and Contemporary Inspiration of the Red Press in Shaping the Revolutionary Spirit

三、红色报刊塑造革命精神的历史价值与当代启示

Looking to the contemporary era, the concise communication style and the tradition of running a newspaper close to the people’s livelihood, as embodied by the red press, still provide important inspiration for the guidance of public opinion by Party media in the New Era. At the same time, the semiotic communication practices of the red press also offer valuable experience for Party media in the New Era in the process of serving the people and spreading positive energy.

放眼当代，红色报刊所体现的简明传播风格与紧贴民生的办报传统，依然为新时代党媒的舆论引导提供重要启示。同时，红色报刊的符号传播实践也为新时代党媒在服务人民、传播正能量的过程中提供宝贵的经验。

1. The historical value of the red press in shaping revolutionary spirit. First, it promoted the dissemination and deepening of revolutionary theory. The early red press of the Chinese Communist Party, through the innovative use of linguistic symbols such as text and discourse, transformed complex revolutionary concepts into vivid cultural symbols, thereby gradually integrating the Party’s ideology into the life of the masses. The red press, by employing distinct and diverse forms of linguistic symbols—such as commendatory, exhortatory, and mobilizing discourse—constructed a vibrant revolutionary discourse system. It not only built a three-dimensional picture of the revolution but also turned revolutionary ideas from abstruse political theory into concrete, perceptible cultural symbols. This kind of symbol not only strengthened the legitimacy and inevitability of the revolution but also, through a binary oppositional narrative of class struggle, promoted the widespread dissemination of revolutionary ideas and prompted the masses to identify with the revolutionary spirit in everyday situations. Second, it reinforced identity and collective identification. The symbols in the red press not only played an important role in revolutionary narrative but also, through the construction of emotional value, strengthened the collective identification of the audience. Specifically, the red press used heroic figures and the deeds of martyrs as core emotional symbols; through the textual narration of revolutionary heroes’ exploits and the visual presentation of martyrs’ images, it evoked emotional resonance between individuals and the revolutionary collective. The revolutionary spirit was expressed not only as a “pioneering and enterprising” struggle spirit but also encompassed the spirit of sacrifice of “dedicating one’s life to the people.” Through vivid images and cartoon symbols, the press imbued these spirits with strong emotional coloring. By virtue of the intuitiveness of visual symbols, the revolutionary spirit became easy for the audience to understand and internalize, and individual emotions gradually merged with collective emotions. This kind of emotional resonance made the revolutionary spirit an inner emotional dependence of the masses, further promoting the strengthening of collective identification, consolidating the social foundation of the revolutionary spirit, and forming a deep emotional bond among the masses. Third, it promoted the inheritance and development of revolutionary culture. The revolutionary symbols in the red press constructed and transmitted revolutionary cultural memory across generations, enabling the revolutionary spirit to transcend individual experience and become a collective memory and cultural tradition of society. Clifford Geertz’s theory of cultural semiotics provides an analytical perspective here. Geertz believed that symbols are not merely media for transmitting meaning but are also carriers of cultural meaning; through symbols, culture can be embedded in daily life, forming group-level understanding and resonance. By leveraging this characteristic of symbols, the red press not only disseminated the immediate ideas of the revolution but also, through symbolic symbols and cultural metaphors, deeply embedded the revolutionary spirit in the cultural foundation of Chinese society. By symbolically presenting revolutionary heroes, major events, and other content, the red press transformed these symbols into the collective memory of society, enabling the revolutionary cultural tradition to continue through the historical process. Through the continuous presentation of revolutionary events and heroic deeds, revolutionary symbols integrated the values of the proletariat and the revolutionary spirit into the cultural memory of the social collective, forming the core of revolutionary culture. Through this symbolic system, the red press was able to continuously strengthen the revolutionary spirit in the depths of history, shaping it into a part of Chinese society and giving revolutionary culture a lasting symbolic power.

1. 红色报刊塑造革命精神的历史价值。一是推动革命理论的传播与深化。中国共产党早期的红色报刊，通过文字、话语等语言符号的创新运用，将复杂的革命理念转化为形象生动的文化符号，使得党的意识形态逐渐融入群众生活。红色报刊以鲜明而多样的语言符号形式，如表扬、鞭策和号召性话语，构建起富有活力的革命话语体系。它不仅构建革命的立体图景，还使革命的理念从晦涩难懂的政治理论转化为具象化、可感知的文化符号。这种符号不仅强化革命的正当性与必然性，还通过对阶级斗争的二元对立叙事，推动革命理念的广泛传播，并促使群众在日常情境中认同革命精神。二是强化身份认同与集体认同。红色报刊中的符号不仅在革命叙事中扮演重要角色，更通过情感价值的建构强化受众的集体认同。具体而言，红色报刊以英雄形象和烈士事迹为核心情感符号，通过对革命英雄事迹的文字叙述和烈士形象的视觉呈现，激发个体与革命群体之间的情感共鸣。革命精神不仅表现为“开拓进取”的奋斗精神，还涵盖了“为人民奉献一生”的牺牲精神，报刊通过生动的图像和漫画符号，赋予这些精神强烈的情感色彩。通过视觉符号的直观性，革命精神变得易于被受众理解和内化，个体情感与集体情感逐渐融合。这样的情感共鸣使革命精神成为群众内在的情感依赖，进一步推动集体认同的强化，巩固革命精神的社会基础，并在群众间形成深厚的情感联结。三是促进革命文化的传承与发展。红色报刊中的革命符号在代际之间构建并传承革命文化记忆，使革命精神超越个体体验，成为社会的集体记忆与文化传统。格尔茨的文化符号学理论提供对此的分析视角。格尔茨认为，符号不仅仅是意义的传递媒介，更是文化意义的承载体，通过符号，文化能够嵌入日常生活，形成群体性理解与共鸣。红色报刊借助这一符号特性，不仅传播革命的即时理念，还通过象征符号和文化隐喻将革命精神深深嵌入中国社会的文化基础中。红色报刊通过符号化展示革命英雄人物、重大事件等内容，将这些符号转化为社会的集体记忆，使革命文化传统得以在历史进程中延续。革命符号通过持续性地呈现革命事件和英雄事迹，使无产阶级的价值观与革命精神融入社会集体的文化记忆中，构成革命文化的核心。通过这一符号体系，红色报刊得以在历史的纵深中不断强化革命精神，将其塑造为中国社会的一部分，使革命文化具有持久的符号力量。

2. Contemporary implications of the red press in shaping revolutionary spirit. First, adopt a concise and powerful mode of communication. The “concise and powerful” mode of communication is a distinct achievement of the Party media’s century-long exploration of writing style. Since the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party media gradually abandoned complex classical Chinese and turned to vernacular Chinese as the main form of communication, enabling the Party’s complex political ideas to be closely integrated with the daily life of the workers and peasants through easy-to-understand language. This shift not only embodied the Party media’s stance of taking root among the masses and serving the masses but also prompted the Party media to gradually form a concise and clear writing style. During the Yan’an period, the newspaper Red China [7]7 Red China (《红色中华》) was a newspaper founded by the Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Soviet Republic (Jiangxi Soviet) in 1931, serving as the Party’s central organ during the early 1930s. was revived and renamed New China Daily, and Mao Zedong wrote an inscription for it: “Make the New China Daily a vital force in the War of Resistance” [8]8 This inscription was written by Mao Zedong in 1937 when the newspaper Red China was renamed New China Daily (《新中华报》)., further confirming the importance of a concise and powerful communication style. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has proposed continuing to maintain a concise, plain, and vivid communication style, so that the “people’s character” of the Party media can be manifested. This style not only condenses the symbolic expression of the revolutionary spirit but also makes the Party media an important tool for guiding public opinion in the New Era. Second, adhere to the newspaper-running tradition of staying close to the people’s livelihood. The tradition of staying close to the people’s livelihood is an important hallmark of the Chinese Communist Party’s journalism and publishing practice in manifesting the revolutionary spirit, rooted in the Marxist idea of “people first.” The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC clearly states that “people’s character is the essential attribute of Marxism” [9]9 Reference to the report of the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, held in October 2022. (p. 19), and that publishing work in the New Era must adhere to serving the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people as its starting point, highlighting the people’s attribute of journalism and publishing. This idea originates from the Marxist conception of a “people’s press,” continues and develops Mao Zedong’s spirit of “running newspapers for the masses,” and promotes theoretical innovation through publishing practice. During the revolutionary period, Party media represented by red newspapers such as Red China thoroughly implemented the newspaper-running policy of “staying close to the life of the masses,” using dialects and colloquial language to communicate with the masses and enhance affinity. As Mao Zedong emphasized, news reporting should be “closely related to the life of the masses,” using the language of the masses to tell events, so that the Party media becomes not only the “mouthpiece of the masses” but also a transmitter of information. This practice embodies the idea in Marxist historical materialism that “the masses create history,” making “running newspapers for the people” a symbol of the revolutionary spirit and laying a deep foundation for the Party media in the people’s livelihood. In the contemporary online communication environment, the idea of “staying close to the people’s livelihood” has been further developed. General Secretary Xi Jinping has proposed the idea of “taking the online mass line well,” emphasizing that Party media in the New Era should rely on internet platforms to interact extensively with the masses, effectively respond to concerns about people’s livelihood, clarify misunderstandings, spread positive energy, and promote the main theme. This practice continues and develops the “staying close to the people’s livelihood” idea from the revolutionary period, enabling the Party media in the New Era to continue strengthening its foundation in the people’s livelihood, consolidating the Party media’s leading position in social public opinion, and becoming a bridge between the Party and the people in the New Era.

2. 红色报刊塑造革命精神的当代启示。首先，采用简明有力的传播方式。“简明有力”的传播方式，是党媒百余年文风探索的鲜明成果。自新民主主义革命时期起，党媒逐渐摒弃复杂的文言文，转向以白话文为主要传播形式，使党的复杂政治理念能够通过通俗易懂的语言与工农群众日常生活紧密结合。这一转变既体现了党媒根植群众、服务群众的立场，又促使党媒逐步形成简洁鲜明的文风。在延安时期，《红色中华》报复刊并改版为《新中华报》，毛泽东为其题词“把新中华报造成抗战的一支生力军”[8]，进一步确认简明有力传播风格的重要性。至新时代，习近平总书记提出继续保持简洁质朴、富有生动性的传播风格，使党媒的“人民性”得以彰显。这一风格不仅凝聚革命精神的象征性表达，也使党媒成为新时代社会舆论引导的重要工具。其次，坚持紧贴民生的办报传统。紧贴民生的办报传统是中国共产党新闻出版实践中彰显革命精神的重要标志，根植于马克思主义“人民至上”思想。党的二十大报告明确指出，“人民性是马克思主义的本质属性”[9]（P19），新时代的出版工作必须坚持以服务最广大人民的根本利益为出发点，凸显新闻出版的人民属性。这一思想源于马克思主义关于“人民报刊”的构想，延续并发展毛泽东“为群众办报”的精神，以出版实践推动理论创新。在革命时期，以《红色中华》报等红色报刊为代表的党媒深入贯彻“紧贴群众生活”的办报方针，使用方言和通俗语言与群众沟通，增强亲和力。正如毛泽东强调，新闻报道应“与群众生活紧密相关”，用群众的语言讲述事件，使党媒不仅成为 “群众的喉舌”，更是信息的传递者。这一实践体现马克思主义唯物史观中“群众创造历史”的思想，使“为人民办报”成为革命精神的象征，奠定党媒的深厚民生根基。在当代网络传播环境中，“紧贴民生”的理念得到进一步发展。习近平总书记提出“走好网络群众路线”的主张，强调新时代党媒要依托互联网平台与群众广泛互动，切实回应民生关切，澄清误解，传播正能量，弘扬主旋律。这一做法延续并发展革命时期的“紧贴民生”理念，使党媒在新时代继续强化其民生根基，巩固党媒在社会舆论中的领导地位，成为新时代党与人民沟通的桥梁。

(About the authors: Su Jie, Professor, School of Marxism, Anhui Agricultural University; Wang Fei, School of Marxism, Chongqing Jiaotong University)

（作者简介：苏洁，安徽农业大学马克思主义学院教授；王菲，重庆交通大学马克思主义学院）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心