The Zunyi Conference: From Historical Event to Historical Landmark

Historical events constitute history; historical landmarks shape history. Not every historical event can become a historical landmark. This year marks the 90th anniversary of the Zunyi Conference, which stands as a distinct historical landmark in the history of the Communist Party of China. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: “We must make good use of the historical experience of the Zunyi Conference and let the spirit of the Zunyi Conference shine forever.” [1]1 Luo Fu (1900-1976), also known as Zhang Wentian, was a senior leader of the Chinese Communist Party who served as General Secretary from 1935 to 1943. He was a member of the so-called “28 Bolsheviks” faction trained in Moscow and initially supported the International Line, but later shifted to support Mao Zedong’s leadership at the Zunyi Conference. The light of the Zunyi Conference that traverses the years of history is the light that ignites the hope of revolution, the light that enlightens the trends of development, the light that illuminates the path to victory, and it is also the significance of its becoming a historical landmark.

历史事件构成历史，历史标志塑造历史。并非每一个历史事件都能够成为历史标志。今年是遵义会议召开90周年，遵义会议在中国共产党的历史上就是一个鲜明的历史标志。习近平总书记指出：“要运用好遵义会议历史经验，让遵义会议精神永放光芒。”遵义会议穿越历史岁月的光芒是点燃革命希望的光芒，是启迪发展趋势的光芒，是照耀胜利道路的光芒，也是其成为历史标志的意义所在。

Before the Zunyi Conference, the historical development of the Communist Party of China had experienced severe twists and unprecedented crises. From the perspective of the organizational line, it was that “our Party had not formed a mature Party Central Committee. From Chen Duxiu, Qu Qiubai, Xiang Zhongfa, Li Lisan to Wang Ming, none had formed a capable Party Central Committee.” [2]2 Wang Ming (1904-1974), born Chen Shaoyu, was a leading figure of the dogmatist faction within the CPC that slavishly followed the Comintern line. He dominated Party leadership in the early 1930s and was a key target of criticism at the Zunyi Conference for his “left” adventurist errors. From the perspective of the political line, it was that “Marxism was dogmatized, and the resolutions of the Communist International and the experience of the Soviet Union were sanctified,” [3]3 This quotation is from Liu Bocheng’s memoirs, reflecting the widespread support for Mao’s leadership after the Zunyi Conference. with erroneous “Left” and Right lines successively dominating the Party Central Committee. The Party’s political line determines everything; the Party’s organizational line is also determined by the political line and serves the political line. Errors in the political line inevitably lead to errors in the organizational line, and these errors are all subversive errors for the development of the Party’s cause. The fundamental reason why the Zunyi Conference could “at the most critical juncture save the Party, save the Red Army, and save the Chinese revolution,” becoming “a life-and-death turning point in the Party’s history,” is that it “established in practice Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, began to establish the leading position of the correct Marxist line mainly represented by Comrade Mao Zedong in the Party Central Committee, and began to form the Party’s first generation of central leadership collective with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core.” [4]4 Zhu De (1886–1976) was a founding leader of the Red Army and later the Commander-in-Chief of the People’s Liberation Army. The poem uses the metaphor of dragons finding a leader to celebrate Mao’s leadership. Thus, it opened a new stage for the Party to independently and autonomously solve the practical problems of the Chinese revolution, and thereafter enabled the Party to overcome Zhang Guotao’s splittism, successfully complete the Long March, and open up a new situation for the Chinese revolution. [5]5 The Seventh Congress of the Communist International (July–August 1935) was a major gathering of the world communist movement, which adopted the policy of the Popular Front against fascism.

遵义会议前，中国共产党的历史发展经历了严重曲折和空前危机。从组织路线看，就是“我们的党没有形成过一个成熟的党中央。从陈独秀、瞿秋白、向忠发、李立三到王明，都没有形成过有能力的党中央”。从政治路线看，就是“把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际决议和苏联经验神圣化”，“左”右倾错误路线连续统治党中央。党的政治路线是决定一切的，党的组织路线也是由政治路线决定，是为政治路线服务的。政治路线错误必然会带来组织路线错误，这些错误对党的事业发展而言，都是颠覆性错误。遵义会议能够“在最危急关头挽救了党、挽救了红军、挽救了中国革命”，成为“党的历史上是一个生死攸关的转折点”，根本原因就是：“事实上确立了毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位，开始确立以毛泽东同志为主要代表的马克思主义正确路线在党中央的领导地位，开始形成以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体”。由此，开启了党独立自主解决中国革命实际问题的新阶段，并且在这以后使党能够战胜张国焘的分裂主义，胜利完成长征，打开中国革命新局面。

I. The failure to form a stable and mature Party Central Committee was an important reason for the repeated setbacks in the cause of the Party and the people before the Zunyi Conference

一、没有形成稳定、成熟的党中央，是遵义会议前党和人民事业屡遭挫折的重要原因

Revolution is always the most intense movement of contradictions; whether victory or setback, it is influenced and constrained by multiple factors. Revolutionary theoretical guidance, understanding of one’s own national conditions, and promoting the integration of theory and practice are all important factors determining the progress of revolution. However, revolution is after all a profound activity, and activity must have a subject; only the subject can understand the basic national conditions, promote theoretical innovation, unite and lead the people, and realize social change. For the proletarian revolution, this subject is the Party. A mature Marxist advanced political party with a strong leading core is the decisive factor for the victory of the proletarian revolution.

革命始终是最激烈的矛盾运动，不论胜利或是挫折，都受到多种因素的影响和制约。革命理论指导、认识本国国情、推动理论和实践结合等，都是决定革命前进发展的重要因素，但是革命毕竟是一场深刻的活动，活动就必须有主体，只有主体才能认识基本国情，推动理论创新，团结带领人民，实现社会改变。就无产阶级革命来说，这个主体就是党，一个成熟的、具有坚强领导核心的马克思主义先进政党，是无产阶级革命取得胜利的决定性因素。

On the basis of profoundly summing up historical experience, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Before the Zunyi Conference, our Party was not yet mature, especially in that it had not formed a mature Party Central Committee, nor had it formed the unity and solidarity of the entire Party. This was an important reason why the cause of the Party and the people repeatedly suffered setbacks and even faced the danger of failure in the early days of the revolution.” [6]6 Chen Yun (1905–1995) was a senior CPC leader who attended the Zunyi Conference and later reported on it to the Communist International.

在深刻总结历史经验的基础上，习近平总书记指出：“遵义会议前，我们党还不成熟，特别是没有形成一个成熟的党中央，没有形成全党的团结统一。这是党和人民事业在革命早期屡遭挫折甚至面临失败危险的重要原因。”

The Party Central Committee before the Zunyi Conference was the Central Secretariat with Bo Gu assuming overall responsibility. [7]7 Bo Gu (1907-1946) was a senior leader of the CPC who, as the head of the Party's central leadership from 1931 to 1935, was associated with the "Left" dogmatic line that led to severe setbacks. Li De (1901-1974), born Otto Braun, was a German communist sent by the Communist International as a military advisor to the CPC during the same period. Regarding the historical status of this Party Central Committee, the Party’s first historical resolution made the following assessment: “The Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee), convened in January 1934 by the Provisional Central Committee, was the peak of the development of the third ‘Left’ line.” [8]8 The Fifth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign (1933-1934) was the military campaign by the Chinese Communist Party's Red Army to defend the Jiangxi Soviet against the Nationalist Kuomintang forces. Its failure, due in part to erroneous military command, forced the Red Army to abandon the base and begin the Long March. During the Agrarian Revolutionary War period, the Party successively experienced the “Left” putschist errors represented by Qu Qiubai, the “Left” adventurist errors of Li Lisan, and the “Left” dogmatist errors of Wang Ming. Intertwined with these erroneous ideological lines were the adjustments and replacements of the leading bodies of successive Party Central Committees, presenting a very distinct characteristic of being “very unstable and also very immature.” The formation of the Central Secretariat with Bo Gu assuming overall responsibility was decided by the Political Secretariat of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, with the direct participation of Wang Ming. This Party Central Committee completely inherited Wang Ming’s “Left” dogmatist errors and developed the “Left” line to its peak.

遵义会议之前的党中央，是由博古负总责任的中央书记处。对于这个党中央的历史地位，党的第一个历史决议做了这样的评价：“一九三四年一月，由临时中央召集的第六届中央委员会第五次全体 会议(六届五中全会)，是第三次‘左’倾路线发展的顶点”。土地革命战争时期，党内连续发生瞿秋白为代表的“左”倾盲动错误、李立三“左”倾冒险主义错误和王明“左”倾教条主义错误。与这些错误思想路线相交织的是一届又一届的党中央领导机构调整和更替，呈现了非常鲜明的“很不稳定，也很不成熟”的特点。由博古负总责任的中央书记处的形成，就是在王明直接参与下，由共产国际执委会政治书记处决定的。这届党中央完全继承了王明“左”倾教条主义错误，并且将“左”倾 路线发展到顶点。

Before the Zunyi Conference, the “very unstable and also very immature” nature of the Party Central Committee was manifested organizationally in the loss of independence. In 1921, the Second National Congress of the Party passed the “Resolution on the Chinese Communist Party Joining the Communist International,” clarifying that the Chinese Communist Party was a branch of the International Communist Party. For the Chinese revolution and the Chinese Communist Party at that time, this was an inevitable choice conforming to the revolutionary situation and the Party’s own developmental needs. Because the proletariat is international, and the cause of the proletarian revolution is also international, it requires the proletariat of all countries in the world to unite and support each other. However, revolutionary causes in different countries and regions are rooted in their own national soil and rely on their own peoples, possessing different specific forms and characteristics. To carry out a revolutionary cause in a large Eastern country like China, with its long history and huge population, it is first necessary to base oneself on China’s actual national conditions, rely closely on the Chinese proletariat and the masses of the people, integrate the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, and find a revolutionary path suitable for China’s situation, rather than being entirely commanded by other countries or a certain international center. However, after the Chinese Communist Party joined the Communist International, it was required to implement all resolutions of the Congress of the Communist International and its Executive Committee. In particular, the Communist International, on the pretext of correcting so-called line errors within the Chinese Communist Party, carried out rounds of comprehensive reorganization of the Central Committee of the CPC, continuously strengthening the tendency of “international centralization,” which brought negative impacts on the Chinese revolution.

遵义会议前，党中央“很不稳定，也很不成熟”表现在组织上就是丧失独立性。1921年党的二大通过了《中国共产党加入第三国际决议案》，明确了中国共产党为国际共产党之中国支部，这对于当时的中国革命和中国共产党而言，是顺应革命形势和党自身发展需要的一个必然抉择。因为无产阶级是世界的，无产阶级的革命事业也是世界的，需要全世界各国无产阶级联合起来、互相支持。但是，不同国家、不同地区革命事业是扎根于本国土壤、依托于各国人民的，具有不同的具体形式和特点。在中国这样一个历史悠久而又人口众多的东方大国开展革命事业，首先需要立足中国的实际国情，紧紧依靠中国无产阶级和人民群众，把马克思列宁主义的基本原理同中国革命的具体实践结合起来，找出适合中国情况的革命道路，而不能完全的由其他国家或某一个国际中心来全盘指挥。然而，中国共产党加入第三国际后，要求必须执行共产国际代表大会及其执委会的一切决议，特别是共产国际以纠正中国共产党内所谓路线错误为由，对中共中央进行一轮又一轮的全面改组，不断强化“国际中心化”的倾向，给中国革命带来了消极影响。

In January 1931, the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party, convened in the context of opposing Li Lisan’s “Left” adventurist errors, was held under the direct intervention of the Comintern representative Pavel Mif. [9]9 The “Two Establishments” (两个确立) refers to the establishment of Xi Jinping’s position as the core of the Party Central Committee and the core of the entire Party, and the establishment of the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Many of the participants had no prior knowledge of the content of the meeting. This session brought into central leadership positions some people who had long been divorced from the actual practice of the Chinese revolution and harbored “Left” dogmatist and sectarian tendencies. The subsequent Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee further strengthened the guidance of the Communist International. From the meeting documents to the composition of the leading body of the Central Committee of the CPC, everything was decided by the

1931年1月，在反对李立三“左”倾冒险主义错误中召开的党的六届四中全会，就是在共产国际代表米夫的直接干预下召开的，参加会议的许多人，事先完全不知道会议的内容。这次会议使一些长期脱离中国革命实际、具有“左”倾教条主义思想和宗派主义倾向的人进入中央领导岗位。之后召开的党的六届五中全会更是强化了共产国际的指导，这次会议从会议文件到中共中央领导机构组成，均是经共产国际决定后，传到中国来执行的。组织上的严格控制和反复改造，造成中国共产党过于依赖共产国际。在组织上丧失了独立自主，就无法形成自己成熟的领导集体。

Before the Zunyi Conference, the Party Central Committee was “highly unstable and also highly immature,” which was also manifested in the fact that it took ideas that did not conform to China’s actual conditions and turned them into a “line” as the fundamental guideline for directing the Chinese revolution, thereby losing its independence in thought, politics, and military affairs. The most direct impact of “dogmatizing Marxism and sanctifying the resolutions of the Communist International and the experience of the Soviet Union” on practical work was this “line-ization,” which used the “International Line” as the criterion for judging right and wrong, causing profound harm to the Chinese revolution.

遵义会议前，党中央“很不稳定，也很不成熟”还表现在，把不符合中国实际的思想“路线化”作为指导中国革命的根本遵循，丧失思想上、政治上、军事上的独立性。“把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际决议和苏联经验神圣化”对实践工作最直接的影响，就是“路线化”，以“国际路线”作为判断是非的标准，对中国革命危害深重。

The implementation and application of the “International Line” in the Chinese revolution was characterized by “exclusivity” and “exclusiveness.” In September 1932, Luo Fu [1]1 Luo Fu (1900-1976), also known as Zhang Wentian, was a senior leader of the Chinese Communist Party who served as General Secretary from 1935 to 1943. He was a member of the so-called “28 Bolsheviks” faction trained in Moscow and initially supported the International Line, but later shifted to support Mao Zedong’s leadership at the Zunyi Conference., a member of the Provisional Politburo of the Central Committee, pointed out at the Tenth Session of the Twelfth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International while summing up the experience of the Chinese revolution: “The Chinese Red Army, under the leadership of its Communist Party, has correctly implemented and is implementing the line of the Communist International, smashing various anti-Party groups and counter-revolutionary groups as well as tendencies that deviate from the Party’s line… Precisely because of this, it has been able to carry out its own revolutionary program and policies, thereby winning the support of the broad masses of working people.” “The victory of the Red Army in China is also the victory of the Communist International line.” At the same meeting, Wang Ming [2]2 Wang Ming (1904-1974), born Chen Shaoyu, was a leading figure of the dogmatist faction within the CPC that slavishly followed the Comintern line. He dominated Party leadership in the early 1930s and was a key target of criticism at the Zunyi Conference for his “left” adventurist errors. stated: “Our Party has implemented the clear instructions issued by the Communist International in its 1930 resolution on China’s problems, namely that the struggle on two fronts should become the foundation of all the Party’s leadership activities.”

“国际路线”在中国革命的贯彻落实具有“唯一性”和“排他性”。1932年9月，临时中央政治局成员洛甫，在共产国际执委会第十二次全会第十次会议上总结中国革命经验时指出：“中国红军在其共产党的领导下正确地实行了和正在实行着共产国际的路线，粉碎了各种反党集团和反革命集团以及偏离党的路线的倾向……正因为如此，它才得以实行自己的革命纲领和政策，因而赢得了广大劳动 群众对自己的支持”“红军在中国的胜利也就是共产国际路线的胜利”。也是在这次会议上，王明指出：“我们党执行了共产国际1930年在其关于中国问题的决议中明确作出的指示，即两条战线的斗争应当成为党的领导全部活动的基础”。

It was precisely under the guidance of the thinking of the “struggle between two lines” that the provisional central leadership headed by Bo Gu, after entering the Central Base Area, immediately implemented and carried out its “Left” dogmatist line throughout the base area, and used this as an opportunity to strike at a large number of leading cadres who adhered to correct opinions and had rich practical experience. These struggles were in fact directed against the correct line represented by Mao Zedong. In February 1934, Bo Gu pointed out: “The Party’s growth and consolidation have been achieved in the struggle for the Bolshevik line. The Party thoroughly smashed the semi-Trotskyist Li Lisan line and the liquidationist Right faction. The Party dealt a fatal blow to all opportunist waverings (opportunism in the trade union movement, the Luo Ming line in the Soviet areas, etc.), opposed the conciliationists, and opposed opportunism and double-dealing in practical work. It is precisely in the unyielding struggle on two fronts that the Party has grown and consolidated itself.” The opposition here to so-called “all opportunist waverings” and so-called “opportunism in practical work” in fact referred to the correct policies represented by Mao Zedong. Zhou Enlai later pointed out: “The shortcomings and mistakes of the Communist International, especially in its middle period, can be summarized as follows: general calls were not combined with the practice of each country; concrete arrangements replaced principled guidance; and it became interference in the internal affairs of each country’s Party, preventing each country’s Party from being independent and autonomous and from giving full play to its initiative and creativity.”

正是在“两条路线的斗争”思想指导下，以博古为首的临时中央在进入中央根据地之后，随即在根据地内部全面实施并贯彻其“左”倾教条主义的方针，并以此为契机打击了一大批坚持正确意见、实践经验丰富的领导干部。这些斗争，实际上反对的是以毛泽东为代表的正确主张。1934年2月，博古指出：“党的生长与巩固是在为布尔什维克的路线的斗争中得来的，党彻底的粉碎了半托尔茨基的立三路线与取消主义的右派，党对于一切机会主义的动摇(职工运动中的机会主义，苏区的罗明路线等)给了致命的打击，反对了调和派，反对了实际工作中的机会主义与两面派。正是在不调和的两条战线的斗争中，党生长与巩固了起来。”这里提到的反对所谓“一切机会主义的动摇”、所谓“实际工作中的机会主义”等，实际上指的就是以毛泽东为代表的正确方针政策。周恩来后来曾经指出：“共产国际的缺点和错误，特别在中期的缺点和错误，概括地说是：一般号召不与各国实践相结合，具体布置代替了原则的指导，变成了干涉各国党的内部事务，使各国党不能独立自主，发挥自己的积极性、创造性。”

The crux of the “International Line” was its divorce from China’s actual conditions. From the Right opportunist errors represented by Chen Duxiu in the later period of the Great Revolution, to the three “Left” errors in the early period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, and then to the Party Central Committee headed by Bo Gu, although the forms of expression of the “Left” and Right errors differed, their essence was the same: they were unable to proceed from the actual conditions of the Chinese revolution and from China’s fundamental national conditions. A political party that has lost both its organizational independence and its ideological independence is inevitably immature and unstable, and is bound to suffer setbacks and defeats.

“国际路线”的要害就是脱离中国实际。从大革命后期的以陈独秀为代表的右倾机会主义错误，到土地革命战争初期三次“左”倾错误，再到以博古为首的党中央，尽管所犯“左”右倾错误的表现形式不一样，但是实质是一样，就是不能从中国革命实际情况出发、不能从中国基本国情出发。一个丧失了组织的独立性，又丧失了思想的独立性的政党，必然是不成熟的、不稳定的，必然要遭到挫折和失败。

II. The Zunyi Conference in fact established Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, and the Party moved towards organizational stability and unity.

二、遵义会议事实上确立了毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位，党在组织上走向稳定和团结

Through the Zunyi Conference, the entire Party began to form a conscious action and common will to endorse and support Comrade Mao Zedong’s correct leadership. Through the Zunyi Conference, the Communist International also fully recognized Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status and historical role, and paid attention to maintaining Mao Zedong’s leading position within the Chinese Communist Party. The “achievement of establishment” of the Zunyi Conference is the unity of broad “historical consensus” and profound “historical trend.”

经过遵义会议，全党上下开始形成赞同和拥护毛泽东同志正确领导的自觉行动和共同意志。经过遵义会议，共产国际也充分认识到毛泽东同志的历史地位和历史作用，注意在中国共产党内部维护毛泽东的领导地位。遵义会议的“确立之功”，就是广泛的“历史共识”和深厚的“历史趋势”的统一。

“In fact establishing Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army” is a historical process closely linked to “in fact” ending the leadership of “Left” dogmatism in the Party and the Red Army; the latter created the conditions for the former, and the former is the inevitable result of the latter’s historical movement. “In fact” ending the leadership of “Left” dogmatism in the Party and the Red Army had already begun before the Zunyi Conference. After the Battle of the Xiangjiang River, the Party and the Red Army fell into an extremely passive predicament. To rapidly change this situation, the Party and the Red Army successively held the Tongdao Conference, the Liping Conference, and the Houchang Conference. In terms of the state of Party leadership, a positive outcome of these conferences was the strengthening of the collective leadership of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Revolutionary Military Commission, and the gradual ending of the situation where “Left” dogmatist leaders monopolized everything. In particular, the Houchang Conference decided that “regarding operational policies, as well as the choice of operational timing and location, the Military Commission must report to the Politburo meeting,” in order to strengthen the Politburo’s leadership over the Military Commission. This decision standardized the procedures for requesting instructions and reporting in military operations, and in effect stripped Bo Gu and Li De of their military command authority. Subsequently, at the Zunyi Conference, the Party Central Committee reorganized the central leadership bodies, elected and approved Mao Zedong as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, and made appropriate adjustments to the division of work among Standing Committee members. The conference abolished the “Three-Person Group” established before the Long March and decided that the supreme military commanders Zhu De and Zhou Enlai would remain the military commanders of the Red Army, with Zhou Enlai being the person entrusted by the Party Central Committee to exercise supreme military command authority. This brought an end to the erroneous “Left” leadership.

“事实上确立了毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位”是与“事实上”结束“左”倾教条主义在党和红军中的领导紧密联系的历史进程，后者为前者创造了条件，前后是后者历史运动的必然结果。“事实上”结束“左”倾教条主义在党和红军中的领导，在遵义会议之前就已经开始了。湘江战役后，党和红军陷入极为被动的困境，为了迅速改变这种状况，党和红军前后召开了通道会议、黎平会议、猴场会议等，就党的领导状况而言，这些会议最终形成的一个积极成果，就是加强中共中央和中革军委的集体领导，逐步结束“左”倾教条主义领导人包办一切的状况。特别是猴场会议决定，“关于作战方针，以及作战时间与地点的选择，军委必须在政治局会议上做报告”，以加强政治局对军委的领导。这次会议的决定，规范了在军事作战方面的请示报告程序，实际上剥夺了博古、李德的军事指挥权。随后，在遵义会议上，党中央对中央领导机构进行了重新组织，选举通过了毛泽东任中央政治局常委，并对决定常委的工作分工作出适当调整。会议取消了在长征前成立的“三人团”，决定仍然由最高军事首长朱德、周恩来为红军的军事指挥者，而周恩来是党中央委托的履行最高军事指挥权的负责者。这样就结束了“左”倾的错误领导。

At the Zunyi Conference, Mao Zedong was elected as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, not as the Party’s main leader, but from this point on, Mao Zedong’s role as the mainstay in the Party and the Red Army began to emerge. Deng Liqun, who participated in drafting the second historical resolution, recalled that regarding the history of the Zunyi Conference, “after consulting some historical materials, based on these materials, it was once written: The Zunyi Conference in fact established Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Red Army and the Party Central Committee. It was sent to Comrade Deng Xiaoping for his review, and he said he was clear about this matter. Because at the time of the Zunyi Conference, he was the Secretary-General of the Party Central Committee and attended the meeting… He said, after the Zunyi Conference, Comrade Mao Zedong played a leading role in the entire Party… On important issues, for the most part, Comrade Mao Zedong came up with ideas, and the other comrades agreed. Although nominally he was neither General Secretary nor Chairman of the Military

遵义会议上，毛泽东被选为中央政治局常委，并非党的主要领导人，但从这个时候开始，毛泽东在党和红军中的主心骨的作用开始显现出来。参与第二历史决议起草的邓力群曾回忆说，关于遵义会议这段历史“查阅了一点历史材料，根据这些材料，曾经写成：遵义会议实际上确立了毛泽东同志在红军和党中央的领导地位。送给邓小平同志看，他说这个事情他清楚。因为遵义会议时候他是党中央 的秘书长，是到了会的。……他说，遵义会议以后，毛泽东同志对全党起了领导作用。……在重要的问题上，大都是毛泽东同志出主意，其他同志同意的。尽管名义上他没有当总书记或军委主席，实际上他对军队的指挥以及重大问题上的决策，都为别的领导人所承认。……只要毛泽东同志的意见是对的，都一致支持，坚决执行。所以这个问题要讲根据，就是这个根据。因为是邓小平同志亲自看到的嘛”。1943年11月，博古在中央政治局会议上总结历史经验教训时也指出：“因有遵义会议，毛主席挽救了党、挽救了军队。教条宗派统治开始完结，基本上解决问题”。

After the Zunyi Conference, under the correct leadership of Comrade Mao Zedong, the Central Red Army broke free from the pursuit, interception, and blockade of superior enemy forces, shattered Chiang Kai-shek’s plan to annihilate the Red Army in the border region of Sichuan, Guizhou, and Yunnan, and achieved a decisive victory in the strategic shift. Through a comparison of the revolutionary situation before and after the Zunyi Conference, the entire Party and the vast majority of Red Army commanders and fighters willingly and sincerely accepted Comrade Mao Zedong’s correct leadership. “As soon as the Zunyi Conference was conveyed, it was greeted with cheers from the entire Party and the whole army. … Chairman Mao’s assumption of the leadership position was a natural development. Facts proved that Chairman Mao’s leadership was correct amidst thousands upon thousands of troops.” [3]3 This quotation is from Liu Bocheng’s memoirs, reflecting the widespread support for Mao’s leadership after the Zunyi Conference. Zhu De wrote in a poem: “With a leader found, the dragons soar; mastering the line, they march as one. Able to correct left and right deviations, the boundless sky allows free flight.” [4]4 Zhu De (1886–1976) was a founding leader of the Red Army and later the Commander-in-Chief of the People’s Liberation Army. The poem uses the metaphor of dragons finding a leader to celebrate Mao’s leadership. Whether it is “with a leader found, the dragons soar” or “mastering the line,” both fully reflect the new phase of the Chinese revolution opened up by the Party and the Red Army’s conscious acceptance of Comrade Mao Zedong’s correct leadership.

遵义会议后，在毛泽东同志的正确领导下，中央红军摆脱优势敌军的追堵拦截，粉碎蒋介石围歼红军于川、黔、滇边境的计划，取得了战略转移中具有决定意义的胜利。通过遵义会议前后革命形势对比，全党和广大红军指战员心悦诚服的接受毛泽东同志的正确领导。“遵义会议一传达，就得到全党全军的欢呼。……毛主席取得领导地位，是水到渠成。事实证明，在千军万马中毛主席的领导是正确的”。朱德在诗中写道：“群龙得首自腾翔，路线精通走一行。左右偏差能纠正，天空无限任飞扬。”不论是“群龙得首”，还是“路线精通”，都充分体现了党和红军自觉接受毛泽东同志的正确领导而开辟的中国革命的崭新局面。

The Zunyi Conference was not only a pivotal meeting in the Party’s history but also a pivotal meeting in the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and the Communist International. This included the Communist International’s recognition and affirmation of Mao Zedong’s leadership position and capabilities. The Seventh Congress of the Communist International, held in 1935, stated when introducing the Chinese Communist Party: “These troops have always been under the command of a correct and strong core of Communist Party leadership. The leaders of this core are Comrades Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Peng Dehuai, Huang Gonglüe (who died in the third counter-encirclement campaign in August 1931), He Long, and others. They are capable and self-sacrificing fighters, great politicians, and military strategists of the young Chinese Soviet Republic.” [5]5 The Seventh Congress of the Communist International (July–August 1935) was a major gathering of the world communist movement, which adopted the policy of the Popular Front against fascism. This congress elected Mao Zedong as a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International in his absence. In October, Chen Yun gave a detailed report at the Secretariat meeting of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the course of the Red Army’s Long March and the circumstances of the Zunyi Conference. The report stated: “After occupying Zunyi, an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau was convened, attended by Political Bureau members, all military leaders, and the commanders and political commissars of each army. The meeting decided to march into Sichuan, corrected the errors of the military leaders in the final stage of the fifth counter-encirclement campaign and the first stage of the Western Expedition, dismissed the ‘strategists who rely on pencils,’ elected Comrade Mao Zedong to take up leadership, established a strong leadership core, strengthened the Party’s leadership over the army, and from then on enabled the Red Army to seize the initiative in attack.” [6]6 Chen Yun (1905–1995) was a senior CPC leader who attended the Zunyi Conference and later reported on it to the Communist International. In the spring of 1936, Chen Yun’s report was published in the *Communist International* magazine (Chinese edition).

遵义会议既是党的历史上具有转折意义的重要会议，也是中国共产党与共产国际关系具有转折意义的重要会议。这其中就包括了共产国际对毛泽东领导地位和领导能力的认可和肯定。1935年召开的共产国际七大，在介绍中国共产党时指出：“这些部队一直处于正确的、强有力的共产党领导核心指挥之下。这个核心的领导人是毛泽东、朱德、彭德怀、黄公略(1931年8月第三次反“围剿”时 牺牲了)、贺龙等同志。他们都是年青的中华苏维埃共和国中富有才干和自我牺牲精神的战士、伟大的政治家和军事家。”这次会议在毛泽东缺席的情况下，选举其为共产国际执行委员。10月，陈云在共产国际执委会书记会议上详细报告了红军长征的经过和遵义会议的情况。报告指出：“占领遵义后，召开了有政治局委员、全体军事领导人、各军军长和政治委员参加的中央政治局扩大会议。会议决定进军四川，纠正了第五次反围剿最后阶段与西征第一阶段中军事领导人的错误，撤换了‘靠铅笔 指挥的战略家’，推选毛泽东同志担任领导，建立了坚强的领导班子，使党加强了对军队的领导，使红军从此掌握了进攻的主动权。”1936年春，陈云的报告在《共产国际》杂志(中文版)上发表。

The revolutionary cause led by the Communist Party of China has continuously advanced under extremely complex social conditions and environments, the complexity of which even surpassed that of the Russian Revolution. Through the arduous and extraordinary revolution, the CPC tempered a large number of outstanding cadres with firm ideals and convictions and superb combat skills. Especially after the test of the Long March, the Communist International also recognized that the CPC had matured. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Since the Seventh Congress of the Communist International in 1935, the Communist International has not interfered in the internal affairs of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Chinese Communist Party has done its work very well throughout the entire War of Resistance for National Liberation.” [7]7 Bo Gu (1907-1946) was a senior leader of the CPC who, as the head of the Party's central leadership from 1931 to 1935, was associated with the "Left" dogmatic line that led to severe setbacks. Li De (1901-1974), born Otto Braun, was a German communist sent by the Communist International as a military advisor to the CPC during the same period.

中国共产党领导的革命事业是在极其复杂的社会条件和环境下不断向前发展的，其复杂程度甚至超过了俄国革命。在艰苦卓绝的革命中，中国共产党锻炼了一大批理想信念坚定、斗争本领高超的优秀干部，特别是经过长征的考验，共产国际也认识到中国共产党已经成熟起来。毛泽东指出：“自一九三五年共产国际第七次代表大会以来，共产国际即没有干涉过中国共产党的内部问题，而中国共产党在整个抗日民族解放战争中的工作，是做得很好的。”

The leadership position of Comrade Mao Zedong in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, formed at the Zunyi Conference, withstood the test of severe and complex revolutionary struggles and became the common will and choice of the entire Party. In June 1935, after the Central Red Army and the Fourth Front Army of the Red Army joined forces at Maogong, Sichuan, the Party Central Committee, based on the situation, advocated that the Red Army continue northward to establish a revolutionary base in the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu border region. However, Zhang Guotao opposed the Central Committee’s strategic policy of advancing north, insisted on a policy of retreating to the Sichuan-Xikang-Tibet border region, and, relying on his superior numbers and firepower, set up a separate Central Committee, openly embarking on the path of splitting the Party and the Red Army. In the midst of this serious crisis, the Party and the Red Army firmly united around the correct leadership of Comrade Mao Zedong, struggled against Zhang Guotao’s erroneous tendencies, completely defeated Zhang Guotao’s splittism, successfully completed the Long

遵义会议形成的毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位，经受住了严峻复杂的革命斗争考验，成为全党的共同意志和选择。1935年6月，中央红军和红四方面军在四川懋功会师后，党中央根据形势，主张红军继续北上，建立川陕甘革命根据地。但是张国焘反对中央北上的战略方针，坚持向川康藏边境退却的方针，并自恃枪多势众，另立中央，公然走上分裂党和红军的道路。在严重的危机中，党和红军坚定团结在毛泽东同志的正确领导周围，同张国焘的错误倾向作斗争，彻底战胜了张国焘的分裂主义，胜利完成长征，打开了中国革命新局面。全面抗战初期，党内还曾发生了王明右倾错误。1937年11月，王明从苏联回到延安后，以共产国际的“钦差大臣”自居，不仅提出了一系列的右倾错误观点，而且在组织上，不尊重、不服从以毛泽东同志为核心的中央领导，在党内造成了很大的思想混乱。在准确了解中国革命实践的基础上，共产国际明确肯定在毛泽东同志正确路线指引下形成的“政治路线是正确的”，“在领导机关中要在毛泽东为首的领导下解决，领导机关中要有亲密团结的空气”。党的六届六中全会通过的《中共扩大的六中全会政治决议案》，批准了以毛泽东同志为代表的中央政治局的政治路线，进一步从组织路线上确立了毛泽东同志在全党的领导地位。之后通过延安整风，全党在毛泽东同志的旗帜下，实现了空前的团结统一。1945年，党的六届七中全会通过的《关于若干历史问题的决议》明确提出，“党在奋斗的过程中产生了自己的领袖毛泽东同志”，“我党终于在土地革命战争的最后时期，确立了毛泽东同志在中央和全党的领导。这是中国共产党在这一时期的最大成就，是中国人民获得解放的最大保证”。

III. The Zunyi Meeting established the leading position of the correct Marxist line represented mainly by Comrade Mao Zedong within the Party Central Committee, and the Party became politically resolute and mature.

三、遵义会议确立了以毛泽东同志为主要代表的马克思主义正确路线在党中央的领导地位，党在政治上走向坚定和成熟

Mao Zedong profoundly pointed out: "Whether the ideological and political line is correct or not determines everything. If the Party's line is correct, then everything is possible; without people, we can have people; without guns, we can have guns; without political power, we can have political power. If the line is incorrect, even what we have can be lost." The Zunyi Meeting is recorded in history as having "actually changed a political line."

毛泽东深刻指出：“思想上政治上的路线正确与否是决定一切的。党的路线正确就有一切，没有人可以有人，没有枪可以有枪，没有政权可以有政权。路线不正确，有了也可以丢掉。”遵义会议以“实际上变更了一条政治路线”而载入史册。

The Zunyi Meeting opposed opportunism in warfare and placed the issue of war at the forefront, which was an objective reflection of and practical necessity in the circumstances of the time. Although the Zunyi Meeting, held under urgent conditions, did not comprehensively discuss issues of the political line or delve deeply into the profound political reasons behind the errors in military command, it clearly addressed the questions of right and wrong regarding the Red Army's strategy and tactics. It pointed out the errors in the military command of Bo Gu and Li De [7]7 Bo Gu (1907-1946) was a senior leader of the CPC who, as the head of the Party's central leadership from 1931 to 1935, was associated with the "Left" dogmatic line that led to severe setbacks. Li De (1901-1974), born Otto Braun, was a German communist sent by the Communist International as a military advisor to the CPC during the same period., and at the same time changed the central leadership, especially military leadership, thereby resolving the most pressing military issues facing the Party.

遵义会议反对战争中的机会主义，把战争问题放在首位，是当时环境的客观反映和实际需要。尽管在紧急形势下举行的遵义会议，没有全面讨论政治路线方面的问题，没有深入探讨造成军事指挥错误的深刻的政治原因。但是，会议明确回答了红军的战略战术方面的是非问题，指出博古、李德军事指挥上的错误，同时改变中央的领导特别是军事领导，解决了党内所面临的最迫切的军事问题。

In essence, the military line and the political line are interdependent and mutually constraining. The military line is the concrete embodiment and means of execution of the political line, while the political line is the guidance and guarantee for the military line. "A correct political and military line does not emerge and develop naturally and peacefully, but emerges and develops through struggle." The Resolution of the Zunyi Meeting clearly stated: "The Enlarged Meeting of the Politburo holds that the struggle against the purely defensive line in military affairs is a struggle against the concrete right opportunism within the Party, and this struggle should be launched and deepened throughout the entire Party." The "struggle against the concrete right opportunism within the Party" mentioned here is a conclusion drawn from summing up lessons politically. More than a year after the Zunyi Meeting, Mao Zedong also pointed out at the Central Politburo meeting in September 1936: The Zunyi Meeting only corrected Bo Gu's other errors but did not point out that his problems of sectarianism and adventurism were errors of the line; this was insufficient. Of course, Mao Zedong also deeply understood that it indeed required a process to discuss the rights and wrongs of all major issues in the Party's work over the years and to reach a unified correct understanding throughout the Party. Under the leadership of the correct line represented mainly by Comrade Mao Zedong, the entire Party continuously deepened its understanding of the historical role of the Zunyi Meeting politically, and continuously consolidated the leading position of the correct line established at the Zunyi Meeting. The draft written conclusion of the Enlarged Meeting of the Central Politburo held in September 1941 clearly stated: The Zunyi Meeting "essentially completed the transformation from one line to another, that is to say, it overcame the erroneous line and restored the correct line."

从本质上看，军事路线和政治路线是相互依存、相互制约的。军事路线是政治路线的具体体现和执行手段，而政治路线则是军事路线的指导和保障。“正确的政治的和军事的路线，不是自然地平安地产生和发展起来的，而是从斗争中产生和发展起来的”。遵义会议决议明确指出：“政治局扩大会认为反对军事上的单纯防御路线的斗争，是反对党内具体的右倾机会主义的斗争，这种斗争在全党内应该开展与深入下去。”这里所说的“反对党内具体的右倾机会主义的斗争”，就是从政治上总结教训得出的结论。在遵义会议召开一年多之后，毛泽东在1936年9月的中央政治局会议上也指出：遵义会议只纠正了博古的其他错误，没有指出其宗派主义、冒险主义的问题是路线上的错误，这是不够的。当然，毛泽东也深刻认识到，就多年来党的工作中所有重大问题的是非展开讨论，并在全党取得一致的正确认识，的确需要有一个过程的。在以毛泽东同志为代表的正确路线领导下，全党不断从政治上深化对遵义会议历史作用的认识，并不断巩固遵义会议确立的正确路线的领导地位。1941年9月召开的中央政治局扩大会议形成的书面结论草案明确指出：遵义会议“实质上完成了由一个路线到另一个路线的转变，即是说克服了错误路线，恢复了正确路线”。

The replacement of "Left" dogmatism by the correct Marxist line was the fundamental guarantee for opening a new stage in which the Communist Party of China independently solved the practical problems of the Chinese revolution. Mao Zedong pointed out: "A true understanding of independence and self-reliance began with the Zunyi Meeting." Before the Zunyi Meeting, the "Left" dogmatists discarded the essence of Marxism, dogmatized Marxism, and sanctified the resolutions of the Communist International and the experience of the Soviet Union, causing theory to be severely divorced from reality and from the Chinese revolution. They did not understand the significance of the correct line represented by Mao Zedong for the Chinese revolution, criticized Mao Zedong and others' correct views on base area construction and a series of correct strategic and tactical principles implemented in the Red Army, and slandered Mao Zedong as an "empiricist" and "right opportunist." Due to the erroneous leadership of "Left" dogmatism within the Party, the Fifth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign [8]8 The Fifth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign (1933-1934) was the military campaign by the Chinese Communist Party's Red Army to defend the Jiangxi Soviet against the Nationalist Kuomintang forces. Its failure, due in part to erroneous military command, forced the Red Army to abandon the base and begin the Long March. failed, forcing the start of the Long March. At the same time, the Party's work in the vast majority of other revolutionary base areas and extensive White areas also failed due to the dominance of the "Left" line. The series of major decisions made at the Zunyi Meeting were made under conditions where the Communist Party of China had lost contact with the Communist International. The Party independently applied the basic principles of Marxism, combined them with China's actual conditions to solve its own problems, and formulated the correct line, principles, and policies, turning the Chinese revolution from peril to safety. The contrast between the situation before and after the Zunyi Meeting made the entire Party and the Red Army officers and soldiers more deeply realize that "the victory of the Chinese revolutionary struggle depends on Chinese comrades understanding Chinese conditions, and cannot rely on foreign comrades understanding Chinese conditions, or on foreign comrades helping us win battles." Only by establishing and unswervingly upholding the leading position of the correct Marxist line represented mainly by Comrade Mao Zedong within the Party Central Committee could the Party, the Red Army, and the Chinese revolution be saved.

马克思主义正确路线取代“左”倾教条主义，是开启中国共产党独立自主解决中国革命实际问题新阶段的根本保障。毛泽东指出：“真正懂得独立自主是从遵义会议开始的。遵义会议前，“左”倾教条主义者抛弃马克思主义精髓，把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际决议和苏联经验神圣化，致使理论严重脱离实际、脱离中国革命。他们不了解毛泽东代表的正确路线对中国革命的意义，批评毛泽东等关于根据地建设的正确主张和在红军中实行的一系列正确的战略战术原则，妄称毛泽东是“狭隘经验主义者”和“右倾机会主义”。由于“左”倾教条主义在党内的错误领导，第五次反“围剿”遭到失败，被迫开始长征。与此同时，党在其他绝大多数革命根据地和广大白区的工作，也同样由于“左”倾路线的 统治而陷于失败。遵义会议作出的一系列重大决策，是在中国共产党同共产国际联系中断的情况下作出的。党独立运用马克思主义基本原理，结合中国实际解决自身问题，制定了正确的路线、方针与政策，使中国革命转危为安。遵义会议前后形势的对比，让全党和红军指战员更为深切地体会到，“中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情形，不能依靠外国同志了解中国情形，或者是依靠外国同志帮助我们打胜仗”。只有确立并毫不动摇地坚持以毛泽东同志为主要代表的马克思主义正确路线在党中央的领导地位，才能挽救党、挽救红军、挽救中国革命。

The replacement of “Left” dogmatism by the correct Marxist line was the fundamental prerequisite for raising the Party’s overall level of Marxist theory and thereby establishing Mao Zedong Thought’s guiding position throughout the Party. To establish and consolidate the leading position of the correct Marxist line, it was necessary to arm the entire Party with the theoretical achievement of integrating the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, and to eliminate the influence of subjectivism, especially dogmatism, so that the whole Party could correctly resolve various problems amid the increasingly complex struggle environment. After the Zunyi Conference, Mao Zedong placed great importance on summing up the Party’s historical experience from the height of the ideological line. From the end of 1936 to the summer of 1937, Mao Zedong successively wrote important works such as *Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War*, *On Practice*, and *On Contradiction*. In these works, on the one hand, Mao Zedong, guided by the basic Marxist principles of dialectical materialism and historical materialism and closely integrating the basic conditions of Chinese society and of both sides in the conflict, systematically elucidated the characteristics and laws of China’s revolutionary war; on the other hand, he profoundly summed up historical experience and analyzed the roots of ideological understanding. Especially in the two works *On Practice* and *On Contradiction*, Mao Zedong profoundly expounded the dialectical materialist theory of knowledge and the core of materialist dialectics—the law of the unity of opposites—and scientifically discussed the worldview, theory of knowledge, and methodology of the proletariat and the proletarian party. These two brilliant works made landmark and outstanding contributions to the development of Marxist philosophy. They not only contained a philosophical generalization of the arduous and bitter practical experience of the Chinese revolutionary struggle but also profoundly embodied a philosophical summation of the Chinese Communist Party’s criticism of “Left” and Right errors, especially “Left” dogmatist errors. For the first time in the history of the Chinese Communist Party, they profoundly and systematically discussed and analyzed the ideological roots and cognitive deviations of comrades who made mistakes within the Party, playing a major role in raising the ideological and theoretical level of the entire Chinese Communist Party. During this stage, in the struggle against “Left” and Right errors, Mao Zedong, concentrating the wisdom of the whole Party, developed revolutionary theories and policies suited to China’s specific conditions; correctly resolved the political line issue of the Anti-Japanese National United Front; further developed the thought of people’s war and elucidated the Party’s correct military line; opposed dogmatism and empiricism, and systematically discussed the Party’s dialectical materialist ideological line, and so on. These major theoretical achievements marked the increasingly consolidated and developed leading position of the correct Marxist line, with Comrade Mao Zedong as its main representative, throughout the Party.

马克思主义正确路线取代“左”倾教条主义，是提高全党马克思主义理论水平，进而确立毛泽东思想在全党的指导地位的根本前提。确立并巩固马克思主义正确路线的领导地位，就要用马克思列宁主义基本原理和中国革命具体实践相结合的理论成果武装全党，清除主观主义特别是教条主义的影响，以便使全党能够在日益复杂的斗争环境中，正确地解决各种问题。遵义会议之后，毛泽东十分重 视从思想路线的高度总结党的历史经验。1936年底至1937年夏，毛泽东先后写出《中国革命战争的战略问题》和《实践论》《矛盾论》等重要论著。在这些著作中，毛泽东一方面以辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的马克思主义基本原理为指导，紧密结合中国社会和敌我双方的基本情况，系统地阐明了 中国革命战争的特点和规律；另一方面，他深刻总结历史经验，剖析思想认识根源。尤其在《实践论》和《矛盾论》两篇著作中，毛泽东深刻地阐发了辩证唯物主义的认识论和唯物辩证法的核心—对立统一规律，科学地论述了无产阶级和无产阶级政党的世界观、认识论和方法论。这两篇光辉著作，对马克思主义哲学的发展具有标志性的突出贡献，既蕴含着对中国革命艰苦卓绝的斗争实践经验 的哲学概括，又深刻体现了对中国共产党批判“左”右倾错误特别是“左”倾教条主义错误的哲学总结，在中国共产党的历史上，第一次深刻地、系统地论述和分析了党内同志犯错误的思想根源和认识偏差，对于提高中国共产党全党的思想理论水平发挥了重大作用。这个阶段，在反对“左”的和右的 错误的斗争中，毛泽东集中全党智慧，发展了适合于中国具体情况的革命理论和政策；正确地解决了抗日民族统一战线的政治路线问题；进一步发展人民战争的思想，阐明了党的正确的军事路线；反对教条主义和经验主义，系统地论述了党的辩证唯物主义的思想路线，等等。这些重大理论成果，标志着以毛泽东同志为主要代表的马克思主义正确路线在全党领导地位的日益巩固和发展。

IV. The Historical Status and Contemporary Value of the Zunyi Conference

四、遵义会议的历史地位和时代价值

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “As an important meeting of great turning significance in the history of our Party, the Zunyi Conference left valuable experience and important inspiration in integrating the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities, adhering to the path of independence, firmly establishing correct political lines and policies and strategies, and building a strong and mature central leadership collective. We must make good use of the historical experience of the Zunyi Conference and let the spirit of the Zunyi Conference shine forever.” This is the most vivid expression of the historical status and contemporary value of the Zunyi Conference.

习近平总书记指出：“遵义会议作为我们党历史上一次具有伟大转折意义的重要会议，在把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、坚持走独立自主道路、坚定正确的政治路线和政策策略、建设坚强成熟的中央领导集体等方面，留下宝贵经验和重要启示。我们要运用好遵义会议历史经验，让遵义会议精神永放光芒。”这是对遵义会议历史地位和时代价值最生动的表达。

The Zunyi Conference profoundly enlightens us: we must build a strong and mature central leadership collective. Before the Zunyi Conference, the Chinese Communist Party had not formed a mature Party Central Committee. After the Zunyi Conference, it was precisely under the correct leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core that the Chinese revolution opened up a glorious course toward victory. Having personally experienced the vicissitudes of the Chinese revolution, Liu Shaoqi pointed out: “Our Party already has a leader. During the ten years of civil war, the reason we had the danger of splitting was that the Party’s leader had not yet formed. Now we have Chairman Mao as the leader. Our Party is now fully mature and seasoned… We are moving toward victory.” Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “A Party must have a leader, a leading core… The leader is the core of unity; he himself is strength. The reason the Chinese revolution achieved victory was precisely because we had a leader like Mao Zedong. The leader and collective leadership are not contradictory.” The more than one hundred years of historical development of the Chinese Communist Party fully proves: “For a country and a political party, the leadership core is of utmost importance.” Whenever the Party establishes and maintains the Party’s authority, embraces and trusts the Party’s leader, our cause will achieve victory; conversely, it will encounter setbacks, even failure. At present, changes in the world, changes in the times, and changes in history are unfolding in ways unseen before. The burden of governing the country is heavier and the difficulty greater than imaginable. To realize the historical mission and overcome risks and challenges, we need a strong leadership core more than ever before. Entering the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping, with profound feelings for the people, outstanding political wisdom, and a strong sense of mission and responsibility, has led the entire Party and the people of the whole country to carry forward the great historical initiative, usher in a New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and promote historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the state. The hearts of the Party, the military, and the people are united as never before. Practice has proven that under the new historical conditions, the Party’s establishment of Comrade Xi Jinping’s position as the core of the Party Central Committee and the core of the entire Party, and the establishment of the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, reflect the common aspiration of the entire Party, the entire military, and the people of all ethnic groups in the country, and are of decisive significance for the development of the cause of the Party and the state in the New Era and for advancing the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. [9]9 The “Two Establishments” (两个确立) refers to the establishment of Xi Jinping’s position as the core of the Party Central Committee and the core of the entire Party, and the establishment of the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The “Two Establishments” are a high degree of unity between historical choice, the choice of the times, and the choice of the people; a high degree of unity between historical experience, historical laws, and historical conclusions; a high degree of unity between political achievements, practical achievements, and theoretical achievements; and a high degree of unity between the past, the present, and the future. They will inevitably impel the entire Party to unite into “a piece of solid steel” under the Party’s banner, and to tenaciously strive for the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist country and the comprehensive advancement of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

遵义会议深刻启示我们：必须建设坚强成熟的中央领导集体。遵义会议以前，中国共产党没有形成过一个成熟的党中央。遵义会议之后，正是在以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央正确领导下，中国革命开辟了走向胜利的光辉历程。在亲身经历了中国革命风云跌宕后，刘少奇指出：“我们党已经有了领袖。在十年内战时期，我们所以有分裂的危险，就是党的领袖还没有形成。现在以毛主席为领袖。我们党到现在是完全成熟的，老练的……我们正在走向胜利。”邓小平指出：“党一定要有领袖，有领导核心……领袖就是团结的核心，他本身就是力量。中国革命之所以取得胜利，就是因为有了毛泽东这样的领袖。领袖与集体领导是不矛盾的。”中国共产党一百多年的历史发展充分证明：“一个国家、一个政党，领导核心至关重要”。什么时候党确立和维护党的权威、拥戴和信赖党的领袖，什么时候我们的事业就会取得胜利；反之，就会遭到挫折，甚至失败。当前，世界之变、时代之变、历史之变正以前所未有的方式展开，治国理政担子之重、难度之大超乎想象。实现历史使命、战胜风险挑战，我们比任何时候都更需要一个坚强的领导核心。进入新时代，习近平总书记以深厚人民情怀、卓越政治智慧、强烈使命担当，带领全党全国人民发扬伟大的历史主动精神，开创中国特色社会主义新时代，推动党和国家事业取得历史性成就、发生历史性变革，党心军心民心空前凝聚。实践证明，新的历史条件下，党确立习近平同志党中央的核心、全党的核心地位，确立习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导地位，反映了全党全军全国各族人民共同的心愿，对新时代党和国家事业发展、对推进中华民族伟大复兴历史进程具有决定性意义。“两个确立”是历史选择、时代选择、人民选择的高度统一，是历史经验、历史规律、历史结论的高度统一，是政治成果、实践成果、理论成果的高度统一，是过去、现在、未来的高度统一，必将推动全党在党的旗帜下团结成“一块坚硬的钢铁”，为全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面推进中华民族伟大复兴而顽强奋斗。

The Zunyi Conference profoundly enlightens us: we must adhere to the path of independence. At the Zunyi Conference, the Chinese Communist Party, relying on its own strength, corrected the “Left” dogmatist errors and independently formed its own line, policies, and strategies. “Left” dogmatism had dominated the Party Central Committee for a considerable period; they did not understand China’s conditions, copied foreign experience, and nearly drove the Chinese revolution to a dead end. In response to the dogmatist tendency, Mao Zedong pointed out as early as 1930: “The victory of the Chinese revolutionary struggle depends on Chinese comrades understanding China’s conditions.” After the Zunyi Conference, the entire Party gained a profound understanding of the issue of independence. Mao Zedong later summarized: “This objective world of China, generally speaking, is understood by the Chinese people, not by the comrades of the Communist International who managed Chinese affairs. Those comrades of the Communist International did not understand or did not very well understand Chinese society, the Chinese nation, or the Chinese revolution. As for this objective world of China, we ourselves did not have a clear understanding of it for a long time, let alone foreign comrades?” The more than one hundred years of historical development of the Chinese Communist Party fully proves: “Independence is the inevitable conclusion of our Party’s carrying out revolution, construction, and reform based on China’s actual conditions and relying on the strength of the Party and the people.” The Chinese Communist Party has reached today by relying on independence, and it will also rely on independence to move toward the future. Precisely because it has always adhered to independence, we have been able to successfully embark on the path of Chinese-path modernization. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Chinese-path modernization is the answer we have given to the major historical question of how to awaken the ‘sleeping lion’ and achieve national rejuvenation; it is about choosing our own path and doing our own things.” “Chinese-path modernization adheres to independence and self-reliance, develops and strengthens itself by relying on the hard work and innovative creation of all the people, and achieves national development through a combination of stimulating endogenous momentum and peacefully utilizing external resources.” In human history, no nation or country has achieved strength and revitalization by relying on external forces or following behind others step by step. Whether in the past, present, or future, we must base the development of our country and nation on our own strength, firmly grasp the initiative in development, uphold national self-respect and self-confidence, and unswervingly walk our own path.

遵义会议深刻启示我们：必须坚持走独立自主道路。遵义会议上，中国共产党依靠自身力量纠正了“左”倾教条主义错误，独立自主地形成自己的路线、方针、政策。“左”倾教条主义曾经在一个相当长时间统治党中央，他们不了解中国情况，照搬外国经验，使中国革命几乎陷入绝境。针对教条主义倾向，毛泽东在1930年就指出：“中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情况”。经过遵义会议，全党在独立自主问题上有了深刻认识。毛泽东后来总结：“中国这个客观世界，整个地说来，是由中国人认识的，不是在共产国际管中国问题的同志们认识的。共产国际的这些同志就不了解或者说不很了解中国社会，中国民族，中国革命。对于中国这个客观世界，我们自己在很长时间内都认识不清楚，何况外国同志呢?”中国共产党一百多年的历史发展充分证明：“独立自主是我们党从中国实际出发、依靠党和人民力量进行革命、建设、改革的必然结论”。中国共产党依靠独立自主走到今天，也要依靠独立自主走向未来。正因为始终坚持独立自主，我们才能成功走出中国式现代化道路。习近平总书记指出：“中国式现代化，是我们为如何唤醒‘睡狮’、实现民族复兴这个重大历史课 题所给出的答案，是选择自己的道路、做自己的事情。”“中国式现代化坚持独立自主、自力更生，依靠全体人民的辛勤劳动和创新创造发展壮大自己，通过激发内生动力与和平利用外部资源相结合的方式来实现国家发展”。人类历史上，没有一个民族、没有一个国家可以通过依赖外部力量、跟在他人后面亦步亦趋实现强大和振兴。不论过去、现在和将来，我们都要把国家和民族发展放在自己力量的基点上，牢牢掌握发展的主动权，坚持民族自尊心和自信心，坚定不移走自己的路。

The Zunyi Meeting profoundly enlightens us: it is necessary to integrate the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities. In order to fundamentally avoid repeating the mistakes of “Left” dogmatism, after the Zunyi Meeting, Mao Zedong placed great emphasis on analyzing the causes of errors from their ideological roots, profoundly pointing out: “The Right errors of the late Great Revolution and the many ‘Left’ errors of the Soviet period [10]10 The “Soviet period” refers to the era of the Chinese Soviet Republic (1931–1937), when the CPC established base areas and a central government in Ruijin, Jiangxi, before the Long March. were due to the failure to link Marxism-Leninism with reality.” He held that the “Left” dogmatists “do not understand dialectical materialism, do not proceed from changing objective reality,” and “their only skill is to cite Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, to produce boastful long-winded treatises, to write piles of resolutions and directives, yet in fact they have not even caught a whiff of Marx, Engels, Lenin, or Stalin.” The Yan’an Rectification Movement [11]11 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1945) was a Party-wide ideological education campaign aimed at correcting dogmatism and subjectivism, consolidating Mao Zedong’s leadership and the Marxist line. was a Marxist ideological education movement that fundamentally resolved the issue of the ideological line and cast off the shackles of dogmatism. “What we want is fragrant Marxism, not stinking Marxism; it is living Marxism, not dead Marxism.” This “fragrant Marxism” and “living Marxism” is Marxism that integrates the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities, and it is the practice of the Chinese revolution carried out under the guidance of living Marxism. The more than one hundred years of historical development of the Communist Party of China fully prove: “The new-democratic revolution path, the socialist revolution path, the socialist construction path, and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics that our Party has opened up are all great creations that integrate the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities.” Contemporary China is undergoing the most extensive and profound social change in its history, and is also carrying out the grandest and most unique practical innovation in human history. In dealing with Marxism, one must especially not adopt a dogmatic attitude, nor a pragmatic attitude; one must not simply apply what Marx, Engels, and Lenin said in their time to today’s Chinese reality, nor simply apply some specific theoretical viewpoints and the specific policy measures derived from them that the Party put forward in the past to today’s work. Instead, one should treat science with a scientific attitude and pursue truth with the spirit of truth. Persist in integrating Marxism with China’s specific realities, proceed from reality in everything, focus on solving the practical problems of reform and opening up and socialist modernization in the New Era, constantly answer the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times, make correct answers that conform to China’s reality and the requirements of the times, arrive at scientific understandings that conform to objective laws, form theoretical achievements that keep pace with the times, and better guide China’s practice; persist in integrating Marxism with China’s excellent traditional culture, strengthen historical confidence and cultural confidence, uphold the principle of making the past serve the present and weeding through the old to bring forth the new, link the essence of Marxist thought with the essence of China’s excellent traditional culture, and integrate it with the common values that the people use daily without being fully aware of them, continuously endow scientific theory with distinct Chinese characteristics, continuously consolidate the historical and mass foundations for adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, and let Marxism take deep root in China.

遵义会议深刻启示我们：必须把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合。为了从根本上避免再犯“左”倾教条主义，遵义会议后，毛泽东十分重视从思想根源上分析产生错误的原因，深刻指出：“大革命末期的右的错误和苏维埃后期的许多‘左’的错误，是由于马列主义没有和实际联系起来。”认为“左”倾教条主义者“不懂唯物论，不从变化的客观实际出发”“他们的唯一本领是引证马、恩、列、斯，作得出夸夸其谈的长篇大论，写得出成堆的决议指示，其实连半点马、恩、列、斯也没有嗅到”。延安整风就是从根本上彻底解决思想路线问题、摆脱教条主义思想束缚的一场马克思主义思想教育运动。“我们所要的是香的马克思主义，不是臭的马克思主义；是活的马克思主义，不是死的马克思主义”。这个“香的马克思主义”“活的马克思主义”，就是马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合的马克思主义、就是在鲜活的马克思主义指导下展开的中国革命实践。中国共产党一百多年的历史发展充分证明：“我们党开辟的新民主主义革命道路、社会主义革命道路、社会主义建设道路、中国特色社会主义道路，都是把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合的伟大创造。”当代中国正经历着我们历史上最为广泛而深刻的社会变革，也正在进行着人类历史上最为宏大而独特的实践创新。对待马克思主义，尤其不能采取教条主义的态度，不能采取实用主义的态度，不能简单拿马克思、恩格斯、列宁当年所说的话来套今天的中国实际，也不能简单拿党过去提出的一些具体理论观点和由此产生的具体政策举措来套今天的工作。而是应该以科学的态度对待科学、以真理的精神追求真理。坚持把马克思主义同中国具体实际相结合，一切从实际出发，着眼解决新时代改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的实际问题，不断回答中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问，作出符合中国实际和时代要求的正确回答，得出符合客观规律的科学认识，形成与时俱进的理论成果，更好指导中国实践；坚持把马克思主义同中华优秀传统文化相结合，坚定历史自信、文化自信，坚持古为今用、推陈出新，把马克思主义思想精髓同中华优秀传统文化精华贯通起来、同人民群众日用而不觉的共同价值观念融通起来，不断赋予科学理论鲜明的中国特色，不断夯实马克思主义中国化时代化的历史基础和群众基础，让马克思主义在中国牢牢扎根。

The Zunyi Meeting profoundly enlightens us: it is necessary to adhere to the correct political line and policy strategy. Whether a correct line can be formulated and implemented is an important indicator of a party’s maturity. The setbacks and failures before the Zunyi Meeting were fundamentally due to the Party Central Committee implementing the wrong line. The Zunyi Meeting criticized the “Left” dogmatist military line, shook the foundation of the “Left” dogmatist erroneous line’s dominance in the Party Central Committee, and initiated the historical process of formulating and implementing the correct line. Mao Zedong pointed out: “From 1921 to the Zunyi Meeting in 1935, it took fourteen years to end the domination of multiple erroneous lines over the entire Party.” Liu Shaoqi also believed that “since the War of Resistance Against Japan, it should be said that since the Zunyi Meeting, the line and policy of the Party Central Committee have been completely correct.” During the Yan’an period, the Communist Party of China, in accordance with changes in the political situation and the transformation of the principal contradiction, timely proposed the Party’s political line, pointing the correct direction for the War of Resistance Against Japan and the War of Liberation. Making mistakes on the political line is a subversive error. The original title of the Party’s first historical resolution [12]12 The “first historical resolution” refers to the “Resolution on Certain Historical Questions” adopted at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee in 1945, which summarized Party history and affirmed Mao’s leadership. was called “Resolution on the Issue of the Central Leadership Line from the Fourth Plenary Session to the Zunyi Meeting,” the goal being to make the entire Party deeply learn the lessons of the erroneous line and unswervingly advance along the correct line. The more than one hundred years of historical development of the Communist Party of China fully prove: “For a political party to guide a revolution to victory, it must rely on the correctness of its own political line and the consolidation of its organization.” The political direction has always been the primary issue for the Party’s survival and development, bearing on the Party’s future, destiny, and the success or failure of its cause. On the journey of the New Era, the political direction we must adhere to is the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the “Two Centenary Goals” [13]13 The “Two Centenary Goals” are: (1) building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the CPC (2021); (2) building a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the centenary of the People’s Republic of China (2049)., and the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy. To comprehensively implement the Party’s basic theory, the primary task is to deeply study and thoroughly implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, truly unify thought and action with this contemporary Chinese Marxism and Marxism of the 21st century, continuously raise the entire Party’s level of Marxist theory, and continuously strengthen confidence in the path, confidence in the theory, confidence in the system, and confidence in the culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The key to unswervingly adhering to the Party’s basic line is to always persist in taking economic construction as the center, and to persist in unifying the one central task and the two basic points [14]14 The “one central task and the two basic points” refers to the Party’s basic line: taking economic construction as the central task, and upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and reform and opening up as the two basic points. in the great practice of developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, never wavering at any time; the key is to firmly grasp the basic national condition that China is and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism, firmly grasp the periodic changes in China’s principal social contradiction, while striving to promote high-quality development of China’s economy, better solve various problems emerging in Chinese society, and promote people’s all-round development and overall social progress. The Party’s basic strategy covers upholding the Party’s overall leadership and comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, covers the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan and the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, covers national defense and military construction, safeguarding national security, “one country, two systems” and national reunification, and foreign strategy. The basic strategy has strong practical relevance and guidance, serving as the “roadmap” and “methodology” for achieving the goals. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “All Party comrades must comprehensively implement the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy, to better guide the development of the Party and the people’s cause.” This important exposition clarifies the major policies of the Communist Party of China in governing the country, providing the fundamental guidance for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization.

遵义会议深刻启示我们：必须坚持正确的政治路线和政策策略。能否制定并执行正确的路线是检 验政党成熟与否的重要标志。遵义会议前的挫折和失败，根本问题在于党中央执行了错误的路线。遵义会议批评了“左”倾教条主义军事路线，动摇了“左”倾教条主义错误路线在党中央的统治基础，开启了制定和贯彻落实正确路线的历史进程。毛泽东指出：“从一九二一年到一九三五年遵义会议，经过十四年的时间，才结束了多次错误路线对全党的统治。”刘少奇也认为，“抗战以来，应该说是遵义会议以来，党中央的路线和方针是完全正确的”。延安时期中国共产党根据政治形势的转变和主要矛盾的转化，适时提出党的政治路线，为抗日战争和解放战争指明了正确的方向。在政治路线上犯错误，就是颠覆性错误。党的第一历史决议最初的标题就叫作《关于四中全会到遵义会议期间中央领导路线问题的决定》，目标就是为了让全党深刻汲取错误路线的教训，坚定不移地沿着正确路线前进。中国共产党一百多年的历史发展充分证明：“一个政党要引导革命到胜利，必须依靠自己政治路线的正确和组织上的巩固。”政治方向始终是党生存发展第一位的问题，事关党的前途命运和事业 兴衰成败。在新时代的征程上，我们所要坚守的政治方向，就是共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想、“两个一百年”奋斗目标，就是党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略。全面贯彻党的基本理论，首要任务就是深入学习贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想，真正把思想和行动统一到这一当代中国马克思主义、二十一世纪马克思主义上来，不断提高全党马克思主义理论水平，不断增强中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信。坚持党的基本路线不动摇，关键是要始终坚持以经济建设为中心，坚持把一个中心和两个基本点统一于发展中国特色社会主义的伟大实践，任何时候都决不能动摇；关键是要牢牢把握我国正处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段这个基本国情，牢牢把握我国社会主要矛盾发生的阶段性变化，在着力推动我国经济高质量发展的同时，更好解决我国社会出现的各种问题，推动人的全面发展、社会全面进步。党的基本方略涵盖坚持党的全面领导和全面从严治党，涵盖“五位一体”“四个全面”，涵盖国防和军队建设、维护国家安全、“一国两制”和祖国统一、对外战略。基本方略具有很强的现实针对性和指导性，是实现奋斗目标的“路线 图”和“方法论”。习近平总书记指出：“全党同志必须全面贯彻党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略，更好引领党和人民事业发展。”这一重要论述，明确了中国共产党治国理政的大政方针，为以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴提供了根本遵循。

(Author’s bio: Huang Yibing, Deputy Director and Researcher of the Institute of Party History and Literature of the CPC Central Committee)

（作者简介：黄一兵，中共中央党史和文献研究院副院长、研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心