Lenin’s Approach to Solving Intra-Party Problems and the Self-Revolution of the Communist Party of China

Lenin believed: “To openly admit a mistake, to reveal the reasons for it, to analyze the circumstances that gave rise to it, and to carefully discuss the means of correcting it — that is the mark of a serious party.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 103 (Chinese edition). The quotation is from Lenin’s 1920 article “‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder.” At the summing-up meeting of the “Staying True to Our Original Aspiration and Founding Mission” [2]2 “Staying True to Our Original Aspiration and Founding Mission” (不忘初心、牢记使命) is a Party-wide education campaign launched by the CPC in 2019 to reinforce the Party’s foundational mission of serving the people and realizing communism. education campaign, General Secretary Xi Jinping quoted this passage from Lenin and emphasized, “Daring to face problems squarely and being brave in correcting errors are the distinctive features and advantages of our Party,” and “A strong party is forged through self-revolution.” Daring to face problems squarely, revealing the reasons for their emergence, analyzing the circumstances that gave rise to them, studying the methods for solving them, and transforming scientific methods into resolute action — this is the process by which a proletarian party carries out self-revolution and continuously strengthens itself. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party experienced serious intra-Party problems, manifested as ideological and organizational “confusion, disintegration, and vacillation.” To this end, Lenin systematically analyzed the essence and causes of the intra-Party problems, pointed out their grave harms, refuted one by one the representative statements of opportunism within the Party, formulated a scientific plan for solving intra-Party problems, and authored a classic text of Marxist party-building theory — *What Is to Be Done? Burning Questions of Our Movement* (abbreviated as *What Is to Be Done?*). Under the guidance of this work, Russian Social Democratic Labor Party members faced up to and successfully resolved the intra-Party problems, irrefutably verifying the universal truths contained within it. Revisiting the classic *What Is to Be Done?* and systematically summarizing Lenin’s approach to solving intra-Party problems holds certain enlightening significance for the Communist Party of China in the New Era [3]3 The New Era (新时代) refers to the period beginning with the 19th National Congress of the CPC in 2017, characterized by the establishment of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the guiding ideology. to carry out self-revolution and solve prominent intra-Party problems.

列宁认为：“公开承认错误，揭露犯错误的原因，分析产生错误的环境，仔细讨论改正错误的方法——这才是一个郑重的党的标志。”习近平总书记在“不忘初心、牢记使命”主题教育总结大会上引用了列宁的这段话，并强调，“敢于直面问题、勇于修正错误，是我们党的显著特点和优势”，“强大的政党是在自我革命中锻造出来的”。敢于直面问题，揭露问题产生的原因，分析产生问题的环境，研究解决问题的方法，将科学方法转化为坚决行动，这是无产阶级政党进行自我革命、不断强大自身的过程。19世纪末20世纪初，俄国社会民主党出现了严重的党内问题，表现为思想上和组织上的“混乱、瓦解和动摇”。为此，列宁系统分析了党内问题的实质与成因，指明了党内问题的严重危害，逐一批驳了党内机会主义的代表言论，形成了解决党内问题的科学方案，著就了马克思主义建党学说的经典文献——《怎么办？我们运动中的迫切问题》（简称《怎么办？》）。在这本著作的指导下，俄国社会民主党人正视并成功解决了党内问题，无可辩驳地验证了其中蕴含的普遍真理。重温经典《怎么办？》，系统总结列宁解决党内问题的思路，对新时代中国共产党进行自我革命、解决党内突出问题具有一定的启示意义。

I. Lenin’s Critical Analysis of Intra-Party Problems in *What Is to Be Done?*

一、列宁《怎么办？》对党内问题的批判性分析

The emergence of problems within a party is not terrible; what is terrible is turning a blind eye to them and letting them run their course, causing a small pipe leak to turn into a large collapse. [4]4 “A small pipe leak turning into a large collapse” (小管涌演变成大塌方) is a Chinese idiom used in political discourse to warn that minor problems, if neglected, can lead to catastrophic failures. Facing problems squarely is the prerequisite for solving them. Lenin’s approach to solving intra-Party problems in *What Is to Be Done?* is built upon a critical analysis of those problems.

党内出现问题并不可怕，可怕的是对问题视若无睹、放任自流，致使小管涌演变成大塌方。正视问题是解决问题的前提，列宁《怎么办？》解决党内问题的思路，建立在对党内问题的批判性分析之上。

(A) Deeply Exposing the Roots and Harms of Intra-Party Problems

（一）深刻揭露党内问题的根源与危害

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party experienced serious intra-Party problems; the Party fell into “confusion, disintegration, and vacillation” ideologically and organizationally. Whether the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party could weather the storm depended on whether a person of genius would step forward to expose the roots and harms of the intra-Party problems, uphold truth, correct errors, and enable the entire Party to achieve unity under the guidance of correct ideological theory. In the revolutionary cause of the proletariat, the emergence of shortcomings and errors is not terrible; what is terrible is treating shortcomings and errors as truth. Only by recognizing shortcomings can they be corrected. As Lenin pointed out, “In a revolutionary cause, recognizing shortcomings means correcting more than half of them.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 1, Section D (paraphrased). The exact phrasing in the Chinese translation of Lenin’s works is: “在革命事业中，认识到缺点就等于改正了一大半.” Without understanding the ideological roots of the Party’s ideological confusion and organizational laxity, and without understanding the erroneous essence of these ideological roots, the problems cannot be solved. Lenin pointed out: “The entire crisis of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party arose because the spontaneously awakening masses have not yet acquired fully trained, developed, and experienced leaders.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 4, Section A. In other words, the cause of the intra-Party problems was that the utterly untrained and inexperienced “Economists” [7]7 “Economists” (经济派) refers to a faction within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the late 1890s and early 1900s that prioritized economic struggles (e.g., wage increases) over political revolution, arguing that the working class should focus on immediate economic gains rather than overthrowing the tsarist autocracy. had gained the upper hand. And the fundamental error of the “Economists” “lies in worshipping spontaneity, in failing to understand that the spontaneous demands of the masses require us Social Democrats to display great consciousness.” [8]8 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 2, Section A. Therefore, the Party’s fall into “confusion, disintegration, and vacillation” ideologically and organizationally was essentially the result of the “worship of spontaneity” gaining the upper hand within the Party.

19世纪末20世纪初，俄国社会民主党出现了严重的党内问题，党在思想上和组织上陷入了“混乱、瓦解和动摇”。俄国社会民主党能否渡过难关，取决于是否有天才人物站出来，揭露党内问题的根源与危害，坚持真理、修正错误，使全党在正确思想理论的指导下达到团结统一。在无产阶级的革命事业中，出现缺点和错误并不可怕，可怕的是把缺点和错误当作真理。只有认识到缺点，才能改正缺点。正如列宁指出的，“在革命事业中，认识到缺点就等于改正了一大半”，如果不了解党内思想混乱、组织松散的思想根源，不了解这些思想根源的错误实质，就无法解决问题。列宁指出：“俄国社会民主党整个危机产生的原因是自发觉醒起来的群众还没有获得有充分修养的、开展的、有经验的领导者。”换言之，党内问题产生的原因是毫无修养、毫无经验的“经济派”占据了上风。而“经济派”的基本错误“就在于崇拜自发性，就在于不了解群众的自发性要求我们社会民主党人表现巨大的自觉性”。因此，党在思想上和组织上陷入“混乱、瓦解和动摇”，实质是“自发性崇拜”在党内占据上风的结果。

Whether the “worship of spontaneity” was beneficial to the cause of liberating the Russian working class was the fundamental criterion for judging whether the “Economists’” propositions were correct. Therefore, pointing out the grave harms of the “worship of spontaneity” to the cause of working-class liberation was the prerequisite for overcoming the erroneous ideas of the “Economists.” In Lenin’s view, there is either bourgeois ideology or socialist ideology; there is no supra-class ideology. Worshipping the spontaneity of the workers’ movement meant regressing to the politics of trade unionism, and “trade unionism means the ideological enslavement of the workers by the bourgeoisie.” [9]9 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 2, Section B. If the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party did not display great consciousness and strive to strengthen the guidance of socialist ideology over the workers’ movement, it would be tantamount to voluntarily handing over the leadership of the workers’ movement to the bourgeoisie, causing the movement unconsciously to serve the bourgeoisie. Furthermore, the “worship of spontaneity” manifested in organizational views as advocating handicraft forms of organization, failing to understand the need “to build an organization of revolutionaries capable of giving political struggle strength, stability, and continuity.” [10]10 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 4, Section A. Loose, scattered, and weak handicraft-style organizations could not shoulder the historical task of achieving proletarian liberation and could easily be crushed by the autocratic government and the bourgeoisie. Thus, the “worship of spontaneity” would inevitably disintegrate the Party’s strength and harm the fundamental interests of the Russian proletariat.

“自发性崇拜”对俄国工人阶级的解放事业是否有利，这是判断“经济派”的主张是否正确的根本标准。因此，指明“自发性崇拜”对工人阶级解放事业的严重危害，是克服“经济派”错误思想的前提。在列宁看来，或者是资产阶级的意识形态，或者是社会主义的意识形态，不存在超阶级的意识形态。崇拜工人运动的自发性，就倒退到了工联主义的政治，而“工联主义正是意味着工人受资产阶级的思想奴役”。俄国社会民主党如果不展现巨大的自觉性，设法加强社会主义意识形态对工人运动的指导，就等于主动将工人运动的领导权交到资产阶级手中，使运动不觉为资产阶级服务。另外，“自发性崇拜”表现在组织观点上就是主张手工业方式的组织形式，不了解需要“建立一个能使政治斗争具有力量、具有稳定性和继承性的革命家组织”。松散涣散、力量孱弱的手工业方式的组织，无法肩负起实现无产阶级解放的历史重任，极易被专制政府和资产阶级击溃。由此可见，“自发性崇拜”必然会瓦解党的力量，损害俄国无产阶级的根本利益。

(B) Systematically Criticizing the Representative Statements of the “Economists” within the Party

（二）系统批判党内“经济派”的代表言论

To solve the intra-Party problems, Lenin in *What Is to Be Done?* conducted a comprehensive and systematic critique of the representative statements of the “Economists,” shattering their “gorgeous” facade. Regarding the argument for “freedom of criticism,” in Lenin’s view, their demand for “freedom of criticism” meant the freedom to criticize, distort, and slander revolutionary Marxism, the freedom to inject bourgeois ideas into the socialist movement, the freedom to corrupt the socialist consciousness of the workers, the freedom to defile the great word “freedom,” and our attitude is to freely struggle against the quagmire of “freedom of criticism.” [11]11 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 1, Section B. Regarding the argument that “tactics-plans contradict the fundamental spirit of Marxism,” in Lenin’s view, this was a slander against Marxism, vulgarizing Marxism in theory and dragging the Party backward in practice; in reality, belittling plans did not mean paying attention to objective factors; on the contrary, belittling plans essentially meant ignoring the various forces that emerge, develop, and change in the objective process of development, and was a manifestation of extreme ignorance. [12]12 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 3, Section B.

为了解决党内问题，列宁在《怎么办？》中对“经济派”的代表性言论进行了全面、系统的批判，敲碎了它们的“华丽”外壳。对于“批评自由”的论调，在列宁看来，他们要求“批评自由”，就是要求自由地批评、歪曲、抹黑革命的马克思主义，自由地把资产阶级思想灌输到社会主义运动中来，自由地败坏工人群众的社会主义意识，自由地玷污自由这个伟大的字眼，而我们的态度是自由地同“批评自由”的泥潭作斗争。对于“策略-计划同马克思主义基本精神相矛盾”的论调，在列宁看来，这是对马克思主义的污蔑，在理论上把马克思主义庸俗化，在实践上把党拉向后退；实际上，轻视计划并不代表重视客观因素，恰恰相反，轻视计划实质是忽略客观发展过程中产生、发展、变化的各种力量，是极端无知的表现。

Regarding the argument that “economic struggle is the most universally applicable means of political agitation,” in Lenin’s view, police oppression and autocratic violence were equally “universally applicable” means of political agitation. [13]13 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 3, Section C. Regarding the argument of “giving the economic struggle itself a political character,” in Lenin’s view, this fine-sounding phrase sounded “extremely” profound and revolutionary, but its essence was merely to raise political slogans demanding economic reform within the economic struggle, “concealing the traditional intention of reducing Social Democratic politics to trade-unionist politics.” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 3, Section C. Regarding the argument of the magazine *Rabocheye Delo* [15]15 *Rabocheye Delo* (《工人事业》, “The Workers’ Cause”) was a journal published by the Union of Russian Social Democrats Abroad, which Lenin criticized as representing the “Economist” tendency. that “a fully centralized all-Russian organization is completely unnecessary,” in Lenin’s view, this was sanctifying and legitimizing the narrowness of organizational work and the still-handicraft forms of organization, whereas “Social Democrats should first of all consider building an organization of revolutionaries capable of leading the entire liberation struggle of the proletariat.” [16]16 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, Chapter 4, Section A. In *What Is to Be Done?*, Lenin, using the sharpest tone, the most contemptuous language, and the most apt metaphors, exposed at a single stroke the opportunist essence hidden beneath these seemingly “revolutionary” and “fine-sounding” statements. Therefore, Lenin’s *What Is to Be Done?* itself was a powerful ideological weapon for the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party to clear away ideological fog and overcome the “worship of spontaneity.” Historically, Lenin’s *What Is to Be Done?* indeed played a major role, winning the enthusiastic support of Social Democrats and educating and cultivating a group of staunch Marxist revolutionaries.

对于“经济斗争是政治鼓动的最普遍适用的手段”的论调，在列宁看来，警察压迫和专制暴行同样是政治鼓动的“普遍适用”的手段。对于“赋予经济斗争本身以政治性质”的论调，在列宁看来，这句漂亮话听起来“极端”深奥和革命，实质不过就是在经济斗争中打出要求经济改良的政治口号，“掩盖着那种力求把社会民主主义的政治降低为工联主义的政治的传统意图”。对于《工人事业》杂志“完全不需要一个全俄的集中组织”的论调，在列宁看来，这是把组织工作的狭隘性、把还停留在手工业方式的组织神圣化和合法化了，而“社会民主党人首先应当考虑建立一个能够领导无产阶级的全部解放斗争的革命家组织”。列宁在《怎么办？》中，用最尖锐的语气、最轻蔑的口吻、最恰当的比喻，一针见血地揭露了隐藏在这些看似“革命”“漂亮”的言论之下的机会主义实质。因此，列宁的《怎么办？》本身，就是俄国社会民主党人廓清思想迷雾、克服“自发性崇拜”的有力思想武器。从历史上来看，列宁的《怎么办？》确实发挥了重大作用，争取到了社会民主党人的热烈拥护，教育培养了一批坚强的马克思主义革命家。

(C) Clarifying the Direction of Effort for Solving Intra-Party Problems

（三）明确解决党内问题的发力方向

To solve intra-Party problems and overcome the “worship of spontaneity,” one must first clearly grasp the reasons why the “Economist” faction gained the upper hand within the Party. Lenin pointed out that the phenomenon of consciousness being overwhelmed by spontaneity occurred “not because two completely opposite views engaged in open struggle and one view triumphed over the other, but because the ‘old guard’ revolutionaries were increasingly ‘taken away’ by the gendarmes, while the ‘V. V.’ of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, the ‘young guard,’ increasingly ascended the stage.” In other words, the reason the “Economist” faction was able to gain the upper hand within the Party was not that it possessed the truth, but that it seized the opportunity when the “old guard” revolutionaries in the Party were imprisoned, using seemingly “splendid” and “correct” views to delude a large number of young people who lacked experience in struggle and “often knew only fragments of Marxism from legal publications.”

解决党内问题、克服“自发性崇拜”，首先要清醒把握“经济派”在党内占据上风的原因。列宁指出，自觉性被自发性压倒的现象的发生，“并不是由于两种完全相反的观点进行了公开的斗争，一种观点战胜了另一种观点，而是由于‘老年派’革命家愈来愈多地被宪兵‘夺去’，而‘俄国社会民主党中的瓦·沃·’‘青年派’愈来愈多地登上舞台”。换言之，“经济派”之所以能在党内占据上风，不是因为它掌握了真理，而是因为它趁党内“老年派”革命家被抓入狱之机，用看似“华丽”“正确”的观点蛊惑了一大批斗争经验不足，“往往只是从合法书刊上的论述中知道马克思主义的一些片断”的青年。

Thus, it can be seen that the “Economist” faction did not possess the truth and was therefore not invincible. As long as an irreconcilable struggle was launched against the “Economist” faction, subjecting it to comprehensive, profound, and systematic criticism, the deluded youth could recognize the class essence of “Economism” and thereby thoroughly overcome the “worship of spontaneity.” The organizational looseness of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was rooted in ideological errors. As Lenin emphasized: “The handicraft method is connected with ‘Economism,’ and if we do not free ourselves from the general ‘Economist’ viewpoint, we cannot free ourselves from the narrowness of our organizational work.” Therefore, to thoroughly solve intra-Party problems, it was necessary to focus the Party’s strength on resolving the ideological problems of Party members. Only by centering on solving the ideological problems of Party members while simultaneously striving to solve organizational problems could it be possible to build a “centralized fighting organization,” a “strong revolutionary organization,” a “powerful political organization,” and an “all-Russian unified organization of revolutionaries.” Consequently, on the one hand, *What Is to Be Done?* comprehensively, profoundly, and systematically criticized the representative statements of the “Economist” faction, helping readers understand the opportunist essence of the various erroneous views of the “Economist” faction. On the other hand, *What Is to Be Done?* started from solving the ideological problems of Party members and, centering on how to overcome the “worship of spontaneity” and enhance the Party’s consciousness, formed a set of practical and feasible scientific approaches.

由此可见，“经济派”没有掌握真理，故而不是不可战胜的。只要向“经济派”发起不可调和的斗争，对其进行全面、深刻、系统的批判，被蛊惑的青年就能认识到“经济主义”的阶级实质，进而彻底克服“自发性崇拜”。俄国社会民主党组织上的松散根源于思想上的谬误，正如列宁强调的：“手工业方式是同‘经济主义’有联系的，我们如果不摆脱一般‘经济主义’观点，就不能摆脱我们组织工作的狭隘性。”因此，要彻底解决党内问题，就必须要将党的力量聚焦到解决党员的思想问题上来，只有以解决党员的思想问题为中心，同时努力解决组织问题，才有可能建成“集中的战斗组织”“坚强的革命组织”“强有力的政治组织”“全俄统一的革命家组织”。因此，一方面，《怎么办？》全面、深刻、系统地批判了“经济派”的代表言论，帮助读者理解“经济派”形形色色错误言论的机会主义实质。另一方面，《怎么办？》从解决党员的思想问题入手，围绕如何克服“自发性崇拜”、提高党的自觉性，形成了一套切实可行的科学思路。

II. The Scientific Approach of Lenin’s *What Is to Be Done?* to Solving Intra-Party Problems

二、列宁《怎么办？》解决党内问题的科学思路

Lenin’s *What Is to Be Done?* firmly grasped the key of solving the ideological problems of Party members, answering major questions such as whom to win over, whom to cultivate, whom to struggle against, what kind of struggle to wage, and through what foundational work and effective means to wage the struggle, thereby forming a systematic, complete, logically rigorous, theoretically self-consistent, and highly operable scientific approach to solving intra-Party problems.

列宁的《怎么办？》紧紧抓住解决党员的思想问题这个关键，回答了争取谁、培养谁、同谁进行斗争、进行什么样的斗争、通过什么基础工作和有效途径进行斗争等重大问题，形成了一套系统完整、逻辑严密、理论自洽、操作性强的解决党内问题的科学思路。

(I) Taking Winning Over the “Deluded” and Cultivating Revolutionaries as Important Tasks

（一）以争取“被蛊惑者”和培养革命家为重要任务

“Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is the primary question of the revolution.” For the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party to overcome the “worship of spontaneity” and enhance the Party’s consciousness, it also had to clarify against whom to wage an irreconcilable struggle and whom to win over and cultivate. Lenin’s analysis and grasp of this issue are implicit in the logical thread of *What Is to Be Done?* and serve as a key to understanding the entire book’s thought. Lenin cited a passage from Kautsky: “Modern socialism arises from the minds of individual members of this stratum, who impart it to the intellectually gifted proletarians, who in turn, where conditions permit, instill it into the class struggle of the proletariat.” According to the logic of the “theory of inculcation,” [17]17 The “theory of inculcation” (灌输论) refers to Lenin’s argument in *What Is to Be Done?* that socialist consciousness must be brought to the working class from outside the economic struggle, by bourgeois intellectuals who have become revolutionary theorists, rather than arising spontaneously from within the proletariat. Russian “Economism” was also nothing but a product of the minds of “intellectually gifted” bourgeois intellectuals. Standing on the bourgeois side, they deliberately distorted and castrated revolutionary Marxism to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. This part of the intellectuals (whom Lenin called “demagogues”) united to establish newspapers such as *Rabochaya Mysl* and *Rabocheye Delo*, which loudly propagated trade-unionist ideology, thereby influencing a number of inexperienced and insufficiently cultivated Social Democrats (the “deluded”). The target of struggle in Lenin’s *What Is to Be Done?* was very clear; throughout the book runs a fierce critique of the “demagogues” and their newspapers. Lenin sharply pointed out, “You have sunk to demagoguery… a demagogue is the worst enemy of the working class,” and explicitly stated, “The current slogan of the modern Russian Social Democrat should be: wage a resolute struggle, both against the *Svoboda* magazine, which has sunk to demagoguery, and against the *Rabocheye Delo* magazine, which has sunk to demagoguery.”

“谁是我们的敌人？谁是我们的朋友？这个问题是革命的首要问题。”俄国社会民主党要克服“自发性崇拜”、提高党的自觉性，也必须弄清楚应该同谁进行不可调和的斗争，应该争取谁和培养谁。列宁对这个问题的分析和把握隐于《怎么办？》的逻辑线索之中，是理解全书思想的一把钥匙。列宁援引了考茨基的一段话：“现代社会主义也就是从这一个阶层的个别人物的头脑中产生的，他们把这个学说传授给才智出众的无产者，后者又在条件许可的地方把它灌输到无产阶级的阶级斗争中去。”根据“灌输论”的逻辑，俄国的“经济主义”也不外是从“才智出众”的资产阶级知识分子的头脑中产生的，他们站在资产阶级的立场上，有意歪曲、阉割革命的马克思主义，使其服务于资产阶级的利益。这部分知识分子（即列宁称谓的“蛊惑家”）结合在一起，建立了如《工人思想报》《工人事业》杂志之类的报纸，大肆宣扬工联主义的意识形态，借此影响了一批经验不足、尚缺乏修养的社会民主党人（即“被蛊惑者”）。列宁《怎么办？》的斗争对象十分明确，贯穿全书的是对“蛊惑家”及其报刊的猛烈批判。列宁尖锐指出，“你们已经堕落到了蛊惑人心的地步……蛊惑家就是工人阶级的最坏的敌人”，并明确提出，“现代俄国社会民主党人当前的口号应当是：进行坚决的斗争，既反对堕落到蛊惑人心的地步的《自由》杂志，又反对堕落到蛊惑人心的地步的《工人事业》杂志”。

While fiercely criticizing the “demagogues,” *What Is to Be Done?* also demonstrated concern and expectation for the youth of the Social Democratic Party. In Lenin’s view, the reason these Social Democrats could be influenced by the “demagogues” was, first, that they had only recently been drawn into the movement, lacked experience, did not understand the history of the revolutionary movement, had an incomplete understanding of Marxism, and some were even vain; second, because the old guard revolutionaries had been arrested by the gendarmes, revolutionary views were temporarily suppressed, giving the “demagogues” an opportunity to exploit. In such a polemical work full of militant sharpness, Lenin did not excessively blame the “deluded,” nor did he use harsh criticism; this in itself was a form of sympathy for their being influenced, deceived, and deluded. At the same time, the spontaneous upsurge of the Russian workers’ masses was very rapid. With the development of the movement, enormous forces had already joined the movement, and all the best elements of the younger generation of the educated classes were coming over to the side of the Social Democrats. However, the youth of the Social Democratic Party, including the “deluded,” “showed a lack of cultivation in completing these enormous tasks. This state of lack of cultivation is the misfortune of us all, the misfortune of all Russian Social Democrats.” To change this unfortunate situation, it was necessary to enhance the cultivation of the youth of the Social Democratic Party and also to select Party cadres from among the workers’ masses, training them as professional revolutionaries. Therefore, Lenin particularly emphasized, “Our task is not to defend the lowering of the revolutionary to the level of a handicraftsman, but to raise the handicraftsman to the level of a revolutionary”; “We should mainly be concerned with raising the workers to the level of revolutionaries, and by no means, as the ‘Economists’ wish, must we lower ourselves to the level of the ‘worker masses’”; we should “help the educated workers and intellectuals to cultivate themselves into leaders of the political struggle.” Thus, it can be seen that Lenin placed the hope of overcoming the “worship of spontaneity” and enhancing the Party’s consciousness on the important tasks of winning over the “deluded” and cultivating revolutionaries.

《怎么办？》在猛烈批判“蛊惑家”的同时，表现出来的是对社会民主党青年们的关怀和期望。在列宁看来，这些社会民主党人之所以能够被“蛊惑家”影响，一是因为他们刚被吸引到运动里来，缺少经验、不了解革命运动的历史，对马克思主义的了解不全面，有的还爱慕虚荣；二是因为老年派革命家被宪兵抓走，革命的观点暂时被压制，给了“蛊惑家”投机取巧的机会。在这样一部充满斗争锋芒的论战性著作中，列宁没有对那些“被蛊惑者”进行过多责备、更没有言辞激烈的批评，这本身就是对他们被影响、欺骗和蛊惑的同情。与此同时，俄国工人群众的自发高潮来的十分迅速，随着运动的发展，已经有巨大的力量加入到运动中来，有教养阶级的年青一代的一切优秀分子都走到社会民主党方面来。然而，包括“被蛊惑者”在内的社会民主党的青年们“对于完成这些巨大的任务显得缺乏修养。这种缺乏修养的状况是我们大家的不幸，是全体俄国社会民主党人的不幸”。要改变这种不幸的状况，就必须要提高社会民主党的青年们的修养，还要从工人群众中选拔出党的干部，把他们培养成职业革命家。因此，列宁特别强调，“我们的任务不是要为把革命家降低为手工业者辩护，而是要把手工业者提高为革命家”；“我们主要是应当注意把工人提高为革命家，而决不是像‘经济派’所希望的那样，必须把自己降低为‘工人群众’”；我们应当“帮助有知识的工人和知识分子把自己培养成政治斗争的领导者”。由此可见，列宁是把克服“自发性崇拜”、提高党的自觉性的希望寄托在争取“被蛊惑者”和培养革命家这一重要任务之上的。

(II) Taking Ideological and Theoretical Struggle as the Main Form

（二）以思想理论斗争为主要形式

To continuously enhance the political awareness and ideological-theoretical cultivation of the youth of the Social Democratic Party, it is necessary to wage a resolute struggle against the “demagogues.” The Party situation of the Russian Social Democratic Party determined that the form of this struggle was ideological-theoretical struggle. Lenin pointed out that in Germany, the “critical faction” wanted to change the original program and strategy that had been elaborated in detail by decades of experience, but because this critical faction was only an insignificant minority and their revisionist intentions were very timid, it is understandable why the majority simply rejected the “innovation proposals” outright. Lenin’s words contain a clear logical chain: first, the German Social Democratic Party also adopted an uncompromising and resolute struggle against the revisionist intentions of the “critical faction,” but this struggle was mainly an organizational struggle; second, the reason Germany did not wage a theoretical struggle against the “critical faction” was only because their revisionist views had little influence on Party comrades, making it unnecessary to go to great trouble; third, the Russian Social Democratic Party was different: the “Economist” faction within the Party exploited various conditions to speculate and opportunistically propagate their opportunist views, influencing a number of young people who had just joined the movement, and had already gained the upper hand within the Party; fourth, the Russian Social Democratic Party could not simply adopt organizational methods to reject the “Economist” faction’s propositions, but had to wage a comprehensive theoretical struggle against them, exposing their opportunist essence, and only in this way could it overcome their influence on the Party’s youth.

要不断增强社会民主党的青年们的政治意识和思想理论修养，就需要同“蛊惑家”们进行坚决斗争，俄国社会民主党的党情决定了这种斗争的形式是思想理论斗争。列宁指出，在德国，“批评派”想要改变已经由几十年的经验详细阐明了的原有的纲领和策略，但由于这个批评派只是一个微不足道的少数，他们的修正主义意图又很怯懦，那就可以理解，为什么多数派只是把“革新主张”干脆否决了事。列宁的这段话隐含着一条清晰的逻辑链条：首先，德国社会民主党对“批评派”的修正意图，也采取了不调和的坚决斗争，只不过这种斗争主要是组织方面的斗争；其次，德国之所以没有对“批评派”进行理论斗争，只是因为他们的修正主义观点对党内同志的影响很小，没必要为此大费周章；再次，俄国社会民主党则不同，党内“经济派”利用各种条件投机取巧，大肆宣扬其机会主义观点，影响了一批刚参加运动的青年，已经在党内占据了上风；最后，俄国社会民主党不能采取简单的组织方式否决“经济派”的主张，而是要对其进行全面的理论斗争，揭露他们的机会主义实质，只有这样才能克服他们对党内青年的影响。

Therefore, immediately after this comparative analysis of the German and Russian parties, Lenin argued for the extreme necessity of theoretical struggle for a proletarian party. Lenin emphasized that “without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement”; “Engels believed that the great struggle of the Social Democratic Party does not have only two forms (political and economic)… alongside these two struggles there is also theoretical struggle”; “the ideology of the Social Democratic Party has attained this primacy only through unremitting struggle against all other ideologies, and it can maintain this primacy only by continuing this unremitting struggle.” Lenin believed that because the Russian Social Democratic Party “was still just taking shape, just defining its features, and the reckoning with other tendencies in revolutionary thought that threaten to lead the movement astray was far from over,” it was all the more important to resolutely wage theoretical struggle against opportunism and defend revolutionary Marxism. Therefore, Lenin hoped to thoroughly refute the “Economist” faction through the form of theoretical struggle, rather than deigning to use the Party’s official organ (i.e., *Rabocheye Dyelo* [The Workers’ Cause]) to organizationally repudiate their opportunist views. As Lenin said: “We want to wage an uncompromising struggle against all pseudo-Social Democrats without restraint; we want our fuse (if it is correctly laid) to be respected because it is correctly laid, not because it is laid by an official organ.” Thus, Lenin’s resolute struggle against the “demagogues” to win over the “deluded” and cultivate revolutionaries took ideological-theoretical struggle as its main form.

因此，列宁在这段对德、俄两党的对比分析后，紧接着论证理论斗争对无产阶级政党的极端必要性。列宁强调，“没有革命的理论，就不会有革命的运动”；“恩格斯认为，社会民主党的伟大斗争并不是有两种形式（政治的和经济的）……同这两种斗争并列的还有理论的斗争”；“社会民主党的意识形态只是由于同所有其他的意识形态进行了不懈的斗争才获得了这个首位，而且也只有继续进行这种不懈的斗争，才能保持这个首位”。列宁认为，由于俄国社会民主党“还刚刚在形成，刚刚在确定自己的面貌，同革命思想中有使运动离开正确道路危险的其他派别进行的清算还远没有结束”，坚决同机会主义进行理论斗争、捍卫革命的马克思主义，就显得更为重要了。因此，列宁希望通过理论斗争的形式彻底驳倒“经济派”，而不屑用党的正式机关报（即《工人报》）对其机会主义观点进行组织上的摒弃。正如列宁所说：“我们希望不受束缚地同一切假社会民主党人作不调和的斗争；我们希望我们的引线（如果这条引线拉得正确的话）受到人们尊重是因为它拉得正确，而不是因为它是由一个正式的机关报拉的。”由此可见，列宁为争取“被蛊惑者”和培养革命家而同“蛊惑家”进行的坚决斗争，是以思想理论斗争为主要形式的。

(3) Taking the Study and Clarification of Russia’s Major Practical Problems as the Basic Work

（三）以研究阐明俄国的重大现实问题为基础工作

The essence of theoretical struggle is the struggle between two or more different ideas and concepts. The success or failure of theoretical struggle depends both on the nature of the theory itself and on the choice of the workers. Marx once pointed out: “Theory can convince the masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to grasp things by the root. But for man the root is man himself.” This aphorism of Marx, rich in philosophical meaning, points to one issue: whoever wants to win in theoretical struggle must make their theory truly serve the workers, and must explain to the workers all the major practical problems concerning the liberation of the proletariat, thereby clarifying matters from the ground up and winning their understanding, trust, and support. Therefore, Lenin clearly stated: “The basic content of the activities of our Party organization, the center of these activities… is the clarification of all aspects of practical life, penetrating deeply into the broad masses, and carrying out political agitation work uniformly on a nationwide scale.”

理论斗争的实质是两种或多种不同的思想观念之间的斗争，理论斗争的成败，既取决于理论本身的性质，也取决于工人群众的选择。马克思曾指出：“理论只要说服人，就能掌握群众；而理论只要彻底，就能说服人。所谓彻底，就是抓住事物的根本。而人的根本就是人本身。”马克思这段富有丰富哲理的名言，指明了一个问题，即谁想要在理论斗争中获得胜利，谁就要使自己的理论真正为工人群众服务，就应当向工人群众说明关乎无产阶级解放的一切重大现实问题，以此来正本清源，争取他们的理解、信任和支持。因此，列宁明确指出：“我们党组织的活动的基本内容，这种活动的中心……就是阐明实际生活的各方面、深入广大群众并在全俄范围内统一进行的政治鼓动工作。”

Lenin, speaking in the tone of a worker, said: “We want to know in detail all aspects of political life… for this we need the intellectuals… to give us more… what we can never know from our own factory experience and ‘economic’ experience, namely, political knowledge… You have no right to ‘raise’ our initiative, because you yourselves precisely lack initiative! Gentlemen, please worship spontaneity a little less, and think a little more about how to raise your own initiative!” Lenin’s words contain two extremely important concepts. First, for the Russian Social Democratic Party, the work of clarifying all aspects of practical life was not only to raise the initiative of the workers, but, more importantly, a prerequisite task was to raise the initiative of those Social Democrats who still lacked consciousness. Second, to raise the initiative of the workers and the Social Democrats, it was necessary to study those major problems that could not be understood or were difficult to understand through general social life experience, that is, to apply the general principles of proletarian liberation pointed out by Marx and Engels to study and clarify the specific, major practical problems that the Russian working class was facing. Understanding these problems was a prerequisite for the Russian working class to strive for its own liberation, and therefore a necessary condition for the Russian Social Democrats as the advanced fighters of the proletariat.

列宁以工人的口吻说道：“我们想详细了解政治生活的各方面……为此就需要知识分子们……多给我们些……我们自己根据自己工厂方面的经验和‘经济方面的’经验永远也不可能知道的东西，即政治知识……你们没有资格来给我们‘提高’积极性，因为你们自己恰恰就缺乏积极性！先生们，请你们还是少崇拜点自发性，多想想如何提高你们自己的积极性吧！”列宁的这段话蕴含了两个极其重要的理念。其一，对于俄国社会民主党来说，阐明实际生活各方面的工作不仅是为了提高工人群众的积极性，更重要的前提性的任务是提高那些仍缺乏自觉性的社会民主党人的积极性。其二，要提高工人群众和社会民主党人的积极性，就应当研究那些通过一般社会生活经验无法或难以认识到的重大问题，也就是运用马克思恩格斯指明的关于无产阶级解放的一般原理，研究阐明俄国工人阶级正在面对的、具体的、重大的现实问题。理解这些问题是俄国工人阶级争取自身解放的前提，因而是身为无产阶级先进战士的俄国社会民主党人的必备条件。

To study and clarify these major practical problems, one must not engage in empty theoretical talk divorced from reality, but must integrate Marxism with Russia’s specific reality, starting from the typical political events directly encountered by the Russian workers and Social Democrats, exposing the essence hidden within these events, and thereby explaining the positions, viewpoints, and methods of Marxism. As Lenin emphasized, “To cultivate leaders of political struggle, it is necessary to constantly and continuously assess all aspects of our political life”; “expose what is happening around us, expose what everyone is talking about in their own way or even whispering about, expose what is reflected by certain events, certain figures, certain court verdicts, etc.” The “exposure” here naturally refers to the “materialist analysis and materialist evaluation” of these concrete facts. Only by clearly and thoroughly explaining these typical events that the masses constantly encounter but cannot see the essence of, can the masses be made to be astonished at their previous relatively superficial understanding, can they be made to know “what they do not know,” can their interest be aroused, and can their initiative be raised. Therefore, only by taking the study and clarification of the major practical problems faced by the workers as the basic work (of course, studying and clarifying from a materialist viewpoint) can the workers and Social Democrats be convinced, and can victory be achieved in the theoretical struggle against the “Economist” faction.

要研究阐明这些重大的现实问题，就不能脱离实际地空谈理论，而是要将马克思主义同俄国的具体实际相结合，从俄国工人群众和社会民主党人直接遇到的典型的政治事件出发，揭露隐藏在这些事件中的本质，以此说明马克思主义的立场、观点、方法。正如列宁强调的，“为了培养出政治斗争的领导者，必须要通过经常不断地随时估计我国政治生活的一切方面”；“揭露当前我们周围发生的事情，揭露大家按自己的观点在谈论着的或者哪怕是在窃窃私议的东西，揭露由某些事件、某些数字、某些法庭判决词等等反映出来的情况”。这里的揭露当然指的是对这些具体事实的“唯物主义分析和唯物主义评价”。只有将这些群众时时接触却看不清其本质的典型事件讲清楚讲透彻，才能让群众对以往相对浅显的认识大吃一惊，才能使他们知道“自己不知道的东西”，才能提起他们的兴趣，才能提高他们的积极性。因此，只有把研究阐明工人群众面对的重大现实问题作为基础工作（当然是以唯物主义的观点研究阐明），才能说服工人群众和社会民主党人，才能在同“经济派”进行的理论斗争中获得胜利。

(4) Taking the All-Russia Political Newspaper Plan as the Effective Pathway

（四）以全俄政治报计划为有效途径

To study and elucidate the major practical problems facing the working masses, and to convince the working masses and Social Democrats, it is necessary to have rich and typical factual materials, to carry out a materialist synthesis and analysis of these materials, and thereby to produce articles that are interesting, comprehensible, and capable of resonating with both the masses and Party members. The work of possessing rich and typical factual materials and correctly synthesizing and analyzing them cannot be accomplished by local newspapers scattered in various places and only loosely connected with one another. As Lenin pointed out, “Individual local organizations are virtually powerless to guarantee their newspapers the principled firmness needed to raise them to the level of a political organ, and to collect and utilize sufficient material to illuminate the whole of our political life,” and he noted that “all these shortcomings are not accidental, but the inevitable result of a state of dispersal.” [20]20 "Curing the disease to save the patient" (治病救人): A principle in inner-Party struggle, originating from Mao Zedong's formulation, meaning to criticize mistakes with the aim of helping the comrade correct them, rather than to destroy the person. Lenin compared the Party’s cause to building an unprecedented huge building, compared Social Democrats to stonemasons, and compared the all-Russian political newspaper to the stonemasons’ guideline, thereby ingeniously explaining that the Party’s current problem was that the stonemasons had no common guideline, with the result that they were laying bricks chaotically, causing the building they erected to collapse at the first push from the enemy. Therefore, for the Russian Social Democratic Party to carry out the work of elucidating all aspects of practical life, it had to establish a regularly published all-Russian newspaper, thereby pulling up a correct guideline, so that Social Democrats in every locality could work, study, and advance along the correct political direction indicated by this guideline.

要研究阐明工人群众面对的重大现实问题，要说服工人群众和社会民主党人，就需要丰富的、典型的事实材料，需要对这些材料进行唯物主义的综合与分析，进而形成让群众和党员都感兴趣、看得懂、能产生共鸣的文章。占有丰富典型的事实材料和正确综合分析这些材料的工作，不是分散在各地、相互联系不紧密的地方性报纸能够胜任的。正如列宁指出的，“单个的地方组织简直无力保证自己的报纸具有原则上的坚定性和把它提到政治机关报的高度，无力收集和利用充分的材料来说明我国的全部政治生活”，并指出“所有这些缺点都不是偶然现象，而是分散状态的必然结果”。列宁将党的事业比作建造一座前所未见的巨大建筑物，将社会民主党人比作石匠，将全俄政治报比作石匠的引线，进而巧妙说明，党目前的问题是石匠们没有一条共同的引线，结果是乱砌一通，导致砌起来的建筑物被敌人一推就倒。因此，俄国社会民主党要进行阐明实际生活的各方面的工作，就必须建立一个经常出版的全俄报纸，以此拉起一条正确的引线，使处在各个地方的社会民主党人沿着这条引线所指明的正确政治方向工作、学习和前进。

The work centered on the all-Russian political newspaper was, in the final analysis, the work of studying, elucidating, and propagating the major practical problems of Russia under a correct guideline and with firm principledness. To do this work well, it was necessary to take “principled firmness” as a prerequisite and to rely on typical materials of a universal nature from across Russia; it was necessary to pay attention to local specific events and fully possess local practical materials. This required that various localities establish practical connections, exchange learning with each other, and share the experience of the entire Party. Lenin pointed out that this practical connection “can ensure not only the distribution of the newspaper, but also (and this is far more important) the exchange of experience, materials, personnel, and funds… The achievements of one locality often encourage comrades active in another locality to further improve their work, prompting them to utilize ready-made experience. Local work will then become far richer and broader in scope than it is now: political and economic exposures collected from all over Russia will provide spiritual food for workers of all trades and all levels of development.” The conscious process of research, exchange, and learning undertaken for the sake of distributing the newspaper would undoubtedly help Social Democrats overcome their former state of “not knowing what was happening in the world,” a state of “looking at the sky from the bottom of a well,” [21]21 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects – Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. and greatly enhance their consciousness. Therefore, Lenin pointed out that once the plan for an all-Russian political newspaper was successfully implemented, it would “through practical connections truly link all the committees together and truly cultivate a leading group capable of directing the entire movement,” and “the organization that naturally forms around this newspaper, the organization composed of the newspaper’s collaborators, will truly be able to cope with everything.”

围绕着全俄政治报纸进行的工作，归根到底是在一条正确的引线下、在坚定的原则性下研究、说明、宣传俄国的重大现实问题的工作。要将这种工作做好，需要以“原则上的坚定性”为前提、以全俄的具有普遍性的典型材料作为支撑，需要关注地方的具体事件、充分占有地方的实际材料，这就要求各个地方建立起实际的联系，相互交流学习、共享全党的经验。列宁指出，这种实际联系“不仅能保证报纸的发行，并且还能保证（这更加重要得多）经验、材料、人员以及经费的交流……一个地方的成就往往会鼓励在另一个地方活动的同志进一步改进工作，会推动他去利用现成的经验。地方工作就会比现在丰富得多、涉及面广得多：从全俄各地收集起来的政治揭露和经济揭露材料，将为各种职业和各种发展水平的工人提供精神食粮”。为发行报纸而自觉进行的研究、交流、学习的过程，无疑会促使社会民主党人克服从前那种“不知道世界上发生了什么事情”的“坐井观天”的状况，极大提高他们的自觉性。因此，列宁指出，全俄政治报计划一旦顺利实施起来，就能“通过实际的联系把所有的委员会真正连在一起，并真正培养出一个领导整个运动的领导者集团”，“在这个报纸周围自然地形成起来的组织，由这个报纸的同事构成的组织，就会真能应付一切”。

III. The Enlightenment of Lenin’s Approach to Solving Intra-Party Problems for the CPC’s Self-Revolution

三、列宁解决党内问题的思路对中国共产党的自我革命的启示

Strengthening the Party’s ideological construction and continuously raising the political awareness and ideological level of Party cadres and members is an eternal task for a Marxist political party in strengthening its own construction. For the CPC to carry out its self-revolution on the new journey of the New Era, it must grasp ideological construction as a foundational construction, solve the ideological problems of Party cadres and members, and temper the sharp ideological weapon of self-revolution. The enlightening significance of *What Is to Be Done?* for the CPC’s self-revolution in the New Era lies in the systematic and complete scientific approach it contains for solving intra-Party problems starting from ideology.

加强党的思想建设，不断提高党员干部的政治意识和思想水平，是马克思主义政党加强自身建设的永恒课题。中国共产党要在新时代新征程上进行自我革命，就必须要抓住思想建设这一基础性建设，解决好党员干部的思想问题，淬炼自我革命的锐利思想武器。《怎么办？》对新时代中国共产党自我革命的启示意义，在于其中蕴含了一套系统完整的从思想入手解决党内问题的科学思路。

(I) The Practical Value of Lenin’s Approach to Solving Intra-Party Problems

（一）列宁解决党内问题的思路的现实价值

*What Is to Be Done? Burning Questions of Our Movement* is a classic text published by Lenin in 1902, now more than 120 years ago. Due to differences in world conditions, national conditions, and Party conditions, the problems faced by the Russian Social Democratic Party at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries naturally differ in their specific forms of expression from those faced by the CPC in the New Era, but the essence of the two is

《怎么办？我们运动中的迫切问题》是列宁发表于1902年的经典文献，距今已有120余年。俄国社会民主党在19世纪末20世纪初所面临的问题，由于世情、国情、党情等方面的差异，在具体表现形式上同新时代中国共产党所面临的问题自然不同，但两者的实质有相通之处。习近平总书记明确指出：“从世界社会主义500年的大视野来看，我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。”有学者补充道：“当今世界依然处在马克思、恩格斯所指明的大的历史时代，同时也处于列宁所说的金融帝国主义这一特定的小的历史时代。”从大的历史环境来看，当今世界，资本主义和社会主义两制并存依然是客观事实，国内外敌对势力歪曲、丑化马克思主义的企图依然强烈，他们用西方意识形态消解社会主义核心价值体系的行动依然频繁，广大党员干部受到“诱惑”“蛊惑”“围猎”的危险依然存在，列宁曾经面对的问题依然尖锐地摆在我们面前。

Specifically, the problem within the Russian Social Democratic Party was that some Party cadres harbored a "worship of spontaneity." The root cause of this "worship of spontaneity" lay in the demagoguery of "demagogues" and the insufficient level of Marxist theoretical knowledge among the youth. Therefore, in Lenin's view, ideological and theoretical struggle was the key to solving problems within the Party. On the new journey of the New Era, the Communist Party of China faces prominent issues such as the "Four Dangers"[20]20 "Curing the disease to save the patient" (治病救人): A principle in inner-Party struggle, originating from Mao Zedong's formulation, meaning to criticize mistakes with the aim of helping the comrade correct them, rather than to destroy the person. and the "Seven Have-Somes"[21]21 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects – Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. that affect the Party's advanced nature and integrity and damage its image. One important reason for the emergence of these problems is the insufficient level of Marxist theoretical knowledge among some Party cadres. General Secretary Xi Jinping points out, "In real life, the various problems that

具体来说，俄国社会民主党的问题是一些党员干部存在“自发性崇拜”，“自发性崇拜”之所以产生，根源在于“蛊惑家”的蛊惑、在于青年们的马克思主义理论水平不足。因此，在列宁看来，思想理论斗争是解决党内问题的钥匙。在新时代新征程上，中国共产党存在着“四种危险”“七个有之”等影响党的先进性纯洁性、损害党的形象的突出问题。这些问题之所以产生，重要原因之一就在于一些党员干部的马克思主义理论水平不足。习近平总书记指出，“现实生活中，一些党员、干部出这样那样的问题，说到底是信仰迷茫、精神迷失”，“理想信念的坚定，来自思想理论的坚定。认识真理，掌握真理，信仰真理，捍卫真理，是坚定理想信念的精神前提”。新时代中国共产党要解决自身存在的问题，推进党的伟大自我革命，必须要抓好思想建设这一基础性建设，开展积极健康的思想理论斗争，真正使党的自我革命深入到每一名党员、干部的灵魂深处，提高其马克思主义理论水平，补足其精神之“钙”，不断淬炼自我革命的锐利思想武器。从这一角度来看，列宁解决党内问题的思路仍然具有极强的现实价值，对新时代中国共产党的自我革命具有重要的启示意义。

(II) Upholding the Unity of "Curing the Disease to Save the Patient" and "High-Pressure Anti-Corruption"

（二）坚持“治病救人”和“高压反腐”相统一

Saving those Social Democratic youth who had been deceived, and preventing the continuously expanding Party membership from being further deceived, was an important task in Lenin's fierce criticism of and irreconcilable struggle against the "demagogues" within the Party. This embodies Lenin's attitude of "curing the disease to save the patient." Carrying out healthy inner-Party ideological struggle with the attitude of "curing the disease to save the patient" is Lenin's correct approach to solving inner-Party problems, and it is also an important historical experience of the Communist Party of China in solving the ideological problems of Party cadres and members over the past century. Problems of ideals and convictions, unlike corruption, are not easily traceable. The difficulty in solving problems of ideals and convictions lies in how to identify the problems; the key lies in encouraging Party cadres and members to speak out about the ideological cruxes buried in their hearts. It should be clearly recognized that, in the macro-environment of the socialist market economy, it is an unavoidable phenomenon that some Party cadres and members have had their thoughts stained with dust, harboring doubts about the Party's theories and confusion about some major practical issues, thereby losing their faith and becoming spiritually disoriented. When the Party promotes the resolution of these problems, it must not adopt an attitude of "ruthless attack," but rather an attitude of "curing the disease to save the patient." It should encourage the vast majority of Party cadres and members to be brave and willing to speak out about their ideological cruxes, provide convincing and vivid explanations for ideological doubts, offer feedback and clarification on general problems that exist, and thereby help Party cadres and members put down their ideological burdens and move forward lightly.

拯救那些被蛊惑的社会民主党青年，防止不断扩大的党员队伍持续被蛊惑，是列宁猛烈批判党内“蛊惑家”、同其进行不可调和的斗争的重要任务，其中蕴含的是列宁“治病救人”的态度。以“治病救人”的态度开展积极健康的党内思想斗争，是列宁解决党内问题的正确理念，同时也是中国共产党百年来解决党员干部思想问题的重要历史经验。理想信念问题不像腐败问题那样有迹可循，解决理想信念问题，难在如何找到问题，关键在鼓励党员干部讲出埋藏于心的思想症结。应该清醒认识到，在社会主义市场经济的大环境下，一些党员干部思想上沾上了灰尘，对党的理论有疑问、对一些重大现实问题有不解，从而迷失了信仰、迷茫了精神，这是难以避免的现象。党在推动解决这些问题时，不能采取“无情打击”的态度，而是要采取“治病救人”的态度，鼓励广大党员干部勇于和乐于讲出思想症结，对思想上的疑惑应给予具有说服力的生动的解答，对存在的一般性问题给予反馈澄清，进而帮助党员干部放下思想包袱轻装上阵。

“Curing the disease to save the patient” and “high-pressure anti-corruption” are intrinsically consistent and inseparable. While adhering to “curing the disease to save the patient,” it is necessary to resolutely take action against incurable malignant tumors and those who have seriously violated laws and discipline. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC points out: “Corruption is the greatest tumor that endangers the Party’s vitality and combat effectiveness, and the fight against corruption is the most thorough self-revolution.” [21]21 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects – Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. The corruption of Party members and cadres, especially leading cadres, not only erodes and shakes their personal ideals and convictions but also causes irreparable harm to the political ecosystem of their localities and departments, invisibly providing a breeding ground for the “virus of soft-bone disease.” [22]22 “Soft-bone disease” (软骨病) Lenin insisted on an irreconcilable life-and-death struggle against demagogues within the Party because demagogues constantly stir up public sentiment and lower the Party’s political consciousness. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, an important reason why the CPC has carried out an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle with immense political courage is that corrupt elements are malignant tumors that shake the ideals and convictions of the entire Party. Therefore, for the CPC to effectively solve the ideological problems of Party members and cadres and to promote the entire Party’s firm ideals and convictions and adherence to the original aspiration and founding mission, it must adhere to the unity of “curing the disease to save the patient” and “high-pressure anti-corruption,” both cleansing the skin stained with dust and excising the malignant tumors that endanger life.

“治病救人”和“高压反腐”是内在一致和密不可分的。在坚持“治病救人”的同时，对那些无药可治的毒瘤、那些严重违法乱纪分子，必须下决心动刀子。党的二十大报告指出：“腐败是危害党的生命力和战斗力的最大毒瘤，反腐败是最彻底的自我革命。”党员干部的腐败问题，尤其是领导干部的腐败问题，不仅会腐蚀动摇个人的理想信念，还会对其所在地方、部门的政治生态造成难以弥补的伤害，无形中为“软骨病病毒”提供滋长的温床。列宁坚持同党内蛊惑家作不可调和的殊死斗争，是因为蛊惑家不断蛊惑人心、拉低党的政治意识。党的十八大以来，中国共产党以巨大的政治勇气进行前所未有的反腐败斗争，一个重要原因在于贪污腐败分子是动摇全党理想信念的毒瘤。因此，中国共产党要有效解决党员干部的思想问题，推动全党坚定理想信念、坚守初心使命，就必须要坚持“治病救人”和“高压反腐”相统一，既清洗沾有灰尘的皮肤，又割除危害生命的毒瘤。

(III) Making criticism and self-criticism a normal practice through disciplinary requirements and leadership by example

（三）通过纪律要求和领导带头使批评和自我批评成为常态

Carrying out active and healthy ideological and theoretical struggle is an effective method for a proletarian party to solve the ideological problems of its Party members and cadres. To solve the ideological problems of the youth of the Social Democratic Party, Lenin waged an irreconcilable theoretical struggle against the “Economists” and “demagogues,” [23]23 The Two Establishments: the establishment of Xi using science to defeat utopianism, using correctness to oppose error, and using proletarian ideology to defeat bourgeois ideology. On the New Journey of the New Era, the CPC faces an increasingly acute and complex ideological struggle and confronts more “demagogues” from hostile forces at home and abroad. They advocate erroneous concepts such as liberalism, historical nihilism, and “the theory of the remoteness and obsolescence of communism,” attempting to “portray our Party and our country as utterly chaotic and worthless, luring people to dance to their magic flute,” [24] thereby shaking the ideals and convictions of Party members and cadres, ultimately achieving the goal of “inciting the overthrow of the leadership of the CPC and our socialist system.” [25] Objectively speaking, some Party members and cadres have been influenced by these erroneous concepts, have ideological cruxes, and a small number have even deviated from Marxism, completely abandoned their ideals and convictions, and forgotten their original aspiration and founding mission. Under these circumstances, we should all the more learn from and draw on Lenin’s thought on theoretical struggle, carry out active and healthy intra-Party ideological struggle with full justification, make criticism and self-criticism a normal practice in intra-Party life, and, based on the Party’s scientific theory and glorious history, overcome the influence of these erroneous trends through comradely ideological discussion.

开展积极健康的思想理论斗争是无产阶级政党解决党员干部思想问题的有效方法。列宁为解决社会民主党青年们的思想问题，同“经济派”“蛊惑家”进行了不可调和的理论斗争，用科学战胜了空想，用正确反对了错误，用无产阶级意识形态战胜了资产阶级意识形态。新时代新征程上，中国共产党面临的意识形态斗争更加尖锐复杂，面对的国内外敌对势力的“蛊惑家”更多。他们鼓吹自由主义、历史虚无主义、“共产主义渺茫论和过时论”等错误观念，企图“把我们党、我们国家说得一塌糊涂、一无是处，诱使人们跟着他们的魔笛起舞”，动摇党员、干部的理想信念，最终达到“煽动推翻中国共产党的领导和我国社会主义制度”的目的。客观上讲，一些党员干部受到了这些错误观念的影响，存在思想上的症结，少数党员干部甚至背离马克思主义、完全丢掉理想信念、忘记初心使命。在这种情况下，我们更应该学习借鉴列宁关于理论斗争的思想，理直气壮地开展积极健康的党内思想斗争，让批评和自我批评成为党内生活的常态，以党的科学理论和光辉历史为依据，通过同志式的思想讨论来克服这些错误思潮的影响。

Conducting profound criticism and self-criticism is not an easy task. General Secretary Xi Jinping points out, “Self-criticism is difficult, and mutual criticism is even more difficult,” and “the difficulty lies in being trapped by human relationships and tempted by interests, fearing to make enemies or bring trouble upon oneself.” [26] An important method to dispel the various concerns of Party members and cadres about conducting criticism and self-criticism is to make it a common activity that most Party members and cadres must regularly engage in, gradually turning it into a habit for Party members and cadres and a normal practice in intra-Party life. As General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes: “Criticism and self-criticism must be made a normal practice in intra-Party life and a compulsory course for every Party member and cadre.” [27] This requires Party organizations at all levels to strictly hold democratic life meetings in accordance with the requirements of the “Norms for Political Life Within the Party Under the New Situation” and the “Regulations of the CPC on Intra-Party Supervision,” [28] grasp the key minority, insist on leadership taking the lead, and set an example from above, promoting ideological exchange and discussion, criticism and self-criticism among all Party members and cadres. As long as leading cadres play a correct exemplary role and as long as persistence and long-term effort are maintained, criticism and self-criticism can be transformed from strict disciplinary requirements into daily habits of Party members and cadres, from passive acceptance into conscious action, from “praising merits and highlighting achievements” into “pointing out problems, offering opinions, and discussing harms,” into genuine ideological exchange and collision, and into a true “mirror-gazing, hat-straightening, bathing, and disease-curing.” [29]

进行深刻的批评和自我批评不是一件容易的事。习近平总书记指出，“自我批评难，相互批评更难”，“难就难在为人情所困、为利益所惑，怕结怨树敌、怕引火烧身”。要打消党员干部进行批评和自我批评的各种顾虑，一个重要方法是让批评和自我批评成为大多数党员干部必须经常进行的共同活动，使之逐渐成为党员干部的习惯、成为党内生活的常态。正如习近平总书记强调的：“要让批评和自我批评成为党内生活的常态，成为每个党员、干部的必修课。”这就要求党的各级组织严格按照《关于新形势下党内政治生活的若干准则》《中国共产党党内监督条例》的要求开好民主生活会，抓住关键少数，坚持领导带头，以上率下，推动全党党员干部展开思想交流讨论、进行批评和自我批评。只要领导干部起到了正确的表率作用，只要能够持之以恒、久久为功，批评和自我批评就能从严格的纪律要求转化为党员干部的日常习惯，从被动接受转化为党员干部的自觉行动，从“评功摆好”转化“讲问题、提意见、论危害”，转化为思想上的交流碰撞，转化为真正的“照镜正冠和洗澡治病”。

(IV) Selecting high-quality research and explanatory achievements on major theoretical and practical issues

（四）精选关于重大理论和现实问题的研究阐释成果

Lenin placed special importance on using the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method to study the specific, typical social realities that workers and Social Democratic Party members were facing, vividly elucidating the essence hidden behind these issues that could not be seen through ordinary experience, considering this a necessary regular task for cultivating leaders of political struggle. On the New Journey of the New Era, the CPC must also research and explain the Party’s innovative theories well, vividly answer major social realities that concern Party members and the masses, and respond to focal issues raised by hostile forces at home and abroad attacking our Party and country, helping Party members and cadres “clear away ideological fog and clarify confused understandings,” [30] in order to strengthen the entire Party’s ideals, convictions, original aspiration, and founding mission. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, our Party has established and adhered to the fundamental system of Marxism’s guiding position in the ideological domain, achieving significant results in promoting research and explanation of major theoretical and practical issues.

列宁特别重视用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法研究工人群众和社会民主党人正在面对的、具体的、典型的社会现实问题，生动活泼地阐明凭借一般经验无法看清的隐藏在这些问题背后的实质，认为这是培养政治斗争的领导者所必需的经常的工作。在新时代新征程上，中国共产党也必须要研究阐释好党的创新理论、生动回答好党员群众关心的重大社会现实问题、回应好国内外敌对势力攻击我们党和国家的焦点问题，帮助党员干部“廓清思想迷雾，澄清模糊认识”，以坚定全党的理想信念和初心使命。党的十八大以来，在以习近平同志为核心的党中央的坚强领导下，我们党确立和坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域指导地位的根本制度，推动研究阐释重大理论和现实问题的工作取得重大成就。

An important consideration behind our emphasis on research and explanatory work is to help Party members and cadres understand the inevitability of the lofty ideal of communism, more clearly grasp the internal logic of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, more soberly recognize the fundamental significance of the CPC’s leadership for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and strengthen the entire Party’s confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In the author’s humble opinion, to achieve this goal, while promoting research and explanatory work, the Party should draw on the implication of “Confucius editing the Six Classics to illuminate the Way,” [31] promptly selecting from the vast array of research and explanatory achievements those articles that combine both scholarly rigor and readability for the study and research of the broad masses of Party members and cadres. Otherwise, faced directly with numerous works of uneven quality, Party members and cadres will find it difficult to develop an interest in learning and will not know where to start. Therefore, the crux of the issue lies in how to select achievements that truly possess theoretical penetration and can genuinely interest Party members and cadres. The selection of these achievements should adhere to the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee to ensure the correct political direction; should adhere to anonymous expert review to ensure a high theoretical standard; and should randomly select cadres from across the Party for anonymous evaluation to ensure vividness and readability. Only through at least these three layers of evaluation can a small number of high-level, refined achievements be selected. Only by designating these achievements as required reading can Party members and cadres enjoy learning and increase their knowledge in the process of study, and can the Party’s innovative theories truly enter the mind and heart, becoming the scientific support for Party members and cadres to strengthen their ideals and convictions and adhere to their original aspiration and founding mission.

我们之所以重视研究阐释工作，一个重要考虑是帮助党员干部理解共产主义远大理想的必然性，更清晰地把握中华民族伟大复兴的内在逻辑，更加清醒地认识中国共产党的领导对中华民族伟大复兴的根本意义，坚定全党对中国特色社会主义道路、理论、制度和文化的自信。依笔者管见，为了达到这一目的，党在推动研究阐释工作的同时，应借鉴“孔子删述《六经》以明道”的意涵，及时从浩如烟海的研究阐释成果中精选兼具学理性和可读性的文章供广大党员干部学习研究。否则，直接面对众多的、质量参差不齐的著述，党员干部既难以提起学习的兴趣，也无从下手。因此，问题的关键在于如何精选出真正具有理论穿透力、真正能让党员干部感兴趣的成果。对这些成果的精选工作，应坚持党中央的集中统一领导，以保证正确的政治方向；应坚持专家匿名评审，以保证高超的理论水准；应在全党随机抽取干部进行匿名评价，以保证生动性和可读性。至少要通过这三重评价，才能精选出少而精的高水平成果，只有将这些成果规定为必读书目，才能使党员干部在学习的过程中享受学习、增长见识，才能使党的创新理论真正入脑入心，成为党员干部坚定理想信念、坚守初心使命的科学支撑。

(V) Strengthening the construction of platforms for intra-Party theoretical study and discussion

（五）加强党内理论学习和探讨平台建设

Lenin proposed the plan for an all-Russian political newspaper, emphasizing that “apart from utilizing an all-Russian newspaper, there is no other method to cultivate a strong political organization.” [32] On the one hand, this is because an all-Russian political newspaper can lay a correct guiding thread, directing Party members to advance along the correct ideological path; on the other hand, because the work centered around the all-Russian political newspaper can establish practical connections among Party members in various localities, promote their mutual exchange, and broaden their horizons. On the New Journey of the New Era, we should also draw on Lenin’s scientific approach, using a dedicated platform for intra-Party theoretical study and discussion to lay a correct guiding thread for the theoretical study of all Party members and cadres and to facilitate ideological exchange and theoretical discussion among them.

列宁提出全俄政治报计划，强调“除了利用全俄报纸之外，再没有别的方法可以培植起强有力的政治组织”。这一方面是因为全俄政治报能够拉起一条正确的引线，指引党员沿着正确的思想方向前进；另一方面是因为围绕全俄政治报而进行的工作能够建立起各地党员间的实际联系，促进他们的相互交流、扩展他们的眼界。新时代新征程上，我们也应当借鉴列宁的科学思路，通过一个专门的党内理论学习和探讨平台，为全体党员干部的理论学习拉起一条正确的引线，为党员干部间的思想交流和理论探讨提供便利。

From the perspective of sharpening the ideological weapon of self-revolution and advancing the Party’s great self-revolution, it is necessary to study and construct a platform dedicated to theoretical study and discussion for Party cadres, so as to better serve the daily study work of the entire Party. The works of the classical Marxist writers are vast, and the research and explanatory achievements of China’s academic circles on this subject are voluminous. Where should the broad masses of Party cadres begin their study? Specifically, which works and research-explanatory achievements should they study? What kind of study plan is most conducive to Party cadres’ understanding and mastery of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era? What is most conducive to Party cadres’ firming up of their ideals and convictions and adhering to their original aspiration and founding mission? What is most conducive to Party cadres’ grasping the decisive significance of the Two Establishments[23]23 The Two Establishments: the establishment of Xi and truly achieving the Two Upholds[24]? These are the prerequisite questions to be considered in platform construction. An intra-Party theoretical study and discussion platform should draw a correct guiding thread for the study of the broad masses of Party cadres, integrate classical works and selected research-explanatory achievements, and provide effective handles for Party cadres’ study through reasonable curriculum design, high-quality course content, and written and video materials that combine penetrating power with emotional appeal. On this basis, for every theoretical and practical issue covered in the curriculum, the platform should provide space for ideological exchange and theoretical discussion among Party cadres, and study and establish mechanisms that encourage Party cadres to voice their doubts and questions, engage in mutual discussion, seek answers, and resolve uncertainties.

从淬炼自我革命锐利思想武器、推进党的伟大自我革命的角度上来看，有必要研究建设一款专门面向党员干部的理论学习和探讨平台，以更好地服务于全党的日常学习工作。马克思主义经典作家的著作浩如烟海、我国学界对此的研究阐释成果如汗牛充栋，广大党员干部的学习应从何着手？具体应学习哪些著作和研究阐释成果？什么样的学习计划最有利于党员干部理解掌握习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想？最有利于党员干部坚定理想信念、坚守初心使命？最有利于党员干部感悟“两个确立”的决定性意义、真正做到“两个维护”？这是平台建设要考虑的前提性问题。党内理论学习和探讨平台应当为广大党员干部的学习拉起一条正确的引线，整合经典著作和精选后的研究阐释成果，通过合理的课程设置、优质的课程内容、穿透力和感染力并重的文字视频资料，为党员干部的学习提供有效抓手。在此基础上，对课程涵盖的每一个理论问题和现实问题，都应为党员干部提供思想交流和理论探讨的空间，研究建立鼓励党员干部说出困惑质疑处、相互讨论、寻求解答、解除疑惑的机制。

(Author bios: Guo Chao, doctoral candidate at the School of Marxism, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, main research directions: Party building, scientific socialism; Yu Haiqing, Deputy Director and Research Fellow of the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, doctoral supervisor, main research directions: world socialism, Party building)

（作者简介：郭超，中国社会科学院大学马克思主义学院博士研究生，主要研究方向为党的建设、科学社会主义；于海青，中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院副院长、研究员、博士生导师，主要研究方向为世界社会主义、党的建设）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心