A Study of the Institutional Path for the Party’s Self-Revolution to Lead the Social Revolution

The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC [1]1 This quotation is from Xi Jinping’s speech at the 19th National Congress of the CPC in 2017, emphasizing the necessity of the Party’s self-revolution for advancing the social revolution of socialism with Chinese characteristics. pointed out, “We must persevere in advancing comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, and deepen the great new project of Party building in the New Era, using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution.” The Party’s self-revolution leads the social revolution not only in an ideological and spiritual sense, but also in an institutional and practical sense. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC [2]2 The United Front Work refers to the CPC’s strategy of uniting with various social groups and non-Communist parties to achieve common political goals, a practice dating back to the 1920s. emphasized “perfecting the institutional normative system for the Party’s self-revolution.” Intra-Party regulations embody the unified will of the Party and are the main carriers of the institutional normative system for the Party’s self-revolution. Therefore, the formulation and implementation of intra-Party regulations highlight the institutional and practical characteristics of the Party’s self-revolution. In August 2019, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee revised the “Regulations on the Formulation of Intra-Party Regulations of the Communist Party of China,” which defined the concept of intra-Party regulations as: “specialized rules and regulations formulated by the central organizations of the Party, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the working organs of the Party Central Committee, and the Party committees of provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the Central Government, which embody the unified will of the Party, regulate the Party’s leadership and Party building activities, and are implemented by relying on Party discipline.” The activities of “Party leadership” and “Party building” are directed not only within the Party but also outside it. As Song Gongde, Director of the Bureau of Regulations of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, stated, intra-Party regulations “exhibit breadth and diversity in the matters and objects they regulate, encompassing the Party’s leadership over various fields of economic and social development and all aspects of Party building, with objects directly or indirectly covering both inside and outside the Party.” This spillover characteristic of intra-Party regulations precisely aligns with the leading characteristic of the Party’s self-revolution over the social revolution. Constructing an institutional path for the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution should actively rely on the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations.

党的二十大报告指出，“必须持之以恒推进全面从严治党，深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程，以党的自我革命引领社会革命。”党的自我革命对社会革命的引领不仅是思想性和精神性引领，更是制度性和实践性引领。党的二十届三中全会强调“完善党的自我革命制度规范体系”，党内法规体现党的统一意志，是党的自我革命制度规范体系的主要载体，因此，党内法规的制定与实施凸显了党的自我革命的制度性和实践性特征。2019年8月，中共中央政治局会议修订的《中国共产党党内法规制定条例》将党内法规概念界定为：“党的中央组织，中央纪律检查委员会以及党中央工作机关和省、自治区、直辖市党委制定的体现党的统一意志、规范党的领导和党的建设活动、依靠党的纪律保证实施的专门规章制度”。“党的领导”和“党的建设”活动不仅面向党内，也及于党外，正如中共中央办公厅法规局局长宋功德所言，党内法规“在调整事项和对象上呈现出广泛性、多样性，囊括党对经济社会发展各领域的领导和党的建设各方面的事项，对象直接或间接涵盖党内党外”。党内法规的这一溢出特性恰好与党的自我革命对社会革命的引领特性契合，构建党的自我革命引领社会革命的制度路径应当积极依托党内法规“溢出效力”。

I. The Relationship Between the “Spillover Effect” and the Two Revolutions

一、“溢出效力”与两个革命之间的关系

“As the largest Marxist ruling party in the world, to always win the support of the people and consolidate its long-term ruling position, our Party must always remain sober and determined to solve the unique problems of a major party.” [3]3 Inspection work (巡视工作) refers to the CPC’s internal supervision system, where central inspection teams are dispatched to lower-level Party organizations to check for corruption and policy implementation failures, revived and expanded Self-revolution is the second answer for the Party to break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall [4]4 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” refers to the pattern of dynastic cycles in Chinese history, where a ruling dynasty rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls., and it is the magic weapon for the Party to maintain “sobriety and determination.” Using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution is an important guarantee for the Party to continuously win the support of the people and consolidate its long-term ruling position. However, “leadership” can neither be achieved overnight nor proceed smoothly; institutions are the effective prescription to ensure that “leadership” does not deviate and achieves practical results. The “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations embodies the institutional influence of Party leadership on social development, inherently possessing a leading characteristic from the inside out. On the basis of clarifying the concept, elucidating the relationship between the “spillover effect” and the two revolutions is a prerequisite for realizing the effective leadership of the Party’s self-revolution over the social revolution.

“我们党作为世界上最大的马克思主义执政党，要始终赢得人民拥护、巩固长期执政地位，必须时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒和坚定。”自我革命是党跳出历史周期律的第二个答案，是党保持“清醒和坚定”的法宝，以党的自我革命引领社会革命是党持续赢得人民拥护、巩固长期执政地位的重要保障。但是，“引领”既不能一蹴而就，也不可能一帆风顺，制度是确保“引领”不走偏和取得实效的良方。党内法规“溢出效力”体现了党的领导对社会发展的制度影响力，天然具有从内向外的引领特质，在探明概念的基础上厘清“溢出效力”和两个革命之间的关系是实现党的自我革命有效引领社会革命的前提。

(A) Conceptual Explanation

（一）概念阐释

“The effect of intra-Party regulations, in short, is the binding force of intra-Party regulations; specifically, it refers to the protective and binding force of intra-Party regulations as implemented within a certain scope and to a certain degree.” In the process of interpreting binding force as protective and binding force, there exists a logic of restriction in scope and degree, which mainly originates from the theory of “the effect of law.” “The effect of law refers to the coercive or binding force of law, which can be subdivided into three parts: the source of the effect of law, the scope of effect, and the hierarchy of effect.” Thus, the theories of effect for both law and intra-Party regulations are built on an accurate definition of the concept of effect. The “spillover effect” has little to do with the source of effect or the hierarchy of effect; the so-called spillover mainly refers to the spillover of the scope of effect. The scope of effect usually includes time, space, and objects, i.e., in what time and space, on whom and on what matters the effect operates. From the perspective of temporal effect, the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations does not have substantive significance, because the spillover of temporal effect depends on the time of formulation, implementation, and abolition of intra-Party regulations. Against the backdrop of increasingly sophisticated legislative techniques, the temporal effect of intra-Party regulations has become relatively clear and definite. From the perspective of spatial effect, the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations refers to intra-Party regulations functioning in extra-Party spaces, such as administrative organs and enterprises and institutions. From the perspective of object effect, the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations means that the objects regulated by intra-Party regulations extend beyond Party members and Party organizations to include non-Party members and non-Party organizations. The spillover of object effect and spatial effect also gives rise to the issue of spillover of matters, i.e., intra-Party regulations may, under certain circumstances, regulate and constrain extra-Party affairs. An example of spatial spillover can be found in the “Regulations on the Selection and Appointment of Leading Party and Government Cadres” revised by the CPC Central Committee in March 2019. Examples of object and matter spillover include the “Provisions on the Management of Business Activities of Spouses, Children, and Their Spouses of Leading Cadres” issued by the General Office of the CPC Central Committee in June 2022.

“党内法规效力，简言之，就是党内法规的约束力；具体而言，是指党内法规在何种范围、何种程度上得以实施的保护力和拘束力”。在将约束力解释为保护力和拘束力的过程中，存在一个范围与程度上的限缩逻辑，该逻辑主要源于“法的效力”理论。“法的效力指法的强制力或约束力，可细分为法的效力来源、效力范围和效力等级三部分”。由此可见，法和党内法规的效力理论均建立在对效力概念的准确界定上，“溢出效力”与效力来源、效力等级关系不大，所谓溢出主要指效力范围的溢出。效力范围通常包括时间、空间和对象，即效力在什么样的时空、对什么人和什么事产生作用。从时间效力来看，党内法规“溢出效力”不具有实在意义，因为时间效力的溢出取决于党内法规的制定、实施和废止时间，在立规技术日臻完善的背景下，党内法规的效力在时间上已较为明确清晰。从空间效力来看，党内法规“溢出效力”是指党内法规在党外空间，比如行政机关、企事业单位中发挥作用。从对象效力来看，党内法规“溢出效力”是指党内法规的调整对象超出党员和党组织范围，而及于非党员和非党组织。对象效力的溢出和空间效力的溢出还衍生出事项的溢出问题，即党内法规在一定情况下会规制和约束党外事务。空间溢出的例子可参考2019年3月中共中央修订后的《党政领导干部选拔任用工作条例》，对象和事项溢出的例子如2022年6月中共中央办公厅印发的《领导干部配偶、子女及其配偶经商办企业管理规定》。

The connotation of the Party’s self-revolution is very rich, but it generally points to self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement, aiming to always maintain the Party’s strong cohesion, centripetal force, and combat effectiveness. In the conceptual pair of self-revolution and social revolution, what needs more clarification is the social revolution, because the concept of social revolution relates to two important issues of concern in this article: first, why the Party’s self-revolution should lead the social revolution; second, how to realize this leadership through the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations. The second issue will be discussed in detail later.

党的自我革命的内涵非常丰富，但总体指向自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高，旨在始终使党保持强大的凝聚力、向心力和战斗力。在自我革命和社会革命的概念对中，更需要廓清澄明的是社会革命，因为社会革命概念关系到本文关心的两个重要问题：一是为何要以党的自我革命引领社会革命，二是如何通过党内法规“溢出效力”来实现引领。第二个问题将在后文重点论述。

“At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution.” [5]5 This is a quotation from Karl Marx’s “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy” (1859). In the New Era, the development of productive forces maintains a stable and forward momentum, and our Party “does not regard governance and revolution as two entirely separate things.” [6]6 This is a paraphrase of a common Party formulation. As a “genuine revolution,” the social revolution inevitably becomes one of the important tasks of the ruling party. Xi Jinping pointed out, “Marxism holds that the social revolution is based on the contradictory movement of productive forces and relations of production; it is not merely a social movement that breaks down the old political superstructure, but more so a new social construction movement.” [7]7 This is a quotation from Xi Jinping’s speech on the social revolution. The social revolution led by the Communist Party of China in the New Era is essentially a new social construction movement. This movement will not change the existing political superstructure; on the contrary, it takes consolidating and developing the existing superstructure as its mission, committed to achieving socio-economic upgrading and social civilization renewal through consolidation and development. Since the existing superstructure must be consolidated and developed, the social revolution must remain consistent with the basic concepts of the superstructure. Moreover, due to the special ruling status of the Communist Party of China, the social revolution can only and must be led by the Communist Party of China. The maintenance and enhancement of the Party’s governing capacity and leading capacity are inseparable from the Party’s self-revolution. Thus, the logic of using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution is established.

“社会的物质生产力发展到一定阶段，便同它们一直在其中运动的现存生产关系或财产关系（这只是生产关系的法律用语）发生矛盾。于是这些关系便由生产力的发展形式变成生产力的桎梏。那时社会革命的时代就到来了”。新时代，生产力发展保持着稳定向前的态势，且我们党“并没有把执政和革命当作两个截然不同的事情”，社会革命作为“真正的革命”，必然成为执政党的重要任务之一。习近平指出，“马克思主义认为，社会革命以生产力和生产关系的矛盾运动为基础，不仅仅是一种破除旧的政治上层建筑的社会运动，更是一种新的社会建设运动”。中国共产党在新时代所领导的社会革命本质上就是一种新的社会建设运动，该运动不仅不会改变现存政治上层建筑，反而以巩固和发展现存上层建筑为使命，致力于在巩固和发展中实现社会经济升级、社会文明更新。由于要巩固发展现存上层建筑，社会革命必须和上层建筑的基本理念保持一致，又由于中国共产党具有特殊的执政地位，社会革命只能也必须由中国共产党引领，而党的执政能力和引领能力的保持与增强离不开党的自我革命。由此，以党的自我革命引领社会革命的逻辑得以成立。

(B) Determination of the Relationship

（二）关系厘定

Under the requirements of governing the Party with institutions and in accordance with regulations, conducting self-revolution in accordance with regulations is an inherent stipulation of the Party’s self-revolution. Since the social revolution occurs within society, conducting the social revolution in accordance with the law is an inevitable requirement of a rule-of-law society. When the Party’s self-revolution takes leading the social revolution as an important goal, the contradiction between self-revolution in accordance with regulations and social revolution in accordance with the law becomes prominent. How to achieve effective coordination and connection between regulation-based and law-based approaches in the process of “leadership” becomes a key issue.

在制度治党、依规治党的要求下，依规进行自我革命是党的自我革命的内在规定；由于社会革命发生在社会中，依法进行社会革命是法治社会的必然要求。当党的自我革命将引领社会革命作为重要目标后，依规自我革命和依法社会革命之间的矛盾便凸显出来，“引领”过程中如何实现依规和依法之间的有效衔接协调成为关键问题。

The First National Congress of the CPC clearly stated that it would “take social revolution as the main purpose of its policies.” [1]1 This quotation is from Xi Jinping’s speech at the 19th National Congress of the CPC in 2017, emphasizing the necessity of the Party’s self-revolution for advancing the social revolution of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Carrying out social revolution has always been the main purpose of the Party’s policies. After the Party’s policies were standardized and systematized into intra-Party regulations, advancing social revolution became an inevitable goal of intra-Party regulations. “Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era is both the outcome of the great social revolution led by our Party and the people, and the continuation of that great social revolution; it must be carried through consistently.” [2]2 The United Front Work refers to the CPC’s strategy of uniting with various social groups and non-Communist parties to achieve common political goals, a practice dating back to the 1920s. Carrying out the great social revolution is inseparable from “the Party’s leadership.” The concept of intra-Party regulations as stipulated in the *Regulations on the Formulation of Intra-Party Regulations of the Communist Party of China* lists “Party leadership” and “Party building” activities as the objects of adjustment by intra-Party regulations. “Party building” mainly refers to the Party’s self-construction, broadly including all activities of Party organizations and Party members, and is closely related to the Party’s self-revolution. “Party leadership” extends beyond the Party itself to target external entities, focusing on the Party’s leadership activities over other organizations and individuals, with leadership of the social revolution being an important connotation. The adjustment of “Party building” activities by intra-Party regulations constitutes the ontological scope of the effectiveness of intra-Party regulations, while the adjustment of “Party leadership” activities by intra-Party regulations involves the issue of spillover effectiveness. Therefore, from the perspective of the objects of adjustment of intra-Party regulations, intra-Party regulations are simultaneously the basis and driving force for both self-revolution and social revolution. Using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution is inseparable from the exertion of the effectiveness of intra-Party regulations, especially the effective manifestation of their “spillover effectiveness.”

党的一大明确提出要“以社会革命为自己政策的主要目的”。开展社会革命一直是党的政策的主要目的，在党的政策规范化、系统化为党内法规后，推进社会革命就成了党内法规的必然目标。“新时代中国特色社会主义是我们党领导人民进行伟大社会革命的成果，也是我们党领导人民进行伟大社会革命的继续，必须一以贯之进行下去。”进行伟大社会革命离不开“党的领导”。《中国共产党党内法规制定条例》所规定的党内法规概念将“党的领导”与“党的建设”活动同列为党内法规的调整对象，“党的建设”主要指党的自身建设，广义上包括党组织和党员的全部活动，与党的自我革命密切关联；“党的领导”在范围上超越党自身而指向党外，侧重于党对其他组织、个人的领导活动，对社会革命的领导是其重要内涵。党内法规调整“党的建设”活动是党内法规效力的本体范畴，而党内法规对“党的领导”活动的调整则涉及效力外溢问题。因此，从党内法规调整对象角度看，党内法规同时是自我革命和社会革命的依据和动力，以党的自我革命引领社会革命离不开党内法规的效力发挥，特别是“溢出效力”的有效彰显。

Intra-Party regulations are the institutional basis for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and an important component of the socialist rule-of-law system with Chinese characteristics. The Party’s self-revolution cannot be separated from the construction and implementation of intra-Party regulations, and the social revolution must also rely on the continuous improvement of the rule-of-law system, including intra-Party regulations. The “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations runs through the entire process of the Party’s self-revolution and social revolution in scope, possessing a natural “intermediary” value. Therefore, the relationship among the Party’s self-revolution, the social revolution, and the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations exhibits an intermediary effect: that is, the Party’s self-revolution relies on the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations to better realize its leadership of the social revolution.

党内法规是全面从严治党的制度依据，又是中国特色社会主义法治体系的重要组成部分，党的自我革命离不开党内法规的建设、实施，社会革命也要依靠包括党内法规在内的法治体系的不断完善。党内法规“溢出效力”从范围上贯穿党的自我革命和社会革命全过程，具有天然的“中介”价值。因此，党的自我革命、社会革命和党内法规“溢出效力”三者之间的关系呈现出中介效应，即党的自我革命依靠党内法规“溢出效力”以更好地实现对社会革命的引领。

II. The Institutional Logic of Using the Party’s Self-Revolution to Lead the Social Revolution

二、以党的自我革命引领社会革命的制度逻辑

Institutional logic is a normalized practical logic. Following institutional logic can put into practice the use of the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution, turning “leadership” into a practical activity that can be realized through the formulation, implementation, and operation of institutions. The institutional logic of using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution mainly includes two aspects: first, the logic of realizing leadership through the spillover of the effectiveness of intra-Party regulations from within the Party to outside the Party; second, the logic of realizing leadership through the spillover of the effectiveness of intra-Party regulations from self-discipline to heteronomy.

制度逻辑是规范化的实践逻辑，遵循制度逻辑能够将以党的自我革命引领社会革命落到实处，使“引领”变成可以通过制度的制定、实施和运行来实现的实践活动。以党的自我革命引领社会革命的制度逻辑主要包括两个方面：一是党内法规效力从党内向党外溢出从而实现引领的逻辑，二是党内法规效力通过自律向他律的溢出以实现引领的逻辑。

(A) Spillover from Within the Party to Outside the Party

（一）从党内向党外溢出

The concept of “Party leadership” in intra-Party regulations is a concrete expression of “the Party exercises leadership over everything.” [3]3 Inspection work (巡视工作) refers to the CPC’s internal supervision system, where central inspection teams are dispatched to lower-level Party organizations to check for corruption and policy implementation failures, revived and expanded “Everything” exists both within the Party and covers outside the Party. The Party’s leadership over internal self-revolution and external social revolution is an important manifestation of “Party leadership.” The logical starting point for using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution is that the Communist Party of China has undisputed leadership over both revolutions, and the adjustment of “Party leadership” activities by intra-Party regulations includes the regulation and adjustment of revolutionary leadership. This regulation and adjustment, through the spillover of the effectiveness of intra-Party regulations from within the Party to outside the Party, ensures the consistency of the leadership of self-revolution and the leadership of social revolution.

党内法规概念中的“党的领导”是对“党是领导一切的”的具象化表达，“一切”既存在于党内，又覆盖党外，党对内部自我革命的领导和对外部社会革命的领导是“党的领导”的重要体现。以党的自我革命引领社会革命的逻辑起点是中国共产党对两个革命均拥有不容置疑的领导权，而党内法规对“党的领导”活动的调整则包括了对革命领导权的规范和调节。这种规范和调节通过党内法规效力从党内向党外的溢出保障了自我革命领导权和社会革命领导权的一致性。

“In revolutionary activity, one changes oneself while changing the environment.” [4]4 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” refers to the pattern of dynastic cycles in Chinese history, where a ruling dynasty rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls. Revolution itself has the dual attribute of internal and external transformation. Internal self-revolution and external social revolution have been embedded in the genes of the Communist Party of China since its founding, only that in different historical periods, the Party’s emphasis on self-revolution and social revolution has differed. In the New Era, the Party’s self-revolution bears a dual mission: first, the inward-directed comprehensive and strict governance of the Party; second, the courageous leadership of the social revolution forward. There is a smooth logical transition between the dual missions: only by comprehensively and strictly governing the Party can revolutionary leadership be correctly exercised, thereby enhancing revolutionary leadership capacity; and only with strong revolutionary leadership capacity can the social revolution be better led forward. The outward spillover of revolutionary leadership capacity cannot be scattered and disorderly; it must be concentrated and stable. As the institution that regulates and adjusts the Party’s revolutionary leadership, intra-Party regulations naturally have a safeguarding effect on revolutionary leadership capacity. Only under institutional safeguards can revolutionary leadership capacity become concentrated and stable. Therefore, the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations helps to transport revolutionary leadership capacity from within the Party to outside the Party in a concentrated and stable manner.

“在革命活动中，在改造环境的同时也改变着自己”。革命本身具有内外变革的双重属性，对内的自我革命和对外的社会革命自建党以来便刻进了中国共产党的基因之中，只是在不同的历史时期，党对自我革命和社会革命的侧重点不同。新时代，党的自我革命担负着双重使命：一是刀刃向内的全面从严治党，二是勇往直前地引领社会革命。双重使命之间有着平稳的逻辑过渡关系，即只有全面从严治党，才能正确行使革命领导权，进而提高革命领导力，而只有拥有强大的革命领导力，才能更好地引领社会革命向前发展。革命领导力的向外溢出不能是分散和无序的，而应当是集中和稳定的。党内法规作为规范和调节党的革命领导权的制度，天然具有对革命领导力的保障作用，只有在制度保障下，革命领导力才能走向集中和稳定，因此，党内法规“溢出效力”有助于将革命领导力集中而稳定地从党内向党外输送。

“The influence of intra-Party regulations emphasizes a de facto power of domination derived from the implementation of the regulations. It manifests the authority and deterrent force of intra-Party regulations, affects the behavioral choices of Party cadres, members, and the masses, causes the reshaping of social relations in a specific scope, and influences the allocation of rights and interests of subjects.” [5]5 This is a quotation from Karl Marx’s “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy” (1859). It can be seen that the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations sometimes manifests as an influence, which can be regarded as de facto effectiveness. It de facto affects both Party cadres and members and ordinary people. The specific manifestations of this influence are changes in behavioral choices, social relations, and the rights and interests of subjects. The social revolution in the New Era, mainly taking the form of new social construction movements, primarily adjusts social relations and the behaviors, rights, and obligations of social subjects. The de facto influence generated by the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations provides the most important institutional foundation for the Party to lead the social revolution. The spillover of effectiveness from within the Party to outside the Party is manifested as the transformation of effectiveness from self-revolution to social revolution. With the help of the standardized influence of the implementation of intra-Party regulations, the leadership of the Party’s self-revolution over the social revolution becomes more grounded and forceful.

“党内法规的影响力强调的是一种事实上的来自法规实施的支配力，它彰显出党内法规的权威性和威慑力，影响着党员干部群众的行为选择，会造成特定范围社会关系的重塑，影响到主体权益的配置”。由此可见，党内法规“溢出效力”有时会表现为一种影响力，这种影响力可以视为事实效力，它既会在事实上影响党员干部，也会影响普通群众，影响的具体表现是行为选择、社会关系和主体权益的变化。以新的社会建设运动为主要形态的新时代社会革命主要调整的就是社会关系和社会主体的行为、权利、义务，党内法规“溢出效力”在事实上所产生的影响力为党领导社会革命提供了最重要的制度基础。从党内向党外的效力溢出，体现为从自我革命向社会革命的效力转化，借助党内法规实施的规范化影响力，党的自我革命对社会革命的引领变得更有依据与力度。

(B) Spillover from Self-Discipline to Heteronomy

（二）从自律向他律溢出

The *Constitution of the Communist Party of China* clearly stipulates: “The Party has no special interests of its own apart from the interests of the working class and the broadest masses of the people.” [6]6 This is a paraphrase of a common Party formulation. Only a political party that has the courage to engage in self-revolution, forever maintains advanced nature and purity, and takes safeguarding the people’s interests as the foundation of its establishment can obtain the legitimacy and possibility of leading the social revolution. A political party that pursues certain special interests and serves specific interest groups certainly cannot carry out a true social revolution. As for a party that is itself weak, lax, and lacks the courage and ability for self-revolution, it is incapable of shouldering the heavy responsibility of leading the social revolution. “In fact, looking at political parties across countries, truly few are like the Communist Party of China, which can consistently face its own problems, form a complete set of self-binding institutional norms, and severely punish a large number of corrupt and degenerate elements within the Party.” [7]7 This is a quotation from Xi Jinping’s speech on the social revolution. Therefore, only a ruling party that has abandoned all special interests, faces its own problems, and has formed intra-Party regulations with self-binding nature can complete the historical task of using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution. The institutional logic therein is precisely the spillover of institutional effectiveness from self-discipline to heteronomy.

《中国共产党章程》明确规定：“党除了工人阶级和最广大人民的利益，没有自己特殊的利益。”只有勇于自我革命、永葆先进纯洁、以维护人民利益为立党之本的政党才能获得引领社会革命的正当性和可能性，而为了某些特殊利益，服务于特定利益集团的政党定然不能进行真正的社会革命，至于自身软弱涣散，不具备自我革命勇气和能力的政党则无力担负引领社会革命的重任。“实际上，纵观各国政党，真正像中国共产党这样能够始终如一正视自身问题，能够形成一整套自我约束的制度规范体系，能够严肃惩处党内一大批腐化变质分子的，可以说少之又少。”因此，只有摒弃一切特殊利益、正视自身问题、形成具有自我约束性的党内法规的执政党，才能完成以党的自我革命引领社会革命的历史任务，其中的制度逻辑正是制度效力从自律向他律的溢出。

“Practice has fully proven that the Communist Party of China can lead the people in a great social revolution and can also carry out a great self-revolution.” [8]8 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022, at which Xi Jinping delivered a The Party’s self-revolution is a process of strict governance over Party organizations and Party members. The Party practices self-discipline during self-revolution, while the social revolution led by the Party inevitably requires necessary institutional arrangements for social subjects. Therefore, when the Party uses self-revolution to lead the social revolution, it assumes the role of a heteronomous regulator. Whether it is self-discipline in self-revolution or heteronomy in social revolution, “discipline” must be based on authoritative and well-functioning institutions. This institution is primarily intra-Party regulations. Self-discipline must, of course, be based on intra-Party regulations, advancing under the requirement of governing the Party according to regulations. Heteronomy must rely on both national laws and intra-Party regulations. Relying on national laws is manifested in the Party’s leadership over law-based governance in all respects, while relying on intra-Party regulations mainly relies on the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations.

“实践充分证明，中国共产党能够带领人民进行伟大的社会革命，也能够进行伟大的自我革命。”党的自我革命是对党组织和党员严格治理的过程，党在自我革命时践行自律，而党领导下的社会革命必然要对社会主体进行必要的制度安排，所以党在以自我革命引领社会革命时承担的是他律者的角色。无论是自我革命中的自律还是社会革命中的他律，“律”必须依据具有权威性和运行良好的制度，这一制度主要是党内法规。自律当然要依据党内法规，在依规治党的要求下推进；他律则既要依靠国家法律，也要依靠党内法规，依靠国家法律体现为党对全面依法治国的领导，而依靠党内法规主要依靠的是党内法规“溢出效力”。

“To carry out the great social revolution of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, our Party must have the courage to engage in self-revolution and make the Party stronger and more powerful.” [1]1 This quotation is from Xi Jinping’s speech at the 19th National Congress of the CPC in 2017, emphasizing the necessity of the Party’s self-revolution for advancing the social revolution of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Self-revolution under self-discipline is the prerequisite for effectively leading the social revolution; a strong and powerful Party can better lead the social revolution. To carry out self-revolution, it is necessary to build a system of intra-Party regulations under the requirements of governing the Party with institutions and in accordance with intra-Party regulations. To better carry out the social revolution, it is necessary to fully understand and correctly apply the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations. Self-discipline is the starting point of heteronomy, and also its destination; the purpose of heteronomy is to allow the effectiveness of “regulation” to enter the heart of the “regulated,” because only under conditions of conscious willingness can “regulation” truly take effect. The “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations exists objectively, but it cannot be arbitrarily expanded; the spilled-over effectiveness of intra-Party regulations must never replace legal effectiveness. The “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations mainly plays a macro-guiding role in economic and social construction, and at most can play a limited direct regulatory role for specific groups (such as non-Party cadres, family members of leading cadres, etc.). Through the ripple effect of macro guidance and limited direct regulation, the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations influences more social subjects, enabling them to strengthen their identification with “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution” in their hearts, and thereby actively cooperate with the launch of new social construction movements.

“要把新时代坚持和发展中国特色社会主义这场伟大社会革命进行好，我们党必须勇于进行自我革命，把党建设得更加坚强有力。”自律下的自我革命是有效引领社会革命的前提，坚强有力的政党能够更好地引领社会革命。为了进行自我革命，必须在制度治党、依规治党要求下建设党内法规制度体系，而为了更好地进行社会革命，则必须充分理解和正确运用党内法规“溢出效力”。自律是他律的起点，也是他律的归宿，他律的目的是为了使“律”的效力进入“被律者”的内心，因为只有在自觉自愿的前提下，“律”才能真正发挥效能。党内法规“溢出效力”客观存在，但不能肆意扩张，溢出的党内法规效力绝不能代替法律效力，党内法规“溢出效力”主要发挥对经济社会建设的宏观指引作用，至多只能在特定群体中（如非党员干部、领导干部的家属等）有限地发挥直接规制作用。党内法规“溢出效力”通过宏观指引和有限直接规制的涟漪效应影响更多的社会主体，使社会主体在心中增强对“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”的认同，进而主动配合新的社会建设运动的开展。

Using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution is a creative integration of the two major activities of “Party leadership” and “Party building.” The social revolution is an important aspect of “Party leadership”; “Party building” takes the Party’s self-revolution as its main content. The relationship of leadership and being led between the “two revolutions” vividly embodies the integrated advancement relationship between “Party leadership” and “Party building.” While intra-Party regulations safeguard “Party building” through self-revolution, they also promote the integration of self-discipline and heteronomy through “spillover effectiveness,” completing the integration and development of the two revolutionary undertakings under “Party leadership,” and helping to realize the use of the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution.

以党的自我革命引领社会革命是对“党的领导”和“党的建设”这两大活动的创造性融合。社会革命是“党的领导”的重要方面，“党的建设”以党的自我革命为主要内容，“两个革命”之间的引领与被引领关系生动体现了“党的领导”与“党的建设”之间的一体推进关系。党内法规在通过自我革命为“党的建设”保驾护航的同时，以“溢出效力”推动自律和他律融合，完成了“党的领导”下两个革命事业的整合和发展，助力实现以党的自我革命引领社会革命。

III. Institutional Arrangements for Using the Party’s Self-Revolution to Lead the Social Revolution

三、以党的自我革命引领社会革命的制度安排

The Party’s self-revolution and the social revolution it leads must, to a certain extent, accept the institutional arrangements of intra-Party regulations. Only through scientific and reasonable institutional arrangements can the Party’s self-revolution effectively lead the social revolution. The “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations plays an intermediary and linking role in “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution.” Therefore, the specific application of the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations is the prerequisite for the institutional arrangements of using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution to take effect, while the guarantee and enhancement of revolutionary leadership by the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations is an inevitable requirement for linking the Party’s self-revolution and the social revolution through institutional arrangements.

党的自我革命及其引领的社会革命在一定程度上都要接受党内法规的制度安排，只有通过科学合理的制度安排才能实现党的自我革命对社会革命的有效引领。党内法规“溢出效力”对“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”起到了中介与链接作用。因此，党内法规“溢出效力”的具体运用是以党的自我革命引领社会革命的制度安排发挥作用的前提，而党内法规“溢出效力”对革命领导力的保障和提升则是依靠制度安排对党的自我革命和社会革命进行链接的必然要求。

(I) The Specific Application of the “Spillover Effectiveness” of Intra-Party Regulations

（一）党内法规“溢出效力”的具体运用

Although the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations exists as a fact, its specific application is quite complex. Generally speaking, the manifestation of effectiveness is spontaneous in institutions; that is, where there are institutions, there is effectiveness, and when institutions are implemented, effectiveness can be exerted. However, the manifestation of the role of the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations in “leadership” cannot rely solely on the spontaneity of institutions; it also requires active guidance and reasonable application. Below, specific intra-Party regulations will be used as examples to illustrate how “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution” should specifically apply the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations within institutional arrangements.

党内法规“溢出效力”虽是事实存在，但其具体运用相当复杂。通常来说，效力的作用彰显是制度自发的，即有制度就有效力，制度得以实施，效力就能发挥。但党内法规“溢出效力”在“引领”中的作用彰显不能只依靠制度的自发性，还需要积极主动引导与合理运用。下面将以具体党内法规为例说明“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”应当如何在制度安排中具体运用党内法规“溢出效力”。

First, relying on Party leadership to lead the social revolution in order to apply “spillover effectiveness.” In December 2020, the Central Committee of the CPC issued the revised *Regulations of the Chinese Communist Party on United Front Work*. [2]2 The United Front Work refers to the CPC’s strategy of uniting with various social groups and non-Communist parties to achieve common political goals, a practice dating back to the 1920s. This intra-Party regulation, which takes united front work as its object of adjustment, has significant spillover characteristics in its scope of object effectiveness and scope of spatial effectiveness. United front work is an important component of Party leadership work. The targets of the united front mainly include members of democratic parties, personages without party affiliation, non-Party intellectuals, ethnic minority personages, religious personages, overseas Chinese students and returnees, compatriots from Hong Kong, compatriots from Macao, compatriots from Taiwan and their relatives on the mainland, overseas Chinese, returned overseas Chinese, and their relatives. Most of these targets are non-Party persons. Actively contacting non-Party persons, understanding and promptly providing feedback on their needs is an important purpose of carrying out united front work. Non-Party persons will inevitably have needs in non-Party economic and social affairs, which mainly fall within the scope of social construction movements. The *Regulations of the Chinese Communist Party on United Front Work* influences the rights and obligations of non-Party persons from a perspective conducive to social construction through methods such as “support and encouragement” and “guidance and education,” fully embodying “spillover effectiveness.” Party leadership activities scientifically apply the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations in typical work such as united front work, realizing “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution” in leading and guiding the thoughts and behaviors of non-Party persons.

一是依靠党的领导引领社会革命以运用“溢出效力”。2020年12月，中共中央发布修订后的《中国共产党统一战线工作条例》，该条例是以统一战线工作为调整对象的党内法规，该党内法规的对象效力范围和空间效力范围具有显著的溢出特征。统一战线工作是党的领导工作的重要组成部分，统战对象主要包括民主党派成员、无党派人士、党外知识分子、少数民族人士、宗教界人士、出国和归国留学人员、香港同胞、澳门同胞、台湾同胞及其在大陆的亲属、华侨、归侨及侨眷等，这些对象中多数为党外人士。积极联系党外人士，了解并及时反馈党外人士的需求是开展统一战线工作的重要目的，而党外人士必然会有党外的经济和社会事务方面的需求，这些需求主要属于社会建设运动范畴。《中国共产党统一战线工作条例》通过“支持与鼓励”“引领和教育”等方式，从有利于社会建设的角度对党外人士的权利、义务产生影响，充分体现出“溢出效力”。党的领导活动在诸如统一战线工作等典型工作中科学运用党内法规“溢出效力”，在领导和引导党外对象的思想行为中实现“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”。

Second, leading the social revolution through strict governance of the Party in order to apply “spillover effectiveness.” In February 2024, the Central Committee of the CPC issued the revised *Regulations of the Chinese Communist Party on Inspection Work*. [3]3 Inspection work (巡视工作) refers to the CPC’s internal supervision system, where central inspection teams are dispatched to lower-level Party organizations to check for corruption and policy implementation failures, revived and expanded Article 14 of these regulations stipulates: “Discipline inspection and supervision organs and organization departments shall assist Party organizations at the same level in carrying out inspection work; propaganda, united front, political and legal affairs, confidentiality, audit, finance, statistics, letters and visits, and other departments and units shall support inspection work, and coordinate in personnel selection, situation notification, policy consultation, problem assessment, measure coordination, rectification supervision, and result application.” Article 28 of the *Regulations of the Chinese Communist Party on Case Investigation Work of Discipline Inspection Organs*, issued by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC in 1994, stipulates: “Any organization or individual who knows the circumstances of a case has the obligation to provide evidence. The investigation team has the right to take the following measures to investigate and collect evidence in accordance with prescribed procedures, and the relevant organizations and individuals must truthfully provide evidence and must not refuse or obstruct.” Inspection and disciplinary review work are important components of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party. These two types of intra-Party regulations have broad coverage and involve many points, including not only the political field but also the fields of economy, society, culture, and ecological civilization. The objects and matters they regulate obviously spill over from within the Party to outside the Party. By reasonably applying the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations in typical work of strict governance of the Party, such as discipline inspection and supervision and inspections, and through the institutional logic of spillover from within the Party to outside the Party, “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution” is realized.

二是通过从严治党引领社会革命以运用“溢出效力”。2024年2月，中共中央印发修订后的《中国共产党巡视工作条例》，该条例第十四条规定：“纪检监察机关、组织部门应当协助同级党组织开展巡视工作，宣传、统战、政法、保密、审计、财政、统计、信访等部门和单位应当支持巡视工作，协同做好人员选派、情况通报、政策咨询、问题研判、措施配合、整改监督、成果运用等工作。”中共中央纪律检查委员会1994年印发的《中国共产党纪律检查机关案件检查工作条例》第28条规定：“凡是知道案件情况的组织和个人都有提供证据的义务。调查组有权按照规定程序，采取以下措施调查取证，有关组织和个人必须如实提供证据，不得拒绝和阻挠。”巡视和纪检工作是全面从严治党的重要内容，这两类党内法规覆盖面广、涉及点多，既包括政治领域，又包括经济、社会、文化和生态文明等领域，其所规制的对象和事项都显而易见地从党内溢出党外。在纪检监察、巡视等从严治党典型工作中合理运用党内法规“溢出效力”，通过从党内向党外溢出的制度逻辑实现“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”。

Third, leading the social revolution with the help of Party-government cooperation in order to apply “spillover effectiveness.” According to statistics, before 2018, “approximately 14% of intra-Party regulations involved non-Party affairs, and these regulations adjusting non-Party affairs were basically jointly issued by Party organs and relevant state organs.” [4]4 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” refers to the pattern of dynastic cycles in Chinese history, where a ruling dynasty rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls. There are many areas of cross-management or co-management between the Party and the government, including not only personnel management but also the management of social and economic development work. For example, the *Regulations on Document Processing in Party and Government Organs*, jointly issued by the General Office of the Central Committee of the CPC and the General Office of the State Council in April 2012, promoted cooperation and coordination between Party and government organs by standardizing document processing procedures. In the process of promoting the scientization and standardization of document processing in Party and government organs, these regulations further strengthened the formal consistency of the work of Party and government organs. Since there is an inseparable connection between form and content, administrative work aimed at promoting economic development and social progress, by virtue of the formal consistency of Party and government documents, opened up channels for Party-government cooperation. State administrative organs advancing social and economic development is their own duty. Some intra-Party regulations jointly issued by the Party and the government have “spillover effectiveness” that also points to social and economic work, thereby promoting “using the Party’s self-revolution to lead the social revolution” in Party-government cooperation.

三是借助党政合作引领社会革命以运用“溢出效力”。据统计，2018年之前就“约有14%的党内法规是涉及党外事务的，并且这些调整党外事务的法规基本是党的机关与国家相关机关联合发布的”。党政交叉管理或共同管理的领域很多，除了人员管理外，也包括对社会经济发展工作的管理。比如中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅于2012年4月印发的《党政机关公文处理工作条例》，通过规范公文处理流程推动了党政机关之间的合作和协调。该条例在推进党政机关公文处理工作科学化和规范化的过程中，进一步加强了党政机关工作的形式一致性，由于形式和内容之间具有不可割舍的联系，那些以促进经济发展和推动社会进步为内容的行政工作借助党政公文的形式一致性而打通了党政合作的渠道。国家行政机关推进社会经济发展是本职工作，一些党政联合发布的党内法规所具有的“溢出效力”也指向社会经济工作，从而在党政合作中推动了“以党的自我革命引领社会革命”。

Taking Party leadership, strict governance of the Party, and Party-government cooperation as the base points, the “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations can be purposefully radiated outside the Party. This not only constructs a path for using the Party’s institutional construction to lead national and social economic development but also creates an atmosphere where the Party’s self-revolution and the social revolution move in the same direction and advance as one. Thus, under the requirement of “leadership,” a favorable situation is formed where the intra-Party effectiveness and “spillover effectiveness” of intra-Party regulations mutually promote, guarantee, and interpenetrate each other.

以党的领导、从严治党和党政合作为基点，能够使党内法规“溢出效力”有的放矢地向党外辐射，既建构起以党的制度建设引领国家和社会经济发展的路径，又营造出党的自我革命和社会革命同向同行、一体推进的氛围，从而在“引领”的要求下形成党内法规的党内效力和“溢出效力”相互促进、相互保障、相互贯通的良好局面。

(2) “Spillover Effect” Guarantees and Enhances Revolutionary Leadership

（二）“溢出效力”保障提升革命领导力

The Party’s revolutionary leadership, including leadership of the self-revolution and leadership of the social revolution, both originate from the Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary leadership authority, whose legitimacy and justification are beyond question. The Party’s revolutionary leadership is directed not only at economic and social leadership but also at political and ideological leadership. Political and ideological leadership cannot be promoted solely by state law; it must also be guaranteed by intra-Party regulations. Guaranteeing and enhancing the Party’s revolutionary leadership in politics and ideology cannot be separated from the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations.

党的革命领导力，包括自我革命领导力和社会革命领导力均源于中国共产党的革命领导权，其合法性和正当性不容质疑。党的革命领导力不惟指向经济和社会领导力，更指向政治和思想领导力，政治和思想上的领导不能仅由国家法律促进，更要依靠党内法规保障。保障与提升党在政治和思想上的革命领导力，离不开党内法规“溢出效力”。

First, it is necessary to rely on the “spillover effect” of the Party’s leadership regulations to directly enhance the Party’s revolutionary leadership. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC [8]8 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022, at which Xi Jinping delivered a made specific arrangements for the construction of the system of Party leadership regulations, emphasizing the need to “improve the Party’s leadership system that ensures the Party exercises overall leadership and coordinates the efforts of all, perfect the implementation mechanism for the major decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, ensure that the entire Party maintains a high degree of unity with the Party Central Committee in political stance, political direction, political principles, and political path, and ensure the Party’s unity and solidarity.” [9] Party leadership regulations take Party leadership activities as their object of regulation; their specific normative content is mainly the exercise of Party leadership authority, and the correct and effective exercise of Party leadership authority ultimately depends on the enhancement of Party leadership capacity. Correspondingly, the effective exercise of the Party’s revolutionary leadership authority depends on the enhancement of the Party’s revolutionary leadership capacity. Through the “spillover effect,” Party leadership regulations implement the Party’s political leadership authority, ideological leadership authority, and organizational leadership authority into economic, political, social, cultural, and ecological development. By strictly managing Party cadres and members, firmly grasping ideological discourse power, and providing macro-level guidance for economic and social undertakings, they temper revolutionary leadership capacity, thereby continuously advancing the self-revolution’s leadership of the social revolution.

一要依靠党的领导法规的“溢出效力”直接提升党的革命领导力。党的二十大报告着重就党的领导法规制度体系建设作出安排，强调要“健全总揽全局、协调各方的党的领导制度体系，完善党中央重大决策部署落实机制，确保全党在政治立场、政治方向、政治原则、政治道路上同党中央保持高度一致，确保党的团结统一。”党的领导法规以党的领导活动为规范对象，其具体规范内容主要是党的领导权的行使，而党的领导权的正确有效行使最终要依靠党的领导力的提升，相应地，党的革命领导权的有效行使则要依靠党的革命领导力的提升。党的领导法规通过“溢出效力”，将党的政治领导权、思想领导权、组织领导权贯彻到经济、政治、社会、文化和生态发展中，通过严格管理党员干部、牢牢掌握意识形态话语权、宏观指导经济和社会事业发展等具体工作，磨砺革命领导力，从而不断推进自我革命对社会革命的引领。

Second, it is necessary to realize the coupling function of the “spillover effect” through the Party’s leadership system to implement revolutionary leadership. “After the representatives of the ruling party enter state institutions, they have a dual identity: on the one hand, they handle state affairs in the capacity of state representatives; on the other hand, they implement the political propositions of that party in the capacity of party representatives.” [10] This unique leadership system of the ruling party achieves the goal of implementing the Party’s political propositions into state affairs through the Party’s representatives. The main institutional basis on which the representatives implement the Party’s political propositions is intra-Party regulations. Intra-Party regulations thereby acquire the function of coupling the Party’s leadership system with the state affairs mechanism. The coupling function of intra-Party regulations in fact still originates from the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations; this spillover enables the institutional effectiveness inherent in the Party’s leadership system to permeate the state affairs mechanism. By leveraging the coupling function of the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations, the Party’s leadership system ultimately implements revolutionary leadership into the actions and feedback of the representatives.

二要通过党的领导体制发挥“溢出效力”的耦合功能落实革命领导力。“执政党的代表们在进入国家机构之后，具有两重身份：一方面，他们以国家代表的身份处理国家政务，另一方面，他们以政党代表的身份贯彻该政党的政治主张”。执政党的这种独特的领导体制，实现了经由党的代表们将党的政治主张落实到国家政务中的目的，而代表们在贯彻党的政治主张时所依据的主要制度便是党内法规，党内法规由此获得了对党的领导体制和国家政务机制进行耦合的功能。党内法规的耦合功能事实上仍然源于党内法规“溢出效力”，这种溢出使党的领导体制所具有的制度效力渗透到国家政务机制中。党的领导体制通过发挥党内法规“溢出效力”的耦合功能，最终将革命领导力落实到代表们的行动和反馈中。

Third, it is necessary to use the “spillover effect” of mixed Party regulations to smooth the Party’s leadership channels for the “two revolutions.” [11] “Mixed Party regulations refer to a system of rules jointly formulated and issued by the Party’s legislative organs and state organs, which can regulate both Party affairs and state affairs, but appear under the Party’s document number.” [12] Mixed Party regulations take Party affairs and state affairs as their comprehensive object of regulation. The regulation of Party affairs points to the Party’s self-revolution, while the regulation of state affairs points to the social revolution. The fact that mixed Party regulations “appear under the Party’s document number” indicates that this type of institution fundamentally belongs to the category of intra-Party regulations. Therefore, the method by which mixed Party regulations regulate state affairs is mainly manifested in the articulation and coordination between the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations and the effect of state law. Once mixed Party regulations, which take Party affairs and state affairs as their comprehensive object of regulation, achieve articulation through the “spillover effect” and the effect of state law that takes state affairs as its object of regulation, the leadership channels between the two revolutions are opened. This enables the Party’s self-revolution leadership capacity and social revolution leadership capacity to be interconnected and synergistically linked under the “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations, achieving the use of the Party’s self-revolution leadership capacity to lead the social revolution leadership capacity, and the use of the social revolution leadership capacity to feed back into the self-revolution leadership capacity.

三要借助混合党规的“溢出效力”畅通党对“两个革命”的领导渠道。“混合党规是指由党的立法机关与国家机关共同制定发布，既能调整党务，也能调整国务，但以党的文号出现的规则体系”。混合党规以党务和国务为综合调整对象，对党务的调整指向党的自我革命，对国务的调整则指向社会革命，而混合党规“以党的文号出现”表明这类制度从根本上属于党内法规范畴。因此，混合党规对国务的调整方式主要呈现为党内法规“溢出效力”和国家法律效力之间的衔接协调。一旦以党务和国务为综合调整对象的混合党规借助“溢出效力”和以国务为调整对象的国家法律效力实现衔接，两个革命之间的领导渠道便被打通，从而使党的自我革命领导力和社会革命领导力得以在党内法规“溢出效力”下相互连接、协同贯通，实现以党的自我革命领导力引领社会革命领导力，以社会革命领导力反哺自我革命领导力。

In the New Era, the Party’s self-revolution is both a profound baptism of ideals and convictions and a powerful source of momentum for the Party’s long-term governance. In the New Era, the social revolution is both an optimization and reshaping of the political ecosystem and a comprehensive upgrade of the social ecosystem. The “spillover effect” of intra-Party regulations is a unique advantage of the socialist rule-of-law system with Chinese characteristics. Its spillover nature is manifested both in the granting of authorizations and in the constraints of prohibitions. The dual “spillover effect” of “granting” and “constraining” by intra-Party regulations, while enhancing the Party’s leadership capacity for self-revolution, also defines the direction and purpose of the social revolution.

新时代党的自我革命既是一次理想信念的深刻洗礼，又是党长期执政的强大动力源泉；新时代的社会革命既是对政治生态的优化重塑，又是对社会生态的全面升级。党内法规“溢出效力”是中国特色社会主义法治体系的独特优势，其溢出性既表现在授权性的赋予中，又体现在禁止性的约束中。党内法规“赋予”和“约束”的双重“溢出效力”在增强党的自我革命引领力的同时，也规定了社会革命的方向和目的。

Online Editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆