The Origins, Strategies, and Effects of the CPC’s Emotional Mobilization in the Yan’an Period

A strong capacity for mass mobilization is an outstanding trait of the Communist Party of China and an important reason for its tremendous success. A review of existing research on mass mobilization shows that most studies take class struggle as the main thread and unfold around dimensions such as political mobilization and economic mobilization, highlighting the objectivity of historical development. However, on the issue of mobilizing the masses, the emotional factor of people should not be overlooked. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes: “The people are not an abstract symbol,

强大的群众动员能力是中国共产党的优秀特质，也是其能够取得巨大成功的重要原因。纵观群众动员既有研究成果，多以阶级斗争为主线，围绕政治动员、经济动员等维度展开，突出历史发展的客观性。然而在动员人民群众的问题上，不应忽视人的情感因素。习近平总书记强调：“人民不是抽象的符号，而是一个一个具体的人，有血有肉，有情感，有爱恨，有梦想，也有内心的冲突与挣扎。”因而从情感上进行动员也是中国共产党群众动员的重要维度。对于情感动员的概念，学术界并未形成统一看法，但白淑英在其文章中关于情感动员的定义获得大量引用与认可，本文亦以此为准。所谓情感动员，“是指在互动中，个体或群体通过情感运作，以唤起、激发或者改变人们对事物的认知、态度和评价的过程”。延安时期中国共产党的情感动员工作取得了开创性的历史成就，文章对这一时期中国共产党的情感动员实践进行研究，探讨中国共产党为什么要进行情感动员，如何将情感转换为革命的行动，总结中国共产党情感动员的缘起、策略及效应，从情感认同的角度进一步回答中国共产党为什么“能”、如何继续“能”这一关键问题。

I. The Origin of Emotional Mobilization by the Chinese Communist Party during the Yan’an Period

一、延安时期中国共产党情感动员的缘起

During the Yan’an period, the Chinese Communist Party carried out mass mobilization in political, economic, cultural, and social spheres, among which the emotional factor of the people permeated all forms of mobilization, constraining the process of mobilization and affecting its outcomes. Moreover, traditional Chinese villages are often referred to as “societies of human sentiment” (人情社会) or “relationship societies” (关系社会). Emotion was not only an important factor influencing the development of rural society but also a crucial guarantee for maintaining rural social order. In this process, the people formed a mode of thinking primarily based on sensibility, and the Party’s emotionally oriented methods of mobilization were more easily aligned with this mode of thinking. In the early period of the Party’s entry into Yan’an, there existed emotional factors in society that were unfavorable to the conduct of the revolutionary war, such as national consciousness remaining latent and unexpressed, revolutionary morale being passive and negative, and an attitude of观望 (waiting and seeing) toward the Chinese Communist Party. In response, the Party urgently needed to carry out targeted emotional mobilization work to support and advance the revolutionary cause.

延安时期，中国共产党开展了政治、经济、文化、社会等多方面的群众动员，其中民众的情感因素渗透于各方动员中，制约动员过程，影响动员效果。加之，中国传统乡村往往被称为“人情社会”或者“关系社会”，情感不但是影响农村社会发展的重要因素，而且是维护农村社会秩序的重要保障，在此过程中民众形成了以感性为主的思维模式，中国共产党情感为导向的动员方式更容易与感性思维方式达成一致。中国共产党进驻延安初期，社会上存在不利于革命战争开展的情感因素，如民族意识隐而未昭，革命斗志消极被动，对待中共观望迟疑等，对此中国共产党急需开展有针对性的情感动员工作，以支持推动革命事业的发展。

First, national consciousness remained latent and unexpressed. At the beginning of the War of Resistance, the state of the people’s national consciousness was a highly controversial topic, because, in the face of foreign invasion, patriotic actions and calls for resistance in society had already been rising, yet they had not been translated into concrete support for the war effort. As Dong Biwu pointed out when summarizing the reasons for military setbacks in the early stages of the War of Resistance, “The fact that the broad masses did not actively rise up to participate in this sacred national self-defense war is actually an extremely important reason among many.” In response, Mao Zedong also mentioned at the Enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC that “our war is being waged in a difficult environment,” and one of the main difficulties was “the insufficiency of the broad masses of the people’s national consciousness, national self-respect, and self-confidence.” At the same time, a widespread fear of Japanese imperialism pervaded society, coinciding with the rampant theory of “national subjugation” (亡国论). Some people, driven by fear, developed a mentality of侥幸 (seeking luck through chance) and cowardice, attempting to seek temporary peace in the face of Japan’s policy of appeasement. This was especially true in some border areas that had not been directly ravaged by the Japanese army, where the people’s national consciousness and state consciousness were particularly weak, with some even believing that “the Japanese invaders are too far away, or our place is too poor, so they won’t come.” Faced with a severe national crisis, the people’s consciousness lagged far behind the development of the situation. This not only hindered the great cause of resistance but also endangered the survival of the nation. Therefore, awakening the people’s national consciousness became the primary goal of the Chinese Communist Party’s emotional mobilization.

第一，民族意识隐而未昭。抗战之初，民众的民族意识状态一直是一个颇具争议的话题，因为面对外敌的入侵，社会上的爱国行动以及抗战的呼声已然不断高涨，但却没有落实到具体的抗战支援中。正如董必武在总结抗战初期军事失利的原因时指出，“广大的群众没有积极起来参加这次神圣的民族自卫战争，实为许多原因中的一个极重要的原因”。对此毛泽东在中共中央扩大的六届六中全会上也提到“我们的战争，是在困难环境之中进行的”，其中主要困难之一就是“广大人民群众的民族觉悟、民族自尊心和自信心的不足”。与此同时，社会上普遍存在着恐惧日本帝国主义的情绪，这种情绪与甚嚣尘上的“亡国论”不谋而合。还有部分民众由于恐惧而滋生了侥幸与懦弱心理，面对日本的怀柔政策试图苟安，尤其是在一些没有直接受到日军蹂躏的边区地带，民众的民族意识与国家意识尤为淡薄，甚至以为“日寇离我们太远或因我们地方太穷就不要紧就不来了”。面对严峻的民族危机，民众的觉悟却远远滞后于形势的发展，这不但会妨碍抗战大业，而且会危及民族存亡，因此对于民众民族意识的唤醒成为中国共产党情感动员的首要目标。

Second, revolutionary morale was passive and negative. The destruction of the nation and the collapse of families, along with the desolation of people’s livelihoods, were the true portrayal of society at that time. Correspondingly, negative emotions such as fear, anxiety, and hatred filled the people’s hearts. Added to this were the successive military defeats in the early stages of the War of Resistance and the emerging signs of compromise and retreat both domestically and internationally. As Zhou Enlai pointed out in his analysis of the current situation of the War of Resistance in 1937, a mood of defeatism had clearly emerged, specifically manifested as “believing that military failure means nothing can be done, leading either to a desperate gamble for survival or to retreat for self-preservation.” Infected by this pessimistic rhetoric, the people not only dared not believe they had the strength to resist the enemy’s aggression but also lacked confidence in the fate of the nation and the future of the people. “Negativity, pessimism, decadence, silence… these were actually the air one could breathe everywhere during the War of Resistance.” If negative emotions are not released for a long time, they can easily become factors that exacerbate social unrest. Additionally, the Chinese people had long been influenced by traditional concepts, such as the idea that forbearance in the face of trouble is an important sign of maturity, and maxims like “better to have less trouble than more” were passed down as life creeds from generation to generation. In the face of authority and injustice, aggression and slaughter, this spontaneous mentality of passive defense became a major obstacle to the Chinese Communist Party’s social transformation. Therefore, dispelling the people’s negative emotions and transforming them into revolutionary morale became an important content of the Party’s emotional mobilization.

第二，革命斗志消极被动。国破家亡、民生凋敝是当时社会的真实写照，与之相呼应，恐惧、不安、仇恨等消极情绪充斥着民众的内心，再加上抗战初期，军事上的接连失利，国内外妥协退让的迹象不断兴起。正如1937年周恩来关于目前抗战形势的分析中指出，失败主义情绪明显发生，具体表现为“认为军事失败，一切都无办法，不是一拼求幸，便是退求自保”。民众受到这种悲观主义论调的感染，不但不敢相信自己还有抵抗敌人侵略的力量，对于国家的命运、民族的前途同样缺乏信心。“消极、悲观、颓废，沉寂……这些其实是在抗战中到处可以呼吸到的空气”，负面情绪长期得不到释放，容易成为加剧社会动荡的因素。另外，中国民众长期受到传统观念的影响，如遇事忍耐是一个人成熟的重要表现，多一事不如少一事等处世警语被当作人生信条世代相传，面对权威与不公、侵略与杀戮，这种自发的消极防御心态成为中国共产党进行社会变革的重大阻力。因此，破除民众的负面情绪，将其转化为革命的斗志是中国共产党情感动员的重要内容。

Third, there was an attitude of观望 (waiting and seeing) and hesitation toward the Chinese Communist Party. In the early period of the Party’s entry into Yan’an, it faced great difficulties in gaining the people’s emotional identification. On the one hand, the Kuomintang and other reactionary organizations carried out a series of anti-communist propaganda, such as deliberately distorting the Party’s programs and policies, causing people who were unaware of the truth to develop fear and even resistance toward the newly established Party regime. During the War of Resistance, the Kuomintang, leveraging its long-term control over mainstream discourse, blamed the Chinese Communist Party for sabotaging the war effort. Various slanders and smears also led a considerable number of people to be deceived, making them afraid to approach or trust the Party. On the other hand, in the early period of its entry into Yan’an, the Party did not promptly carry out sufficient and effective mass propaganda and mobilization. At the same time, in order to rapidly expand revolutionary forces, some corrupt elements infiltrated the grassroots political power, which to a certain extent damaged the Party’s image. As Xie Juezai, one of the “Five Elders of Yan’an,” [1]1 The “Five Elders of Yan’an” (延安五老) refers to five senior revolutionary figures—Dong Biwu, Lin Boqu, Xu Teli, Xie Juezai, and Wu Yuzhang—who were highly respected for their age, experience, and contributions during the Yan’an period. mentioned in a speech at a farewell meeting for comrades assigned from the Border Region Government to work at the county and district levels in 1942, “Certain facilities of the governments at various levels in the border region have not fully satisfied the people, and the people have not yet highly supported the government or actively participated in politics.” It can be seen that in many areas, the people were still in a state of观望 (waiting and seeing) toward the regime led by the Chinese Communist Party. The Party urgently needed to dispel the people’s concerns and gain their support and recognition through mobilization activities.

第三，对待中共观望迟疑。中国共产党进驻延安初期，在获取民众情感认同方面困难重重。一方面，国民党以及其他反动组织进行了一系列反共宣传，如对中国共产党的纲领政策等进行蓄意曲解，使不明真相的民众对于新生的中共政权产生害怕甚至抵触心理。抗战时期，国民党更是利用其对主流话语的长期把控，将破坏抗战的罪责归咎于中国共产党，各种诋毁与抹黑亦使相当一部分民众受其蒙蔽，不敢接近与相信中国共产党。另一方面，进驻延安初期，中国共产党没有及时进行充分有效的群众宣传与动员，同时，为了迅速扩大革命力量，致使基层政权中混入了部分腐化分子，一定程度上影响了政党形象。正如1942年，“延安五老”之一的谢觉哉在欢送边府分配到县区工作的同志会上讲话提到，“边区各级政府的某些设施未能尽满人意，人民也还没有高度的拥护政府和积极参加政治”。可见，许多地区民众对于中国共产党领导下的政权还处于观望之中，中国共产党急需通过动员活动打消民众的顾虑，获取民众的支持与认可。

In summary, faced with the complex situation of the War of Resistance against Japan, the confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and economic and social transformation, the people’s national consciousness, revolutionary enthusiasm, and identification with the Party had not yet truly formed. This was not only detrimental to social transformation but also affected the great cause of resistance. Therefore, timely, appropriate, and targeted emotional mobilization became a necessary measure for the Chinese Communist Party to respond to the objective situation and win over the people’s hearts.

总之，面对抗日战争、国共对抗、经济社会变革等复杂形势，民众的民族意识、革命热情与政党认同都未真正形成，这样不但不利于社会变革，而且会影响抗战大业。因此，及时、恰当、具有针对性的情感动员，成为中国共产党应对客观形势，争取民心的必要之举。

II. Strategies of Emotional Mobilization by the Chinese Communist Party during the Yan’an Period

二、延安时期中国共产党情感动员的策略

Emotion is an expression of an individual’s inner psychological state, often possessing stability and persistence, making mobilization or change no easy task. However, the cultivation, formation, fermentation, and transformation of emotions have their own inherent laws. Taking the Yan’an period as an example, before the people’s basic survival needs were met, they would not practice abstract concepts such as the united front or national war. After the people’s consciousness of struggle was awakened, further transformation and guidance were needed; otherwise, it could easily lead to excessive struggle. During the Yan’an period, the Chinese Communist Party’s emotional mobilization work followed the general laws of emotional development and achieved good results. The specific measures included improving material living conditions, mobilizing national sentiment, shaping the Party’s image, strengthening “negative emotions,” and carrying out political education.

情感是个体内在心理情绪的表达，往往具有稳定性和持久性，进行动员或者改变绝非易事。但是情感培育、形成、发酵、转化有着自身的内在规律，以延安时期为例，如民众的基本生存需求没有满足之前，不会去践行抽象的统一战线、民族战争等概念；在民众的斗争意识被唤醒后需要进一步的转化与引导，否则易引发过激的斗争。延安时期中国共产党情感动员工作遵循情感发展的普遍规律，收到了良好的效果，具体举措表现为改善物质生活、调动民族情绪、塑造政党形象、强化“负面情绪”、开展政治教育等。

First, improving material life to build an emotional foundation. In the process of emotional mobilization, the Chinese Communist Party proceeded first and foremost from the practical level, paying attention to the basic demands of the masses, because any pure emotion detached from real life is a castle in the air; only by genuinely improving their living conditions could the masses be truly moved. As Liu Shaoqi pointed out in 1936 in his discussion of the national united front, “When workers and peasants are under heavy oppression and exploitation, and when their lives are extremely difficult, their enthusiasm for struggling for the survival of the nation and the race is greatly suppressed, and they cannot fully develop their great creative power. Only when their living status has been improved, when the oppression they suffer has been lightened, can their enthusiasm, initiative, and loyalty to the revolution be developed to the highest degree.” [2]2 Liu Shaoqi (1898–1969) was a senior leader of the Chinese Communist Party, later serving as Chairman of the People’s Republic of China (1959–1968). This passage is from his 1936 article “On the National United Front.” Consequently, the Chinese Communist Party satisfied the expectations of the majority of the masses regarding land ownership through the agrarian revolution; at the same time, the land distribution policies of the Yan’an period also conformed to the masses’ centuries-old pursuit and longing for equality and fairness. Beyond this, the Chinese Communist Party also carried out a wide range of practices to improve people’s livelihoods, such as disaster relief, suppressing bandits and eliminating traitors, reforming social customs, and providing for the old, weak, sick, and disabled. Numerous local historical materials show that the masses’ trust in the Chinese Communist Party began with the Party’s commitment to land distribution, improving life, and abolishing oppression, rather than with the proposal of the united front. Practice also fully proved that “wherever the masses’ lives were improved to some extent, the masses became even more active.” The Chinese Communist Party wholeheartedly improved the material life of the masses, solved the practical problems that troubled them, established the masses’ gratitude and trust toward the Chinese Communist Party, and at the same time built the emotional foundation for the masses to support and identify with the Chinese Communist Party.

第一，改善物质生活，筑牢情感基础。中国共产党在情感动员过程中，首要是从现实层面出发关注民众的基本诉求，因为任何脱离现实生活的纯粹情感都是空中楼阁，唯有实实在在改善其生活状况才能真正打动民众。正如刘少奇在1936年关于民族统一战线的论述中指出，“当工农在重重的压迫与剥削的情形下，在生活极度困难的情形下，他们为国家民族生存而斗争的热情，就受到了极大的压抑，就不能充分发扬他们伟大的创造力。只有当他们的生活地位已经改善了的时候，他们所受的压迫已经减轻了的时候，才能使他们的热情、积极性和对于革命的忠诚发展到最高限度”。于是中国共产党通过土地革命满足了大多数民众对于土地所有权的期许，同时，延安时期的土地分配政策也符合民众千百年来对平等、公平的追求与向往。除此之外，中国共产党还开展了多方面改善民生的实践，如赈灾救济、剿匪锄奸、改良社会风俗，安置老弱病残等。诸多地方史料显示，民众对于中国共产党的信任始于中国共产党致力于土地分配、改善生活与废除压迫，而非统一战线的提出。实践也充分证明“哪个地方群众的生活改善了一些，群众就更加积极了”。中国共产党全心全意改善民众的物质生活，解决困扰民众的现实问题，建立起了民众对中国共产党的感恩与信任，同时也筑牢民众支持认同中国共产党的情感基础。

Second, mobilizing national sentiment to consolidate emotional consensus. The Chinese nation itself possesses a strong national consciousness, and over the long course of historical evolution has formed a relatively strong national centripetal force and cohesion. Especially in the face of foreign invasion, national consciousness rapidly intensifies. Under the invasion of Japanese imperialism in modern China, patriotic sentiment rose to an unprecedented height. The Chinese Communist Party conformed to mainstream social emotions, actively raised the banner of the nation, and clearly stated that the political power under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party “represents not only the workers and peasants but also the nation.” As the war situation intensified, the Chinese Communist Party took the future and destiny of the nation as the responsibility of Communists. As Mao Zedong pointed out in an article written for the Yan’an *New China Daily* on July 5, 1940, commemorating the third anniversary of the War of Resistance: “We Communists commemorate the War of Resistance today and feel our responsibility all the more. The rise or fall of the Chinese nation is the responsibility of all anti-Japanese parties and of the entire people, but in the view of us Communists, our responsibility is even greater.” As is well known, whether or not attention is paid to nationalist sentiment directly concerns the success or failure of a political force. During the War of Resistance, the Chinese Communist Party not only constantly fulfilled the mission of nationalism but also strove to maintain the Anti-Japanese National United Front. Its policies of rent and interest reduction in land and the “Three-Thirds System” [3]3 The “Three-Thirds System” (三三制) was a policy for the composition of anti-Japanese base area governments during the War of Resistance, allocating one-third of positions each to Communists, progressive non-Party figures, and centrists. for political power construction both had a distinct national character.

第二，调动民族情绪，凝聚情感共识。中华民族本身有着强烈的民族意识，在长时期的历史演进中，形成了较强的民族向心力与凝聚力。尤其面临外敌入侵，民族意识会迅速发酵。近代中国在日本帝国主义的侵略下，爱国呼声空前高涨，中国共产党顺应主流社会情感，主动扛起民族大旗，明确表示中国共产党领导下的政权“不但是代表工农的，而且是代表民族的”。随着战争形势的加剧，中国共产党将民族的前途命运作为共产党人的责任。正如1940年7月5日毛泽东为延安《新中华报》写的纪念抗日战争三周年的文章中指出：“我们共产党人今天来纪念抗战，更感到自己的责任。中华民族的兴亡，是一切抗日党派的责任，是全国人民的责任，但在我们共产党人看来，我们的责任是更大的。”众所周知，对于民族主义情绪的重视与否直接关乎一个政治力量的成败，抗战时期中国共产党不但时刻践行民族主义这一使命，而且努力维护抗日民族统一战线，其推行的减租减息土地政策和“三三制”的政权建设政策均具有鲜明的民族性质。

Furthermore, the Chinese Communist Party focused on shaping national confidence from the perspective of national strength and consolidating the emotional consensus of the nation. For example, in the early stages of the War of Resistance, when faced with the question of where the future of continued resistance lay, Ren Bishi pointed out: “In the course of continued resistance, the great Chinese nation will bring forth an invincible force. This force can halt the advance of the Japanese aggressors. It will grow and become stronger day by day in the struggle. It will gain more sympathy and assistance from the international community. It will, under the circumstances of the growth of internal contradictions and difficulties for the Japanese aggressors, turn today’s difficult war situation into a favorable one.” This method of highlighting national strength and mobilizing national sentiment greatly enhanced the nation’s cohesion and combat effectiveness. Mao Zedong also clearly stated that “a national war should, as a rule, be able to gain the assistance of a broader mass of the people than an agrarian revolutionary war,” because, compared with the purely interest-based mobilization of the agrarian revolution period, the mobilization of national sentiment during the War of Resistance could more easily move and attract the masses. The connotations of responsibility, commitment, honor, and justice contained in nationalist sentiment could enable the masses to break through the “small self” and realize their own value and mission on a larger stage.

此外，中国共产党注重从民族力量的视角，塑造民族的自信，凝聚民族的情感共识。如抗战初期，面对社会上继续抗战的前途在哪里的问题，任弼时指出“在继续抗战当中，伟大的中华民族将涌现出不可战胜的力量，这种力量可以阻止日寇的前进。它将在奋斗中日渐扩大雄厚，它将得着国际间的更多同情与帮助，它将在日寇内在的矛盾困难增长的情况之下，使着今天困难的抗战局势转入有利的形势”。这种突出民族力量，调动民族情绪的方式极大地增强了民族的凝聚力与战斗力。毛泽东曾经也明确指出“民族战争照规矩应比土地革命战争更能获得广大民众的援助”，因为相对比土地革命时期纯粹的利益动员，抗战时期民族情绪的调动更容易打动吸引民众，民族主义情绪中包含着的责任、担当、光荣、正义等意蕴可以使民众突破“小我”，在更大的格局中实现自身价值与使命。

Third, shaping the Party’s image to narrow the emotional distance. The shaping of the Party’s image not only gave the masses a more concrete and new understanding of the Chinese Communist Party but also helped refute various anti-communist propaganda, actively constructing in the minds of the masses an image of an advanced political party representing the interests of the people. During the Yan’an period, the shaping of Mao Zedong’s leadership image not only enhanced the Chinese Communist Party’s appeal and cohesion but also created a mainstay in the hearts of the masses, playing a cohesive role in stabilizing mass sentiment and mobilizing them at critical moments. As Zhao Chaogou described in *One Month in Yan’an*: “Wherever there are three or more people in a public place, there is always a portrait of ‘Chairman Mao.’ All factories and schools have Mao’s calligraphy. In the New Year’s sale of portraits of important figures at the Yan’an Bookstore this year, Mao’s portraits not only outnumbered those of other important figures but did so by two or three times.” [4]4 Zhao Chaogou (1910–1992) was a Chinese journalist and writer. *One Month in Yan’an* (1944) was his account of a visit to the Communist base area. Beyond superficial propaganda, what was more important was refining the spiritual core of the leader’s image. In the process of shaping the leader’s image, the Chinese Communist Party paid particular attention to publicizing Mao Zedong’s leadership of the revolutionary process, highlighting his major contributions in repeatedly saving the Chinese revolution. Additionally, it increased the study and promotion of Mao Zedong’s theoretical works, showcasing his broad vision and erudite charm, while also making Mao Zedong Thought deeply rooted in people’s hearts. Mao Zedong’s personal qualities and abilities made the leader’s image fuller and more prominent. Compared with organizational allocation and power-based constraints, the trust and support gained based on a leader’s personal talent and qualities would be more lasting and stable.

第三，塑造政党形象，拉近情感距离。政党形象的塑造不但使民众对中国共产党有了更为具体与全新的认知，而且有利于驳斥各种反共宣传，积极主动在民众心中建构一个代表人民利益的先进政党形象。延安时期，毛泽东领袖形象的塑造不但增强了中国共产党的号召力、内聚力，而且在民众心中形成了一个主心骨，对于关键时期稳定群众情绪、动员群众起到凝聚力的作用。如赵超构在《延安一月》中描述道：“凡有三人以上的公众场所，总有‘毛主席’的像，所有的工厂学校，都有毛氏的题字。今年春节，延安书店所发售的要人图像中，毛氏的图像不仅超过其他要人的图像，而且是两三倍的超过。”除了表象的宣传，更重要的是提炼领袖形象的精神内核。中国共产党在塑造领袖形象过程中，尤为注重对毛泽东领导革命过程的宣传，突出其多次挽救中国革命的重大贡献；另外，加大对毛泽东理论著作的学习与弘扬，展现其视野开阔，博学多知的魅力面，同时也使毛泽东思想深入人心。毛泽东的个人品质与能力使领袖形象更加饱满与突出，相比组织性的分配与权力性的约束，基于领导者个人的才能与品质而获得的信任与支持将更持久、更稳定。

Mobilizing the masses to join the army and assist military operations was a top priority for the Party during the war years, so shaping the army’s image was particularly crucial. The people’s army under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party had strict organizational discipline. From the period of the agrarian revolution, the Chinese Communist Party’s army strictly implemented the regulations of the “Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention.” [5]5 The “Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention” (三大纪律、八项注意) were a set of behavioral regulations for the Red Army, later adopted by the People’s Liberation Army, originally formulated by Mao Zedong in the late 1920s. This regulation played a major role in shaping the army’s image and uniting the masses. After the victory of the War of Resistance, the *Manifesto of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army* clearly emphasized that “discipline must be strengthened, orders must be resolutely carried out… and no phenomenon of violating discipline is allowed.” The Chinese Communist Party’s strict enforcement of discipline not only changed the stereotypical negative impression the masses had of armies during the war years but also established a good image in their minds, reducing obstacles for the Chinese Communist Party in mobilizing the masses to join and support the army. Furthermore, the people’s army was also a faithful defender of the masses’ interests. As stated in the *Proclamation of the Chinese People’s Red Army’s Anti-Japanese Vanguard*, “Wherever this army goes, it protects patriotic movements, protects revolutionary people, protects the interests of workers and peasants, protects intellectuals, and protects industry and commerce.” The army’s identity as a protector could not only safeguard the masses’ acquired interests but also alleviate their concerns about struggle. This concept of fighting for the people led the masses to voluntarily provide various logistical services such as transportation and intelligence for the Chinese Communist Party’s army during the war. Popular sentiment was no longer a passive object to be adapted to but was transformed into a positive source of motivation.

战争年代动员民众参军与援助军队作战是政党工作的重中之重，因此军队形象的塑造尤为关键。中国共产党领导下的人民军队，有着严格的组织纪律性。从土地革命时期开始，中国共产党的军队就严格执行“三大纪律、八项注意”的规定，这一规定对于塑造军队形象，团结民众发挥了重大作用。抗战胜利后，《中国人民解放军宣言》明确强调“必须提高纪律性，坚决执行命令……不允许任何破坏纪律的现象存在”。中国共产党对于纪律的严格执行不但改变了战争年代民众对于军队的刻板负面印象，而且在民众心中建立了良好形象，为中国共产党动员民众参军拥军减少了障碍。另外，人民军队还是民众利益的忠实保卫者，正如《中国人民红军抗日先锋军布告》中提到，“本军所到之处，保护爱国运动，保护革命人民，保护工农利益，保护知识分子，保护工商业”。军队保卫者的身份不但可以守护民众的既得利益，而且可以减轻民众斗争的顾虑，这种为民而战的理念使民众自愿在战争中为中国共产党的军队提供各种运输、情报等后勤服务，民心不再是一种被动适应的对象，而是转化为积极向上的动力源泉。

During the Yan’an period, the Chinese Communist Party also selected typical figures from various walks of life, publicized their advanced deeds, and shaped the image of exemplary model figures. For example, the shaping of the image of the international communist fighter Norman Bethune inspired the masses’ enthusiasm and motivation for the cause of the proletarian revolution. Similarly, the shaping of the image of Zhang Side, a typical figure who served the people, skillfully conveyed the Chinese Communist Party’s values. [6]6 Norman Bethune (1890–1939) was a Canadian physician and Communist who served with the Chinese Communist forces during the War of Resistance. Zhang Side (1915–1944) was a soldier in the Communist army who died while serving in a charcoal-burning detail; Mao Zedong’s eulogy for him, “Serve the People,” became a classic Party text. A large number of labor heroes emerged during the Great Production Movement. These heroes, while becoming role models for the masses, also built a bridge between the Chinese Communist Party and the people. Through the activities of these heroes, the masses realized that under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, ordinary people could also become heroes and models. The masses not only experienced genuine equality but also greatly enhanced their self-respect and self-confidence. The shaping of the Party’s image successfully attracted the emotions of the masses and enhanced the influence of the Chinese Communist Party’s local governance.

延安时期，中国共产党还在各行各业选取典型人物，宣传先进事迹，塑造先进模范人物形象。如对国际共产主义战士白求恩形象的塑造，激发起民众对于无产阶级革命事业的热情与动力；又如对为人民服务的典型张思德形象的塑造，巧妙传达了中国共产党的价值理念。大生产运动中涌现出一大批劳动英雄，英雄们在成为群众榜样的同时架构起了中国共产党和民众之间的桥梁。通过英雄们的活动，民众认识到在中国共产党领导下，平凡人物也可成为英雄与模范，民众不但感受到了真正的平等，而且极大地提高了自尊心与自信心。政党形象的塑造，成功吸引了民众的情感，提升了中国共产党局部执政的影响力。

Fourth, strengthening “negative emotions” to form revolutionary action. In traditional Chinese society, obedience and submission were important norms for maintaining social order and individual behavior. Under strict social and moral constraints, the common people often did not know how to release their emotions. For example, before the War of Resistance, major publications frequently received letters from young people expressing personal anguish and worry. The content of their worries boiled down to two points: “First, although they were very excited and passionate about the War of Resistance, they felt infinitely dissatisfied with their own immediate environment, and thus infinitely disappointed.” “Second, they felt disappointed in their own abilities, and thus, although they wanted to participate in the work of the War of Resistance, they always felt there was no way to participate and no ability to participate.” From this, it can be seen that many young people in China were not without consciousness, but rather lacked courage and confidence. The Communist Party of China deeply understood that this kind of spiritual lack of self-confidence was a stumbling block to social development and transformation. Therefore, it penetrated the inner world of the people, inspired the feelings of discontent within them, guided them to face authority and injustice directly, and thereby transformed these feelings into revolutionary motivation and practice.

第四，强化“负面情绪”，形成革命行动。在中国传统社会中，服从和顺从是维系社会秩序和个人行为的重要准则，在严格的社会道德约束下，民众往往不知如何去释放自己的情感。如抗战之前各大刊物经常收到许多表达个人苦闷与烦恼的青年来信，烦恼内容不外乎两点：“第一，对于抗战虽然非常兴奋与热烈，但是看着自己身边的环境却感到无限的不满意，因而无限的失望”。“第二，对于自己的能力感到失望，因而虽想参加抗战工作，而总觉得没有法子参加，没有能力参加。”从中可以看出中国许多青年并不是没有觉悟，而是缺乏勇气和信心。中国共产党深知这种精神上的不自信是社会发展与变革的绊脚石，于是深入民众内心世界，启发民众心中的不满情绪，引导民众直面权威与不公，进而将其转化为革命的动力与实践。

During the War of Resistance, the Communist Party of China, through skillful emotional mobilization, transformed the people’s anxiety, pain, and so forth into intense emotions of resistance and enthusiasm for defending the homeland. For instance, Mao Zedong once pointed out: “Seize upon the facts of the enemy’s burning, killing, rape, and plunder to conduct agitation and propaganda. It is best to organize village representatives into teams to go to the victimized areas for on-site inspection, and organize victimized refugees to carry out propaganda in various places.” Ren Bishi also pointed out in *Recollections of the War of Resistance in Shanxi* that “this kind of tragic and cruel fact is the best way to arouse the national hatred of the people. As long as we can skillfully grasp this kind of Japanese ‘kingly way’ [7]7 “Kingly way” (王道) is a classical Chinese political concept referring to rule by moral virtue and benevolence, in contrast to rule by force (霸道). Here it is used ironically to refer to Japanese propaganda about its own civilizing mission. and use it for ‘propaganda,’ it is easy to mobilize the masses,” and “the Japanese aggressors’ offensive, especially the brutality of the Japanese army, is the best propaganda material for us to mobilize and organize the masses.” At the same time, propaganda about the Japanese invasion was intensified through the intuitive form of visual images. For example, in the news photography publication *War of Resistance Pictorial*, edited and published by the War of Resistance Three-Day Journal Society in August 1937, scenes of corpses strewn across the wilderness were everywhere. Works such as *Japanese Planes Bomb Songjiang Station, Slaughtering Hundreds of Civilians, Women, and Children*, *The Brutal Invaders Are the Common Enemy of Mankind!*, and *Tianjin under the Trampling Hooves of the Enemy Cavalry* used the naked presentation of the desolation of the homeland and the misery of the starving masses to denounce the crimes of the Japanese army, and also served as a sharp warning to those compatriots who still harbored wishful thinking. … Scene after scene of tragic images with a strong sense of reality stimulated the people’s emotions. Thus, the people generated intense emotions of resistance amidst anger, sympathy, and fear. Using the brutality of the Japanese aggressors as the most direct material for mass emotional mobilization, the people, burdened with national and familial hatred and thoroughly enraged, became, under the guidance and propaganda of the Communist Party of China, brave soldiers defending their homeland.

抗战时期，中国共产党正是通过巧妙的情感动员将民众的焦虑、痛苦等转化为激烈的反抗情绪与保家卫国的热情。如毛泽东曾经指出：“抓紧敌人烧杀奸淫抢掠的事实作鼓动宣传，最好以乡村代表组织成队到被害区实地察看，组织被害难民到各地宣传。”任弼时也在《山西抗战回忆》中指出，“这种悲惨残酷的事实，是最能激发同胞的民族仇恨的。只要我们能够很好地抓住这种日本的‘王道’，加以‘宣传’，是容易把群众发动起来的”，“日寇的进攻，特别是日军的残暴，是我们动员、组织群众最好的宣传资料”。与此同时，通过视觉图像直观的形式加大对于日军侵略的宣传。如在抗战三日刊社1937年8月编辑发行的新闻摄影刊物《抗战画报》中，尸横遍野的惨状屡屡皆是。《日机轰炸松江车站，屠杀数百平民妇孺》《凶暴的侵略者，是人类的公敌！》《敌骑蹂躏下的天津》等作品通过赤裸裸地呈现故园狼藉，哀鸿遍野的惨状，控诉日军罪行，也给抱有侥幸心理的国人当头棒喝。……一幕幕具有强烈现实感的悲惨画面刺激着民众的情绪。于是民众在愤怒、同情、害怕中产生了激烈的反抗情绪。将日寇的残暴，作为群众情感动员最直接的素材，背负着国仇家恨彻底被激怒的民众，经中国共产党的引导与宣传，成为一个个保家卫国的勇敢战士。

Fifth, carrying out political education to regulate the people’s emotions. Mao Zedong’s early background as a normal school graduate and his experience as a teacher made him place great importance on the role of education. The Yan’an period was a period of great development in education for the Communist Party of China. Not only did the CPC popularize basic national education in the border regions, but it also founded higher specialized institutions such as the Chinese People’s Anti-Japanese Military and Political University, the Northern Shaanxi Public School, the Central Party School of the CPC Central Committee, the Marx-Lenin Institute, and the Military Academy. This kind of education was to be based on the needs of reality, consciously guiding people’s emotional cognition while teaching them knowledge. For example, the *Outline for the Implementation of Primary Education in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region*, revised in February 1941, stipulated that “primary education in the border region should, in accordance with the new-democratic education policy, promote children’s national consciousness, cultivate children’s democratic style, inspire children’s scientific thinking… and cultivate children’s spirit of serving the masses.” Higher education also particularly emphasized the importance and necessity of political education. For instance, in his speech *What Should Be Learned at the Anti-Japanese University?* at the opening ceremony of the Third Brigade of the Fourth Intake of the Yan’an Anti-Japanese University, Mao Zedong proposed that “first, learn a political direction,” “that is, the correct political direction of fighting Japan, how to fight Japan, and why Japanese imperialism can certainly be defeated,” and in this process, form a style of hard struggle and the determination and courage to sacrifice and resist Japan to save the nation. In the process of education, not only was the people’s wisdom enlightened, but national consciousness was also stimulated, strengthening the people’s sense of responsibility and mission towards the country and the nation.

第五，开展政治教育，调适人民情感。毛泽东早年师范的背景和从教的经历，让其非常重视教育的作用。延安时期是中国共产党教育大发展的时期，中国共产党不但在边区普及了基础国民教育，而且创办了中国人民抗日军政大学、陕北公学、中共中央党校、马列学院、军事学院等高等专业院校。这种教育当以现实的需要为主，在教授民众知识的同时对人们的情感认知进行有意识地引导。如1941年2月修正的《陕甘宁边区小学教育实施纲要》中规定“边区小学教育应依新民主主义教育方针以促进儿童的民族觉悟，养成儿童的民主作风，启发儿童的科学思想……培养儿童为大众服务的精神”。高等教育中也尤为强调政治教育的重要性与必要性，如毛泽东在延安抗日军政大学第四期第三大队开学典礼的讲话《在抗大应该学习什么？》中提出“首先是学一个政治方向”“这就是要打日本、怎样打日本、为什么日本帝国主义一定能打倒的正确的政治方向”，并且在此过程中形成艰苦奋斗的作风与不怕牺牲、抗日救国的决心与勇气。在教育的过程中，不但启迪了民智，而且激发了民族主义意识，强化了民众对于国家与民族的责任感与使命感。

Political education could not only develop the people’s emotional consciousness but also regulate and guide the emotions that were released. For example, when facing Japanese prisoners of war, the anger of some soldiers and civilians was often difficult to suppress, and incidents of killing prisoners frequently occurred. In response, the Communist Party of China promptly carried out educational activities on enemy work. For instance, “for the soldiers, materials for speeches such as *Why Do We Need to Do Enemy Work?* and *How to Carry Out the Work of Winning Over Puppet Troops?* were issued,” “the 129th Division once issued teaching materials such as *How Does a Company Do Enemy Work?*, *Points to Note in Enemy Work*, *How to Treat Puppet Troops?*” After systematic and specialized educational activities, not only were the people’s angry emotions brought under control, but the broad masses of soldiers and civilians were also educated. Besides achieving the effect of curbing violent struggle, political education also maintained a high degree of consistency in the people’s emotions. The Yan’an Rectification Movement [8]8 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1944) was a Party-wide campaign of ideological study and criticism aimed at correcting deviations from the Party line, particularly subjectivism, sectarianism, and stereotyped Party writing. was a typical example. Through concentrated study and education, the people emotionally and actively abandoned various forms of subjectivism and sectarianism, striving to unify with the Party’s requirements. As Zhao Chaogou stated in *One Month in Yan’an*: “No matter what you ask about—whether it concerns Hitler and Tojo, or livelihood issues and political issues—the content of their replies is always ‘more or less the same.’” This high degree of emotional similarity greatly reduced the resistance encountered in theoretical propaganda and policy implementation. It not only stabilized people’s hearts but also more easily transformed into the power of unified will and action. Political education assisting mass mobilization work was an important experience and a prominent feature of the Communist Party of China’s revolutionary practice.

政治教育不但可以开发民众的情感意识，而且可以对释放的情感进行调适与引导。如面对日本战俘，部分军民的愤怒情绪往往难以自抑，时常发生杀俘虏的事件，对此中国共产党及时开展敌军工作的教育活动。如“对于战士方面，曾发出《为什么要做敌军工作》和《怎样进行争取伪军工作》的讲话材料”，“一二九师曾发过《连队怎样做敌军工作？》《敌军工作应注意的几点》《怎样对待伪军？》等教材”，经过系统专门的教育活动后，不但使民众的愤怒情绪得以控制，而且教育了广大军民。政治教育除了达到抑制暴力斗争的作用，还使民众的情感保持高度的一致。延安时期的整风运动就是一个典型的事例，通过集中的学习与教育，使民众情感上主动地抛弃各种主观主义、宗派主义，努力与党的要求相统一。正如赵超构在《延安一月》中讲到：“不管你所问的是关于希特勒和东条，还是生活问题、政治问题，他们所答复的内容，总是‘差不多’。”情感的高度相似，极大地减少了理论宣传与政策贯彻中的阻力，不但使人心安稳，而且更易转化为意志集中行动统一的力量。政治教育辅助群众动员工作，是中国共产党革命实践的重要经验与突出特征。

In summary, the practical logic of the Communist Party of China’s emotional mobilization during the Yan’an period was tight, interlocking, and showed a certain progressive trend, conforming to the gradual characteristics of emotional cultivation. It also indicates that emotional mobilization is not something that can be achieved overnight, but is a long-term and complex process. The practice of the Communist Party of China’s emotional mobilization during the Yan’an period fully demonstrated the internal logic of emotional mobilization and was a successful model of emotional mobilization.

综上所述，延安时期中国共产党情感动员实践逻辑紧密，环环相扣，并且呈现一定层层递进的趋势，符合情感培育循序渐进的特征，同时也表明情感动员不是一蹴而就的事情，而是一个长期复杂的过程。延安时期中国共产党情感动员的实践完整呈现了情感动员的内在逻辑，是一次成功的情感动员典范。

III. The Effects of the Communist Party of China’s Emotional Mobilization during the Yan’an Period

三、延安时期中国共产党情感动员的效应

The practice of the Communist Party of China’s emotional mobilization during the Yan’an period not only contributed to the success of the CPC’s revolution but also, in this process, gained the people’s emotional identification with the CPC, enriched Mao Zedong Thought, and deepened the people’s recognition and understanding of the guiding ideology of society.

延安时期中国共产党情感动员的实践不但助力了中国共产党革命的成功，而且在此过程中获取了民众对于中国共产党的情感认同，同时也丰富了毛泽东思想，深化了民众对于社会指导思想的认可与理解。

First, emotional mobilization contributed to the success of the Chinese Communist Party’s revolution. Elizabeth Perry, a professor at Harvard University in the United States, holds that the Chinese Communist Party’s successful mobilization of the emotions of the masses was a key factor in its ultimate victory over the Kuomintang and the realization of its revolutionary vision. In her article “Revisiting the Chinese Revolution: An Emotional Model,” she states, “Although the political terminology and organizational structures of the two parties were quite similar, the same cannot be said for their ability to arouse the emotions of ordinary Chinese people.” In leading the revolution, the Chinese Communist Party deeply understood the importance of the people, and the mass line it adhered to was in fact a process of emotional mobilization of the masses. Seizing on the people’s desire for land and their psychology of being willing to wage an unremitting struggle to protect it, the Party boldly carried out land reform, returning land to the people, so that the people truly felt they were masters of their own affairs; the land policy genuinely warmed the people’s hearts. Facing the invasion of Japanese imperialism, the Chinese Communist Party’s policy of the Anti-Japanese National United Front not only conformed to the people’s national aspirations but also saved the nation from crisis, sparing the people the suffering of national subjugation and the destruction of their families. At the same time, during the War of Resistance, a series of measures by the Chinese Communist Party to improve people’s livelihoods garnered greater support and recognition from the masses. After the War of Resistance ended, the people across the country eagerly longed for peace and were full of hope for the establishment of a democratic coalition government. The Chinese Communist Party followed the people’s will, complied with public opinion, strove for a peaceful situation, and worked hard to prevent the outbreak of civil war, because Mao Zedong deeply understood that “if war breaks out, and the people’s hearts are not with me, then I will lose.” It was precisely the Chinese Communist Party’s high regard for the people’s emotions that enabled it to achieve good results in mobilizing the masses and successfully contributed to the victory of the revolutionary cause.

第一，情感动员助力了中国共产党革命的成功。美国哈佛大学教授裴宜理（Elizabeth Perry）认为，中国共产党对于人民群众情感的成功调动是它最终能战胜国民党并实现其革命愿景的重要因素。她在《重访中国革命：以情感的模式》一文中说，“虽然说两党的政治术语和组织结构都相当的一致，但是在唤起普通的中国老百姓情感这方面，却不能说它们是一样的了”。中国共产党在领导革命的过程中，深知人民的重要性，所坚持的群众路线，实际上就是对群众的情感动员过程。中国共产党抓住民众对于土地的渴望以及民众为保护土地而可能进行不懈斗争这一心理，大胆地进行土地改革，还田于民，使民众真正有了当家做主的感觉，土地政策切实温暖了民众的心。面对日本帝国主义的入侵，中国共产党的抗日民族统一战线政策不但符合民众的民族抱负，而且拯救了民族危机，使民众免受国破家亡之痛苦，同时在抗战过程中，中国共产党一系列改善民生的举措收获了民众更大的支持与认同。抗战结束后，全国人民对于和平翘首以盼，对于建立一个民主联合的政府充满期望，中国共产党顺应民心，遵从民意，争取和平局面，努力阻止内战的爆发，因为毛泽东深知“打起仗来，人心如不属我，我就输了”。正是中国共产党对于民众情感的高度重视，使中国共产党在动员群众过程中收到良好的效果，成功地助力了革命事业取得成功。

Second, emotional mobilization enhanced the people’s emotional identification with the Chinese Communist Party. The Chinese Communist Party, through ingenious emotional practices, moved the masses. In leading the Chinese revolution, it infused the communist revolution with rich emotional vitality, enabling the people to recognize that the Chinese Communist Party is a party that values sentiment and righteousness, a party responsible to the people, and a party with the courage to take on responsibilities. The display of multiple emotional facets of the Chinese Communist Party enhanced the people’s emotional identification with the Party. The people not only ideologically recognized the Chinese Communist Party’s course of struggle, its programs and policies, and its value orientation, but also actively responded to the Party’s mobilization, possessing an inner motivation to uphold the Party’s ruling status and its image. This was specifically manifested in identification with the leader’s political status and leadership ability. Zhao Chaogou wrote in *One Month in Yan’an*, “Although ‘what Chairman Mao says’ is not scripture, ‘responding to Chairman Mao’s call’ was still a powerful slogan for the cadres in the border region to mobilize the masses.” It was manifested in identification with the Chinese Communist Party’s policies and guidelines. For example, during the Great Production Movement, a large number of model workers and heroes emerged from all walks of life. These model workers and heroes were not only the result of production mobilization but also a spontaneous display of labor enthusiasm based on the people’s identification with the Great Production Movement. It was manifested in identification with the Chinese Communist Party’s political character. The character of heroic struggle and fearlessness of sacrifice displayed by the Chinese Communist Party during the War of Resistance not only won the affirmation and praise of all sectors of society but also gained substantial support from the people for the Chinese Communist Party’s revolution. Furthermore, the people actively joined the Chinese Communist Party and the army under its leadership, expressing their recognition and support for the Party’s political status through concrete actions. From this, it can be seen that the people’s identification with the Chinese Communist Party was not only expressed through external behavioral support but also formed a strong will and spontaneous motivation.

第二，情感动员增进了民众对中国共产党的情感认同。中国共产党以巧妙的情感实践感染了人民群众，在领导中国革命过程中，为共产主义革命注入了丰富的情感活力，使人民群众认识到中国共产党是一个重情义的政党，是一个对人民负责任的政党，是一个勇于担当的政党，中国共产党多个情感面相的展示增进了民众对中国共产党的情感认同。民众不但从思想上认可中国共产党的奋斗历程，纲领政策、价值取向等，而且能够主动响应中国共产党的动员，且具有发自内心维护中国共产党执政地位与政党形象的动力。具体表现为认同领袖的政治地位与领导才能，赵超构在《延安一月》中写道，“‘毛主席怎么说’虽然不是经典，但是‘响应毛主席的号召’依然是边区干部动员民众的有力口号”。认同中国共产党的方针政策，如在大生产运动中各行各业涌现出一大批的劳模英雄，劳模英雄既是生产动员的结果，更是民众基于对大生产运动的认同自发表现出的一种劳动热情；认同中国共产党的政治品格，中国共产党在抗战中表现出的英勇斗争、不怕牺牲的品格不但得到社会各界的肯定与赞扬，而且获得了民众对于中国共产党革命的实质性支援；此外，民众积极加入中国共产党及其领导下的军队，以实际行动表达对中国共产党政党地位的认可与支持。从中可以看出民众对于中国共产党的认同不仅予以外化的行为支持，而且形成了坚强的意志与自发的动力。

Third, emotional mobilization deepened the people’s cognition of Mao Zedong Thought. Mao Zedong Thought was the guiding ideology of the Chinese Communist Party during the revolutionary era, and the Yan’an period was also the main period of its formation. The Mao Zedong Thought formed in this process encompassed various fields such as politics, economy, culture, military affairs, and philosophy. It is little known, however, that Mao Zedong was also a great expert in emotional mobilization. The work of emotional mobilization during the revolutionary period was mainly carried out under Mao Zedong’s leadership. An analysis of the Chinese Communist Party’s emotional mobilization during the Yan’an period will enrich people’s previous cognition of Mao Zedong Thought. For example, the Rectification Movement [9]9 The Rectification Movement (整风运动) was a Party-wide campaign launched by Mao Zedong in Yan’an in 1942–1944 to correct deviations in work style, study style, and writing style, emphasizing the study of Party documents and the practice of criticism and self-criticism. was a major emotional transformation of the revolutionary ranks by Mao Zedong. Through study, criticism and self-criticism, and other methods, it eliminated individualist thoughts, bitterness, laxity, and sentimentality from the revolutionary ranks, replacing them with a new type of personality characterized by health, optimism, simplicity, and firmness. During the War of Liberation, facing the situation of a vast disparity in strength between the enemy and ourselves, Mao Zedong proposed that “all reactionaries are paper tigers.” Mao Zedong’s exposition greatly boosted morale and injected spiritual impetus into the victory of the War of Liberation. It can be seen that ingenious emotional mobilization includes not only strengthening oneself but also weakening the opponent. By despising and weakening the enemy, it not only helps overcome the fear and concerns brought about by the disparity in strength but also enhances self-confidence and combat effectiveness. In addition, many of Mao Zedong’s policies and strategies contain rich traces of emotional mobilization. Mao Zedong was not only skilled in cultivating national confidence but also focused on inspiring and transforming the people’s emotions, and could even move and inspire the broad masses through his unique personal charisma and the Party’s image. The Chinese Communist Party’s work of emotional mobilization not only enriched and developed the emotional theory part of Mao Zedong Thought but also deepened the people’s cognition and understanding of Mao Zedong Thought.

第三，情感动员深化了民众对于毛泽东思想的认知。毛泽东思想是革命年代中国共产党的指导思想，同时延安时期也是毛泽东思想形成的主要时期。在此过程中形成的毛泽东思想囊括政治、经济、文化、军事、哲学等各个领域，殊不知，毛泽东更是一位伟大的情感动员的专家。革命时期的情感动员工作主要是在毛泽东的领导下展开的。对于延安时期中国共产党情感动员的分析，将丰富人们以往对于毛泽东思想的认知，如整风运动是毛泽东对于革命队伍的一次重大情感改造，通过学习、批评与自我批评等，将革命队伍中的个人主义思想、悲苦、散漫、感伤等情绪消除，代之以健康、乐观、朴素、坚定等的新型人格。解放战争时期，面对敌我力量悬殊的状况，毛泽东提出，“一切反动派都是纸老虎”，毛泽东的论述极大地鼓舞了士气，为解放战争的胜利注入了精神动力。可见，巧妙的情感动员不仅包括强大自身，还包括弱化对手，通过对敌人的藐视与弱化，不但有助于克服实力悬殊带来的恐惧与顾虑，而且可以增强自信心与提升战斗力。此外，毛泽东的诸多政策策略中皆包含着丰富的情感动员痕迹，毛泽东既擅长民族自信的培育，亦注重人民情感的激发与转化，更可以通过自身独特的人格魅力与政党形象感染和感动广大民众。中国共产党的情感动员工作不仅丰富与发展了毛泽东思想中情感理论部分，而且加深了民众对于毛泽东思想的认知与理解。

During the Yan’an period, the Chinese Communist Party successfully awakened the people’s national consciousness and revolutionary passion, while also gaining the people’s recognition and support for the Chinese Communist Party’s political power. However, such results could not have been achieved solely by arousing and guiding emotions; emotional factors always permeated other mobilization practices and played a role subtly and imperceptibly. At the same time, the characteristics of emotion determine the arduousness of its mobilization. Unlike production mobilization, war mobilization, and the like, which more easily obtain immediate returns, emotional mobilization often manifests as a certain gradualness and long-term nature. However, once emotions are aroused, the role they play and the effects they produce are often the most core, most essential, and most enduring.

延安时期中国共产党成功唤醒了民众的民族意识与革命激情，同时获得了民众对于中国共产党政权的认同与支持，但这样的成效绝非单单依靠情感的激发与引导就能够实现，情感因素总是渗透于其他动员实践中潜移默化地发挥作用。同时，情感的特征决定其动员的艰巨性，它不同于生产动员、战争动员等较易获取当下的回报，情感动员往往表现为一定的渐进性与长期性，但是一旦情感被激发，其发挥的作用与起到的效果往往也是最核心、最本质、最持久的。

Author’s affiliation: Luohu Branch, Party School of the Shenzhen Municipal Committee of the Chinese Communist Party

作者单位：中共深圳市委党校罗湖分校

Online editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆