Fu Wei, Party Building Leading the Resolution of Governance Problems in County-Level Modernization

The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC made specific arrangements for improving the social governance system, proposing to improve the urban-rural grassroots governance system combining self-governance, law-based governance, and rule-of-virtue governance under the leadership of Party organizations, and to perfect the social governance system of joint contribution, joint governance, and shared benefits. When the counties are well governed, the world is at peace. [1]1 A classical Chinese saying from historical records, emphasizing the importance of county-level governance for national stability. At present, China’s county-level grassroots governance faces new situations and new challenges. How to comprehensively raise the level of modernization of the grassroots governance system and governance capacity is the key lever for solidly advancing county-level modernization.

党的二十届三中全会对健全社会治理体系作出专门部署，提出健全党组织领导的自治、法治、德治相结合的城乡基层治理体系，完善共建共治共享的社会治理制度。郡县治，天下安。当前，我国县域基层治理面临新情况新挑战。如何全面提升基层治理体系和治理能力现代化水平，是扎实推进县域现代化的关键抓手。

County-Level Modernization

县域现代化

Puts Forward New Requirements for the Grassroots Governance System

对基层治理体系提出新要求

In the process of integrated urban-rural development, the industrial structure of counties is becoming increasingly diversified, which also leads to increasingly diverse community forms. This means that county-level social governance must handle complex and diverse governance tasks and explore different governance models for different communities and different groups. Against the backdrop of changes unseen in a century, uncertain and unpredictable factors are increasing, and the county-level social sphere may face numerous risks and contradictions. This poses a challenge to the capacity of the social governance system to respond to and prevent social risks, requiring an enhanced ability to identify and assess social risks and to increase the resilience of grassroots society. While governance tasks are becoming increasingly diversified, governance also faces higher quality requirements. To meet the people’s growing needs for a better life, the grassroots governance system also needs to accelerate its transformation into a service-oriented organization, providing the masses with more comprehensive and higher-quality public services.

在城乡融合发展进程中，县域产业结构日益多元，也导致了社区形态日益多样，意味着县域社会治理需要处理复杂多元的治理任务，需要针对不同社区、不同群体探索不同的治理模式。在世界百年未有之大变局背景下，不确定难预料因素增多，县域社会领域可能会面临众多风险矛盾。这对社会治理体系应对和防范社会风险的能力提出了挑战，需要提高识别和评估社会风险的能力，提高基层社会的韧性。在治理任务日益多元化的同时，治理也面临更高的质量要求。为了满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要，基层治理体系也需要加快向服务型组织转型，为群众提供更全面更优质的公共服务。

Therefore, we see that in the process of county-level modernization, grassroots governance tasks face a surge in “quantity” and a transformation in “quality.” The surge in “quantity” means that more and more affairs must be handled and greater responsibilities must be borne. The abrupt change in “quality” means that the grassroots governance system needs to transform its functions, especially to enhance its service functions, promote the sinking of public services covering the entire life cycle of residents, and meet the entirely new requirements of the people’s needs for a better life. The simultaneous increase in the quantity and quality of grassroots governance tasks inevitably adds to the governance burden of the grassroots governance system, which is also an important reason for the phenomenon of “a small horse pulling a big cart.” [2]2 A Chinese idiom describing a situation where a weak entity (the grassroots) is tasked with an overwhelming burden (the complex governance tasks).

因此，我们看到在县域现代化进程中，基层治理任务面临着“量”的激增和“质”的转变。“量”的激增，意味着需要承担的事务越来越多、肩负的责任越来越大。“质”的突变，意味着基层治理体系需要转变职能，尤其是提升服务职能，推动居民全生命周期公共服务下沉，满足人民群众美好生活需要的全新要求。基层治理任务的质量齐增，也不可避免地加重基层治理体系的治理负担，这也是导致“小马拉大车”的重要原因。

Grassroots governance needs to undertake more diverse and complex governance tasks, but at the same time, the grassroots governance system, due to the organizational obstacle of “vertical and horizontal fragmentation,” [3]3 Refers to the administrative structure where authority is divided vertically by function (tiao, e.g., ministries) and horizontally by region (kuai, e.g., local governments), leading to coordination difficulties. finds it difficult to efficiently coordinate resources to respond. The current government management system characterized by vertical and horizontal fragmentation disperses governance functions across different levels and different management departments. Grassroots cadres lack the capacity for overall coordination, and there is room for improvement in mobilizing relevant functional departments and units, pooling resources from multiple sources, and forming a joint working force. The assignment of tasks from vertical lines lacks overall planning and provides insufficient guidance to villages and communities, leading to an increased burden on grassroots governance and low work efficiency.

基层治理需要承担更加多元复杂的治理任务，但与此同时，基层治理体系却由于“条块分割”的组织障碍，难以高效协调资源予以应对。现行条块分割的政府管理体制，使得治理的职能分散在不同层级和不同管理部门，基层干部统筹协调能力不足，在调动相关职能部门单位、汇聚多方资源力量、形成工作合力方面还有待加强。条线任务派发缺乏统筹，对村社区指导不足，导致基层治理负担加重、工作效率低下。

Mass participation is an important component of the urban-rural grassroots governance system. However, at present, the phenomenon of “cadres work, the masses watch” often appears in grassroots social governance. Low mass participation leads to high costs in grassroots governance, makes it difficult for various services to effectively match the real needs of the masses, and makes it hard to establish a long-term mechanism for joint contribution, joint governance, and shared benefits, ultimately affecting governance effectiveness.

群众参与是城乡基层治理体系的重要组成部分。但是，目前在基层社会治理中经常出现“干部干、群众看”的现象。群众参与度低导致了基层治理成本高，各项服务难以有效对接群众的真实需求，很难建立共建共治共享的长效机制，最终也影响了治理效能。

The institutional mechanisms for social forces to participate in social governance need improvement. Currently, social organizations have low enthusiasm for participating in social governance, insufficient service capacity, and a single form of participation, making it difficult for them to become an important force for “normalized” participation in social governance. At the same time, the grassroots governance system also lacks organizational mechanisms for coordinating and integrating social forces to participate in grassroots governance, and lacks leverage points for mobilizing social forces to participate in governance.

社会力量参与社会治理的体制机制有待完善。当前，社会组织参与社会治理的积极性不高、服务能力不足、形式单一，难以成为“常态化”参与社会治理的重要力量。同时，基层治理体系也缺乏统筹协调社会力量参与基层治理的组织机制，缺乏动员社会力量参与治理的抓手。

Party Building Leading the Modernization of County-Level Governance Capacity

党建引领推动县域治理能力现代化

As the Peking University research team observed in Jiangyin City, [4]4 A county-level city in Jiangsu Province, often cited as a model for economic and governance reforms. Party building leading grassroots governance responds to the practical needs arising from the process of urbanization. The practice of Jiangyin also provides us with important inspiration: that is, by using Party building leadership as a lever, in response to the comprehensive governance tasks brought by county-level modernization, we can promote county-level modernization with high-quality grassroots governance.

正如北京大学调研团队在江阴市所见，党建引领基层治理回应的是城镇化进程中的现实需求。江阴的实践也给予我们重要启发，那就是通过以党建引领为抓手，对照县域现代化带来的综合治理任务，以高质量的基层治理推动县域现代化。

First, use Party building leadership to comprehensively enhance the overall coordination effectiveness of the county-level governance system. Jiangyin City has formed a governance synergy through political mobilization and organizational innovation, providing us with useful inspiration. One is to strengthen the overall coordination of grassroots social governance by Party organizations. On the basis of “big governance” and “big society,” use “big reform” to coordinate and integrate the numerous vertical lines, multiple levels, and complex links involved in social governance, forming a synergy for coordinated advancement. The second is to improve the work promotion mechanism, leverage the role of Party organizations in overall coordination and mechanism innovation, and promote vertical and horizontal integration within the governance system. The third is to clarify the power and responsibility relationships among different entities in the county-level governance system, grant village and community organizations the operational space as autonomous organizations, correct the problem of various vertical lines and departments using “territorial responsibility” [5]5 A principle in Chinese governance holding local authorities accountable for all matters within their jurisdiction, often used to shift tasks downward. as a pretext to offload various tasks onto grassroots organizations, causing them to be overwhelmed, and free village and community organizations from various assessments, inspections, and other tasks so they can carry out solid mass work.

第一，以党建引领全面提升县域治理体系的统筹效能。江阴市通过政治动员与组织创新形成治理合力，为我们提供了有益启发。一是加强党组织对基层社会治理的统筹，在“大治理”“大社会”基础上，以“大改革”统筹协调社会治理涉及的众多条线、多个层级、复杂环节，形成协同推进的合力。二是完善工作推进机制，发挥党组织在统筹协调、机制创新方面的作用，推动治理体系上下贯通。三是厘清县级治理体系中不同主体的权责关系，赋予村社组织作为自治组织的行动空间，纠正各条线、各部门以“属地责任”为由将各项工作下压导致基层组织不堪重负的问题，使村社组织从各项考核、迎检等工作中解放出来，开展扎实的群众工作。

Second, use Party building leadership to enhance the precise service capacity of the governance system. China is in a process of rapid social transformation, where the multiple effects of urbanization and industrialization are superimposed. This also leads to rapid changes in the needs of urban and rural residents, requiring an enhancement of the governance system’s precise service capacity. One is to strengthen the organizational system of grassroots Party organizations for responding to needs, weave a tight information network reaching directly to the people’s hearts, optimize the institutional mechanisms for responding to needs, and strengthen the construction of grassroots grid management. Strengthen the service capacity building of grassroots Party organizations to enhance the professional effectiveness of responding to needs. The second is to raise the level of scientific and technological support for grassroots Party organizations in responding to needs, increase the application of digital and intelligent technologies, and promote digital reform in the field of social governance. Establish a digital platform for county-level common prosperity, rely on various forms of “intelligent brains,” treat the data resources held by the platform as important decision-making bases, and improve the effectiveness of responding to grassroots social needs. Through the construction of an “intelligent+” government, simplify the procedures for the masses to handle affairs and enhance the masses’ sense of gain and satisfaction.

第二，以党建引领提升治理体系的精准服务能力。我国处于快速的社会转型过程中，城市化、工业化的多重效果叠加，这也导致了我国城乡居民需求快速变化，需要提升治理体系的精准服务能力。一是加大基层党组织回应需求的组织体系建设，织牢直达民心的民情网，优化回应需求的体制机制，加强基层网格化建设。加强基层党组织的服务能力建设，提升回应需求的专业效能。二是提升基层党组织回应需求的科技支撑水平，加大数字和智能技术的应用力度，推动社会治理领域的数字化改革。建立县域共同富裕数字化平台，依托各种形式的“智能大脑”，将平台拥有的数据资源视为重要的决策依据，改善回应基层社会需求的效果。通过“智能+”政府建设，简化群众办事流程，提升群众的获得感、满意度。

Third, use the mass line in the New Era to enhance the mobilization capacity of the governance system. “Happiness is achieved through hard work.” [6]6 A well-known saying by Xi Jinping, emphasizing the role of individual and collective effort in achieving well-being. Only when the masses actively participate in the governance system of joint contribution, joint governance, and shared benefits and personally feel that they have improved their quality of life through their own efforts can they have a sense of gain and happiness. Focusing on enhancing mobilization capacity, grassroots areas need to further strengthen Party building leadership, follow the mass line in the New Era well. The “1+10+N” system of Party members linking with households [7]7 A mechanism where each Party member is responsible for linking with 10 households and further extending to N households, designed to strengthen Party-mass connections. in Jiangyin is precisely an active exploration from this perspective. One is to correct the current work approach that overemphasizes the input of manpower and material resources by the government while relatively neglecting reliance on and mobilization of the masses. The second is to improve the methods for advancing grassroots work, correct the simplistic practice of “relying solely on examinations to the end,” [8]8 Refers to the over-reliance on quantitative performance evaluations as the sole method of assessing grassroots work, criticized for stifling initiative. and grant the grassroots governance system greater space for free exploration. The third is to correctly handle the vertical-horizontal relationships within the county-level government and effectively reduce the burden on the grassroots governance system. The fourth is to explore mechanisms for mobilizing the masses and form a grassroots governance system of diverse co-governance and shared benefits. For example, relying on autonomous organizations such as “old uncle” service teams, new resident service teams, cultural organizations, and dispute mediation rooms, explore the pathways for realizing the Party’s mass line.

第三，以新时代的群众路线提升治理体系的动员能力。“幸福都是奋斗出来的”，群众只有积极参与到共建共治共享的治理体系中，切身感受到通过自己奋斗改善了生活品质，才能有获得感和幸福感。围绕加强动员能力，基层需要进一步加强党建引领，走好新时代群众路线，江阴的党员联户“1+10+N”制度也正是从这个角度进行的积极探索。一是纠正目前过于注重政府投入人力物力，而相对忽视依靠群众、发动群众的工作思路。二是改善推进基层工作的方法，纠正目前“一考到底”的简单做法，赋予基层治理体系更大的自由探索空间。三是正确处理县级政府内部的条块关系，切实为基层治理体系减负。四是探索发动群众的机制，形成多元共治共享的基层治理体制。比如以老娘舅服务队、新居民服务队、文艺组织、纠纷调解室等自治组织为依托，探索党的群众路线的实现途径。

(The author is an Associate Researcher at the Institute of Sociology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者系中国社会科学院社会学研究所副研究员）

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心