Party Integration: A New Type of Social Integration and Its Comparison

Differentiation and integration are the fundamental relations faced by modern states. The core issue addressed by grassroots political power building is how to achieve integration on the basis of differentiation, establish social connections related to national identity, and construct the social foundation of the modern state. Market transition has brought about social differentiation; the diversification of interest subjects challenges the grassroots governance order; society is highly atomized, lacking effective organization; social connectivity is low, leading to dispersion and alienation, resulting in a society of strangers. Due to the absence of intermediary connecting mechanisms, social contradictions can easily be transmitted directly to the state. How does the state integrate a dispersed society?

分化与整合是现代国家面临的基本关系，基层政权建设核心处理的问题是如何在分化基础上实现整合，建立与国家认同相关的社会联系，建构现代国家的社会基础。市场转型带来了社会分化，利益主体的多元化挑战基层治理秩序，社会高度原子化，缺乏有效的组织，社会连接度低，出现分散与疏离，导致陌生人社会。由于中介性连接机制的缺失，社会矛盾容易直接传导到国家，国家如何整合分散的社会呢？

Existing research has proposed three types of integration: government-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration. This article points out the problems faced by these three existing types of social integration and, on this basis, proposes the concept and operational logic of Party integration. Facing the difficulty of differentiation in grassroots social governance, the ruling Party handles its relations with its own grassroots organizations, grassroots administrative organizations, economic organizations, and mass self-governing organizations. Through internal integration and external integration, it resolves the problems faced by the above three types of integration and promotes the effective integration of society.

已有研究提出三种整合类型：政社协同、行政整合和技术整合。本文指出已有三种社会整合面临的问题，在其基础上，提出政党整合的概念及运作逻辑。面对基层社会治理分化的难题，执政党处理与自身基层组织、基层行政组织、经济组织和群众性自治组织的关系，通过内整合和外整合，解决以上三种整合面临的问题，促进社会的有效整合。

I. Research Question and Literature Context

一、研究问题与文献脉络

Facing social differentiation, dispersion, and alienation, existing literature has conducted a series of studies on how to effectively integrate society, yielding at least the following research conclusions. Based on the phenomenon of social anomie, French sociologist Émile Durkheim first proposed the concept of social integration. Durkheim primarily discussed social integration within a sociological perspective, emphasizing the key efficacy of moral elevation and common sentiments in solidarity. He divided social integration into two types: "organic solidarity" and "mechanical solidarity." Durkheim believed that organic solidarity is social cohesion based on the mutual interdependence of individuals in society, while mechanical solidarity is typically formed in traditional and small-scale societies, such as tribes based on kinship networks of family ties. On this basis, American sociologist Talcott Parsons, from the perspective of structural functionalism, developed a new paradigm of social integration capable of explaining social change, constructing the AGIL theoretical framework: A (adaptation), G (goal attainment), I (integration), L (latency pattern maintenance), focusing on the integrative function of the social system. In Parsons' view, social integration is to maintain the basic equilibrium and stability of society by adjusting and coordinating the structural elements within the social system, avoiding the collapse of social order and the chaotic state of social anomie. Parsons' theoretical construction of social integration laid the foundation for subsequent research related to social integration.

面对社会分化、分散与疏离，已有文献围绕社会如何有效整合，进行了一系列的研究，至少形成如下研究结论。基于社会失范现象，法国社会学家涂尔干最先提出了社会整合的概念。涂尔干主要在社会学视域下对社会整合进行讨论，强调道德提升和共同情感在团结中的关键效力。他将社会整合划分为“有机团结”和“机械团结”两种类型。涂尔干认为，有机团结是基于个人在社会中相互依赖的社会凝聚力，而机械团结通常在传统和小规模社会中形成，如部落通常基于家庭网络的亲属关系而形成团结。在此基础上，美国社会学家帕森斯基于结构功能主义的视域，发展了能够解释社会变迁的社会整合新范式，构建AGIL理论框架，即A：adaptation（适应），G：goal attainment（目的达成），I：integration（整合），L：latency pattern maintenance（模式维持），注重社会系统的整合功能。在帕森斯看来，社会整合就是通过调整和协调社会系统内的结构要素，维持社会的基本均衡和稳定，避免社会秩序的瓦解及社会失范的混乱状况。帕森斯对于社会整合的理论构建，为后续社会整合相关研究奠定了基础。

Subsequently, scholars have mostly followed Parsons' classical theory of social integration, providing theoretical and empirical support. On the one hand, scholars have attempted to break through the limitations of the original macro level, incorporating relatively micro-level actors into the scope of social integration. Besides focusing on the coordination of order among the units of the social system, they place greater emphasis on the question of how individuals integrate into society within the changing dimensions of time and space. On the other hand, scholars continue to advance the typological study of social integration. Ferdinand Tönnies proposed the concept of community, arguing that community is essentially an integration based on essential will or arbitrary will.

之后，学者们大多沿用帕森斯的经典社会整合理论，提供理论上和经验上的支持。一方面，学者们尝试突破原有的宏观层面局限，将相对微观的行动者纳入社会整合范畴中。除了关注社会系统各单元之间的秩序协调，更强调在具有变动性的时间和空间中个人如何融入社会这一问题。另一方面，学者们继续推进社会整合的类型学研究。滕尼斯提出共同体的概念，认为共同体实质上是基于本质意志或选择意志的整合。

There are two different definitions of social integration: one is the integration of individuals into society, and the other is the integration of society by the state. Western literature defines it from the first perspective, while Chinese traditional practice and theoretical literature define social integration from the second perspective. This article primarily adopts the second perspective, focusing on how the state effectively integrates society from the standpoint of grassroots political power. From the perspective of grassroots political power building, China's social integration can be roughly divided into the following stages. In the first stage, traditional China exhibited a pattern of political power building where "imperial power does not extend below the county level." [1]1 "Imperial power does not extend below the county level" (皇权不下县) is a traditional Chinese saying describing the limited reach of central state authority into rural areas, where local governance was often managed by gentry and informal institutions. During the late Qing and Republican periods, the state attempted to expand its power into society, achieving social integration through gentry governance. However, this led to the emergence of profit-seeking brokers and state involution, resulting in the separation of the gentry and the appearance of dual-track governance. [2]2 "State involution" (国家政权内卷化) refers to a concept developed by Prasenjit Duara to describe a situation where state expansion into rural society increases extraction without corresponding institutional development, leading to inefficiency and the rise of profit-seeking intermediaries. In the second stage, the Communist Party of China transformed traditional social networks, achieving the integration of society by the Party and the state. Grassroots political power began to be rebuilt, and the source of grassroots authority gradually shifted from social authorization to administrative authorization. With the development of villager self-governance, townships became relatively complete first-level grassroots political power. However, at the same time, grassroots political power transformed into "profit-seeking political power operators." [3]3 "Profit-seeking political power operators" (谋利型政权经营者) is a term used by Chinese scholars to describe grassroots governments that prioritize their own economic interests over public service during the reform era. The subsequent reform of agricultural taxes and fees attempted to block the channels for grassroots profiteering but instead triggered the suspension of grassroots political power organizations, leading to social differentiation.

社会整合有两种不同的界定，一是个体融入社会，二是国家整合社会。西方文献从第一个角度界定，中国的传统实践和理论文献从第二个角度界定社会整合。本文主要采用的是第二个角度，从基层政权的角度关注国家如何有效整合社会。从基层政权建设来看，我国的社会整合大致可以分为如下阶段。第一阶段，传统中国呈现“皇权不下县”的政权建设格局，晚清、民国时期国家尝试向社会扩张权力，通过士绅治理实现社会整合，但却出现营利型经纪滋生和国家政权内卷，导致士绅分离，出现双轨治理。第二阶段，中国共产党改造传统社会网络，实现了党和国家对社会的整合，基层政权开始重建，基层权威的来源逐步从社会性授权转化为行政性授权。随着村民自治的发展，乡镇成为相对完整的一级基层政权，但同时基层政权却变为了“谋利型政权经营者”，随后进行的农业税费改革试图堵住基层谋利的口子，但却引发了基层政权组织的悬浮化，导致社会分化。

To address the above problems, the state carries out grassroots political power building, achieving social integration through different means. What types of social integration already exist? What are the advantages and difficulties of these types? How can these difficulties be resolved? These are the research questions of this article.

为了应对以上问题，国家进行基层政权建设，通过不同的方式实现社会整合。已有社会整合有哪些类型？这些类型存在哪些优势与困境？如何解决这种困境呢？这是本文的研究问题。

II. Three Existing Types of Social Integration

二、社会整合已有的三种类型

What types of social integration already exist in response to social differentiation? There are at least three existing methods of social integration: government-society coordination based on the relationship between government and society, administrative integration based on bureaucratic structural relations, and technological integration based on internet technology and big data. Technological integration is a type of administrative integration, but to highlight the impact of technology on integration, this article lists it as a separate type. Each of these methods has its advantages but also faces its own difficulties.

针对社会分化，已有哪些社会整合的类型呢？至少已有三种社会整合的方式：基于政府与社会关系之上的政社协同，基于科层结构关系的行政整合，基于互联网技术和大数据的技术整合。技术整合是行政整合的一种类型，但为了凸显技术对整合的影响，本文将其单列为一种类型。这几种方式各有优势，但也面临各自的困境。

1. Government-Society Coordination Based on Government-Society Interaction

1.基于政社互动的政社协同

In response to the needs of diverse social subjects, to achieve effective governance, the government plays a leading role by constructing institutionalized communication channels and participation platforms, strengthening the support and cultivation of social forces, and leveraging the role of society in autonomous governance, participatory services, and collaborative management, thereby forming an integrated pattern of government-society coordination.

针对社会多元主体的需要，政府为了实现有效治理，通过发挥主导作用，构建制度化的沟通渠道和参与平台，加强对社会力量的支持培育，发挥社会在自主治理、参与服务和协同管理等方面的作用，形成政社协同的整合格局。

First, government-society coordination refers to a method of social integration through the collaboration of the state and society. In traditional Chinese governance, the state's weak capacity forced it to borrow strength from society; local authority came from social authorization, and state agents had to rely on local forces to achieve governance, resulting in a "cultural nexus of power." [4]4 "Cultural nexus of power" (权力文化网络) is a concept from Prasenjit Duara's work on North China, referring to the informal networks of culture, religion, and patronage through which local elites exercised authority and mediated state-society relations. Governance emphasizes the coordination between government organizations and various organizations in society, including coordination between government and communities, and between government and social organizations. It holds that organizational integration means that the suppliers of public services include not only the government but also social subjects, advocating for the establishment of a benign interactive mechanism between government and society. Drawing on these two existing concepts, government-society integration refers to a type of integration where the state borrows strength from society.

第一，政社协同是指国家和社会协作，实现社会整合的一种方式。在中国传统的治理中，国家能力弱使其不得不向社会借力，地方权威来自社会性授权，国家代理人不得不依赖地方力量实现治理，出现权力文化网络。治理强调政府组织与社会中的各个组织之间的协同，包括政府与社区的协同，政府与社会组织的协同。其认为组织整合是指公共服务的供给主体不仅包括政府，而且包括社会主体，倡导建立政府和社会之间的良性互动机制。在借鉴已有两个概念的基础上，政社整合是指国家向社会借力实现整合的一种类型。

Second, two types of government-society integration: partners or subordinates. The ideal state of government-society coordination is that the government and society are partners, with social forces assisting the government in achieving public welfare, and the government providing various institutional supports such as rules and systems for social participation. Government-society coordination emphasizes the formation of a trust-based cooperative relationship between the state and society. Specific measures focus on building trust increments, requiring all subjects to respect power, responsibilities, and obligations according to law and institutions, to establish public goals and take joint action based on the principles of respect, equality, and reciprocity, within a framework of information disclosure and symmetrical communication. However, in practice, government-society coordination can also devolve into a subordinate relationship, easily leading to unintended consequences such as the administrativeization of social organizations.

第二，政社整合的两种类型：伙计还是伙伴。政社协同的理想状态是政府和社会是伙伴关系，社会力量协助政府实现公益性，政府为社会的参与提供规则、制度等各类制度性支撑。政社协同强调国家与社会之间形成以信任为基础的协作关系。具体措施则落脚于信任增量建设，要求各主体依据法律和制度，尊重权力、责任和义务，以尊重、平等、互惠的原则，在信息公开和对等的沟通模式中确立公共目标并付诸共同行动。但是，在实践中，政社协同也有可能走向伙计关系，容易出现社会组织行政化等意料之外的结果。

2. Administrative Integration Based on Bureaucratic Reengineering

2.基于科层再造的行政整合

The theoretical foundation of administrative integration comes from the holistic government. The holistic government was first proposed by Christopher Pollit as a correction to the New Public Management reforms, aimed at promoting coordination among government departments. The holistic government includes re-integration, holistic governance, and joined-up government. Therefore, administrative integration is a type of social integration that overcomes the problems brought about by specialization and decentralization. Taking integration as its concept, it determines new organizational structures, evaluation mechanisms, and management methods through organizational restructuring. Re-integration includes reverse departmentalization, large-department governance, reshaping service chains, centralized procurement and specialization, shared services, and network simplification. Through organizational integration and task reengineering, administrative integration aims to promote the transformation of government from fragmentation to integration, achieving a shift from separation to fusion.

行政整合的理论基础来自整体型政府。整体性政府最早由波利特提出，是对新公共管理改革的一种矫正，旨在促进政府部门间协同。整体型政府包括重新整合、整体性治理、协同政府。因此行政整合是一种克服专业化与分权带来的问题的社会整合类型，以整合为理念，通过组织重构确定新的组织结构、评价机制和管理方式。重新整合包括逆部门化、大部门式治理、重塑服务链、集中采购和专业化、共享服务、网络精简。行政整合通过组织整合和任务再造，旨在促进政府从碎片化到整合化，实现从分立到融合。

First, through organizational integration, resolve the problem of fragmented power. The primary meaning of administrative integration is organizational integration, which refers to the transformation of organizational form from a traditional hierarchical pyramid structure to a task-centered, inter-departmental flat structure. It includes two dimensions. One is the coordination of internal government organizations. Administrative integration is integration within the organizational system, based on functions and institutions, merging or integrating institutions with similar functions to improve administrative efficiency. The second is that administrative integration emphasizes goal incentives, achieving inter-organizational integration by leveraging the authority of higher-level governments. The goal-setting mechanism includes goal setting, performance assessment, incentives and constraints, etc.

第一，通过组织整合，解决权力碎片化的问题。行政整合的首要涵义是组织整合，它是指组织形态从传统的科层金字塔结构到以任务为中心的部门间扁平结构的转变。它包括两个维度。其一，政府内部组织的协同。行政整合是组织系统内部的整合，以职能、机构为依据，将相似职能的机构合并或者整合，从而提高行政效率。其二，行政整合强调目标激励，通过发挥上级政府的权威，实现组织间整合。目标设定机制包括目标设定、绩效考核、激励约束等。

Second, through task reengineering, improve service efficiency, thereby better integrating a dispersed society. The core of task reengineering is to reshape the service chain, redesign the organizational task support system and public service processing procedures, and enhance service supply capacity and efficiency. One is the change in the service chain: from function-centered to project-centered. Under government fragmentation, government departments supply services in segments based on functions, resulting in fragmented functions and tasks. Under the concept of administrative integration, government departments adjust and reengineer service supply based on projects and according to processes. The core of task reengineering is to achieve information sharing, so that data from various functional departments can be mutually visible, thereby improving administrative efficiency and saving administrative costs. The second is to establish a one-stop public service supply platform. A one-stop public service supply platform refers to the government integrating dispersed services, establishing a unified platform, and providing public services through this platform. One-stop service types are diverse, including one-stop windows, online integration, etc. The government integrates dispersed service supply channels into a single service supply platform; citizens need to apply for or access this service at most once.

第二，通过任务再造，提升服务效率，从而更好地整合分散社会。任务再造的核心是重新塑造服务链，重新设计组织任务支撑系统、公务处理流程，提高服务供给能力与效率。其一，服务链条的变化：从以职能为中心到以项目为中心。在政府碎片化下，政府部门以职能为依据，对服务进行分段供给，结果造成职能和任务的碎片化。在行政整合的理念下，政府部门以项目为依据，按照流程，对服务供给进行调整与再造。任务再造的核心是实现信息共享，各个职能部门的数据能够互相看到，这样可以提高行政效率，节约行政成本。其二，建立一站式的公共服务供给平台。一站式的公共服务供给平台是指政府将分散化的服务整合起来，建立统一的平台，通过这个平台提供公共服务。一站式的服务类型具有多样性，包括一站式窗口、网络整合等。政府整合分散化的服务供给渠道，将其归为一个服务供给平台，市民需要申领或享受这项服务，最多只需跑一次。

3. Technological integration based on technology and internet technology

3.基于科技和互联网技术的技术整合

As internet technology and big data are increasingly applied in the field of social governance, data governance is no longer merely a data issue, nor entirely a technical issue, but touches upon deep-seated problems of government management and public governance. Technological integration, through the intervention of advanced technologies such as big data and artificial intelligence, enhances the scientific, refined, and intelligent nature of governance, improves governance methods, and elevates the efficiency, quality, and level of grassroots social governance. How technological integration achieves the transition from social differentiation to integration has formed the following views in existing research.

伴随着互联网技术和大数据日益应用于社会治理领域，数据治理不再单单是数据问题，也不完全是技术问题，而是触及政府管理和公共治理的深层次问题。技术整合通过大数据、人工智能等先进技术的介入，提升治理的科学性、精细性、智能性，改进了治理方式，提升了基层社会治理的效率、质量和水平。技术整合如何实现社会从分化到整合，已有研究形成如下观点。

First, bridge a divided society through technology. Technological integration focuses more microcosmically on the policy implementation process of social governance, prominently manifesting as a path of technological integration that uses instrumentalist technological logic to cope with, absorb, and resolve pressures brought by a divided society. Technological integration more deeply reflects the constraints and challenges of reform and the deep-seated characteristics of the internal operating mechanisms of the national governance system. The "technology +" and "internet +" social governance models innovate interactive relationships among governance subjects, share and deeply utilize information from all parties, empower the "last kilometer" of grassroots governance with data, and promote the "integration of four governance methods" [5]5 The "integration of four governance methods" (四治融合) refers to combining autonomous governance, rule-of-law governance, virtuous governance, and smart governance in grassroots social management. through smart governance.

第一，通过技术弥合分化社会。技术整合更为微观地聚焦社会治理的政策执行过程，突出表现为以工具主义的技术逻辑应对、吸纳和化解分化社会带来的压力，形成技术整合的路径。技术整合更为深入地折射了改革的约束和挑战，反映国家治理体系内部运行机制的深层特征。“科技＋”和“互联网＋”社会治理模式创新治理主体间的互动关系，共享并深度运用各方信息，数据赋能基层治理的“最后一公里”，以智治推动“四治融合”。

Second, refined governance enhances government autonomy. A category of exploration represented by "refined governance," while adhering to the government's leading position, takes the transformation and rational allocation of government functions as its core, innovates the downward accountability mechanism of grassroots governments, relies on datafication, promotes social governance targeting social problems and social needs, and by enhancing government autonomy, strengthens political guidance over diverse forces, advancing governance content precision, governance process standardization, and governance outcome refinement. This can be seen as a revision of the social integration approach from "overall domination" to "technical governance." This type of research, based on the complexity, interconnectedness, and uncertainty of the social environment and social practice, introduces a complex scientific management paradigm, proposes revisions to the government-led linear management model, and aims to integrate various disorderly and chaotic elements within the social system under a unified goal, internal driving force, and relatively standardized structural form.

第二，精细化治理增强政府自主性。以“精细化治理”为代表的一类探索在坚持政府主导地位的前提下，以政府职能的转变与合理配置为核心，创新基层政府的向下负责机制，依托数据化，推进社会治理以社会问题和社会需求为靶向，通过增强政府的自主性，加强对多元力量的政治引导，推动治理内容精准化、治理过程规范化、治理效果精致化，可以视作一种从“总体支配”向“技术治理”的社会整合思路的修正。这类研究基于社会环境和社会实践的复杂性、关联性和不确定性，引入复杂科学管理范式，对政府主导的线性管理模式提出修正，旨在把社会系统中无秩序、混沌的各种要素在统一目标、内在动力和相对规范的结构形式中整合起来。

III. Party Integration: A New Type of Social Integration

三、政党整合：社会整合的新类型

The three integration types above can resolve the problem of social differentiation to a certain extent, but each still faces difficulties: state-society coordination risks the involution of state power or society's dependence on the state; administrative integration faces the problem of departmental self-interest; technological integration struggles to break through the dilemma of technological integration and decentralized decision-making caused by government self-interest. These are the background for proposing Party integration.

以上三种整合类型能在一定程度上解决社会分化的问题，但是，各自仍然面临困境：政社协同存在国家政权内卷化或社会依附国家的风险；行政整合面临部门自利性的难题；技术整合难以突破政府自利性带来的技术整合与决策分散的困境，这些是政党整合的提出背景。

1. Difficulties faced by the three existing integration types

1.已有三种整合类型面临的困境

First, state involution or society's dependence on the state: the dual dilemma of state-society coordination. The advantage of state-society coordination is that it does not impose financial pressure on the state. In the long run, achieving social integration through the participation of social forces is conducive to realizing flexible governance and enhancing social recognition and compliance. However, this integration faces a dual dilemma. On one hand, when state capacity is weak, it is prone to the involution of state-building. Because the state is relatively weak and lacks effective supervision of social forces, social forces may use the administrative power granted by the state to seek benefits for themselves, leading to the involution of state power. On the other hand, when state capacity is strong, the state reduces the risk of state power involution through effective supervision and institutional capacity building, but this easily leads to another extreme: social forces become dependent on the state. State-society coordination faces the problem of balancing the tension between the state and society.

第一，国家内卷化或社会依附国家：政社协同的双重困境。政社协同的优点是不会给国家带来财政压力，从长远来看，借助社会力量的参与实现社会整合，有利于实现柔性治理，提高社会的认同与服从。但是，这种整合面临双重困境，一方面，在国家能力弱的情况下，它容易出现国家政权建设内卷化。国家由于能力较弱，缺乏对社会力量的有效监管，使得社会力量可能出现利用国家授予的行政性权力为自己谋取利益的情况，导致国家政权内卷化。另一方面，在国家能力强的情况下，国家通过有效监管和制度能力建设，降低了国家政权内卷化的风险，但是，这又容易导致另外一个极端，那就是社会力量依附于国家。政社协同面临如何平衡国家与社会张力的问题。

Second, administrative integration faces the dilemma of departmental self-interest. Administrative integration mainly addresses the problems of horizontal departmental separation and power fragmentation. By merging similar items, it achieves organizational integration to respond to various demands of a differentiated society. However, it faces the dilemma of departmental self-interest. Influenced by factors such as information advantages, professional expertise, and turf, government departments have self-interest, which constrains the efficiency of administrative integration. At the same time, administrative integration can only partially merge departments at the same horizontal government level, but higher-level departments still have vertical "tiao" [6]6 "Tiao" (条) refers to vertical, sectoral lines of authority within government ministries or departments from central to local levels. and horizontal "kuai" [7]7 "Kuai" (块) refers to horizontal, territorial blocks of authority at a given level of local government (e.g., a provincial or municipal government). systems; conflicts between "tiao" and "kuai" may affect the effectiveness of administrative integration at the "kuai" level. In other words, administrative integration struggles to resolve the problem of departmental segmentation, urgently requiring a more powerful force to achieve integration.

第二，行政整合面临部门自利性的困境。行政整合主要是解决横向上部门分立和权力分散的问题，通过合并同类项，实现组织整合，应对分化社会的各类要求。但是，它面临部门自利性的困境。基于信息优势、专业和地盘等因素的影响，政府部门具有自利性，这种自利性约束了行政整合的效率。与此同时，行政整合只能部分合并横向上同一政府层面的部门，但是，上级部门仍然存在条条和块块，条块冲突可能影响块块上行政整合的效果。换言之，行政整合难以解决部门分割的难题，迫切需要更为强大的力量实现整合。

Third, technological integration faces the dilemma of instrumentalism. Technological integration has a diffuse quality and can permeate the other two types of integration. However, technological integration faces the dilemma of instrumentalism. Risk control is the priority principle of technological integration; technological integration is locked into the administrative technical level with low risk coefficients, tending to use administrative technical innovation to address governance challenges. Technological integration emphasizes a "matter-oriented" [8]8 "Matter-oriented" (事本主义) is a term describing a pragmatic, task-focused approach that prioritizes solving specific problems over systemic reform. view of reform; administrative departments lack the incentive to construct comprehensive, reform-oriented institutional arrangements but instead solve problems through project-based approaches, a process that leads to a new dilemma of fragmented government. At the same time, technological integration can achieve data integration but cannot achieve autonomous decision-making. Facing complex situations, technology more reflects the empirical dimension and struggles to achieve value integration. Therefore, technological integration needs to focus on who is collecting, developing, and using data. In recent years, an increasing number of local governments have used state-owned enterprises to develop data, a behavior that demonstrates technological integration's emphasis on the attributes of data developers. Therefore, facing increasingly diverse, mobile, and differentiated social forms, technological integration faces the dilemma of instrumentalism, urgently requiring theoretical innovation that transcends technological integration.

第三，技术整合面临工具主义的困境。技术整合具有弥散性，可以贯穿另外两种整合之中。但是，技术整合面临工具主义的困境。风险控制是技术整合的优先原则，技术整合锁定在风险系数低的行政技术层次，倾向于以行政技术的革新来应对治理难题。技术整合强调“事本主义”的改革观，行政部门没有积极性去构建全局性、改革性的制度安排，而是以项目化的方式来解决问题，这一过程导致新的碎片化政府的困境。与此同时，技术整合能够实现数据集成，但却不能实现自主决策。面对复杂情景，技术更多体现经验的面向，难以实现价值的集成。因此，技术整合需要关注谁在收集、开发和使用数据。近年来越来越多的地方政府采用国有企业开发数据，这一行为展现了技术整合对数据开发者的属性的重视。因此，面对日趋多元、流动和分化的社会形态，技术整合面临工具主义的困境，迫切需要超越技术整合进行理论创新。

Fourth, the existing three types of research have neglected the influence of the ruling party on social integration. The existing three types of social integration focus on the coordination between government and society, integration within the government, and how the government uses digital technology to achieve integration, neglecting the role of political parties in social integration, especially the important role and mechanism of the ruling party in social integration. Political parties aim to gain power and can be divided into ruling parties and non-ruling parties. Regardless of the type of political party, to exert influence on state power, it must obtain broader recognition and obedience from society. The process by which a political party draws resources, transforms society, and promotes social integration is the process of social integration. Political parties in any country have the function of social integration. The Communist Party of China exerts significant influence on the state and society and participates in social integration to a deeper degree.

第四，已有三类研究忽略了执政党对社会整合的影响。已有三类社会整合注重政府与社会的协同，政府内部的整合，政府如何运用数字技术实现整合，忽略了政党在社会整合中的作用，尤其是执政党在社会整合中的重要角色和作用机制。政党以谋取执政为目的，可以分为执政党和非执政党。无论哪种类型的政党，要对国家政权施加影响力，就必须获得社会更广泛的认同和服从。政党汲取资源，改造社会，促使社会一体化的过程就是社会整合的过程。任何国家的政党都具有社会整合的功能。中国共产党对国家和社会发挥重要的影响力，参与社会整合的程度更深。

Since the New Era, the Communist Party of China has made a strong return in social integration. Existing scholars have refined theories such as the party-state corporatism model, the structure of the integration of politics and administration, the structure of the integration of the Party, government, and mass organizations, the organization of the integration of law and mediation, and simplified governance, which have laid a solid foundation for the research of this article. On the basis of government-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration, this article proposes party integration. Party integration is the process by which a political party promotes social integration and is also an important way for a political party to gain authority.

新时代以来，中国共产党在社会整合上强有力的回归，已有学者提炼出政党统合论、政行合一的结构、党政群合一的结构、法律调解合一的组织、简约治理等理论，这为本文的研究奠定了坚实的基础。本文在政社协同、行政整合、技术整合的基础上，提出政党整合。政党整合是政党促进社会一体化的过程，也是政党获得权威的重要方式。

2. The Connotation and Extension of Party Integration

2.政党整合的内涵与外延

Facing the problem of differentiation in grassroots social governance, the ruling party handles its relationship with its own organizations, administrative organizations, economic organizations, and mass autonomous organizations, reconstructs the grassroots social order, and provides grassroots support for the modern state. This article summarizes this process as party integration. Party integration includes internal integration and external integration. Internal integration refers to the ruling party's integration of the political power system and its own integration. External integration refers to the ruling party's integration of society. The aforementioned government-society coordination is a type of external integration, while administrative integration and technological integration are internal integration. Party integration includes both internal integration and external integration.

面对基层社会治理分化的难题，执政党处理与自身组织、行政组织、经济组织和群众性自治组织的关系，重构基层社会秩序，为现代国家提供基层基础支持，本文将这一过程概括为政党整合。政党整合包括内整合和外整合，内整合是指执政党对政权体系的整合和自身的整合，外整合是指执政党对社会的整合。前述政社协同是一种外整合，行政整合和技术整合是内整合，政党整合则既包括内整合，也包括外整合。

First, internal integration refers to the ruling party's integration of the political power system and its own integration. First, the ruling party achieves the integration of the political power system through forms such as the leading small groups system, the Party leadership group system, and the system of assigning work to corresponding departments. In grassroots governance, the ruling party establishes social work departments and uses forms such as the two new economic organizations and new social organizations work committees and working groups to solve the problem of fragmentation of grassroots governance subjects. Second, the ruling party integrates itself. Through organizational construction, the ruling party establishes mechanisms of identification and obedience, leverages the exemplary vanguard role of Party members and the fortress role of Party branches, strengthens the ruling party's own construction, and enhances the ruling party's own organizational capacity.

第一，内整合是指执政党对政权体系的整合和自身的整合。其一，执政党通过领导小组制、党组制、归口制等形式，实现对政权体系的整合。在基层治理中，执政党成立社会工作部，通过两新工委、工作小组等形式，解决基层治理主体碎片化的问题。其二，执政党对自身的整合。执政党通过组织建设，建立认同与服从机制，发挥党员先锋模范作用和党支部战斗堡垒作用，强化执政党的自身建设，提升执政党自身的组织能力。

Second, external integration refers to the ruling party's integration of society. The Communist Party of China has always emphasized the united front, organizing and mobilizing the broadest social forces to participate in the governance process, achieving a transformation from scattered services to diversified coordination. The ruling party builds society through the demonstration and mobilization of Party members and the connection of resources and services; grassroots Party organizations play the functions of social integration and secondary construction through "subject supplementation" and "cultivating society." The ruling party solves the problems of the disembedding of grassroots social governance and the floating of grassroots Party building through resource supplementation and the "dual-track system"; it achieves the integration of society through organizational embedding, value guidance, and institutional absorption.

第二，外整合是指执政党对社会的整合。中国共产党一直注重统一战线，组织和动员最广泛的社会力量，参与治理过程，实现从分散服务到多元协同的转变。执政党通过党员示范动员、资源和服务的连接来建设社会；基层党组织通过“主体补位”和“培育社会”，发挥社会整合与二次构建的功能。执政党通过资源补充与“双轨制”，解决基层社会治理的脱嵌和基层党建悬浮化的问题；通过组织嵌入、价值引领、体制吸纳的方式，实现对社会的整合。

Third, party integration is a re-integration of the existing three types of integration. Compared with the existing three types of integration, party integration has both similarities and differences. The similarity lies in the fact that party integration possesses some characteristics of the existing three types of integration; the difference lies in the fact that party integration is a re-integration of the existing three types of integration. Government-society integration focuses on the integration of social subjects, paying attention to the participation of social forces in the grassroots governance process. Social subjects achieve social solidarity and order reproduction through service production, mutual benefit, and other means. Administrative integration focuses on integration within administrative departments. Technological integration uses technology as a medium to achieve process reengineering of public power subjects and improve overall efficiency. In contrast, party integration not only has the characteristics of organizing and mobilizing society but also has the characteristics of integrating the state political power system. First, the ruling party integrates social forces to form a grassroots social governance pattern of one core and multiple elements. Second, the ruling party achieves leadership over political power organizations through the Party committee and Party leadership group system and the system of assigning work to corresponding departments; through the leading small groups system, it integrates government departments across regions, industries, and fields, solving the problem of departmental fragmentation in administrative integration. Third, the ruling party uses technologies such as artificial intelligence and digital governance to enhance the Party's information collection capacity, thereby increasing its diffuse power. For a direct comparison between party integration and the three types of social integration, see Table 1.

第三，政党整合是对已有三类整合的再整合。与已有三类整合相比，政党整合既与之具有相似之处，又有不同点。相似之处在于，政党整合具有已有三类整合某些特征；不同点则在于政党整合是对已有三类整合的再整合。政社整合注重社会主体的整合，关注社会力量参与基层治理过程，社会主体通过服务生产、互惠互利等方式，实现社会团结与秩序再生产。行政整合关注行政部门内部的整合。技术整合则是以技术为媒介，实现公共权力主体的流程再造，提高整体效率。与之不同，政党整合不仅具有组织社会、动员社会的特征，而且具有整合国家政权体系的特征。其一，执政党整合社会力量，形成一核多元的基层社会治理格局。 其二，执政党通过党委和党组制、归口制，实现党对政权组织的领导；通过小组制，整合跨地域、跨行业、跨领域的政府部门，解决行政整合的部门碎分难题。其三，执政党运用人工智能、数字治理等技术，提升党的信息收集能力，从而提高弥散性权力。政党整合与三类社会整合的直观比较，参见表1。

In summary, compared with government-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration, party integration is a re-integration of the subjects of the existing three types of integration. Party integration includes two aspects: internal integration and external integration. It not only includes the Party's integration of the elements of political power and the reshaping of the Party organization itself but also includes the Party's integration of society.

总之，相较于政社协同、行政整合和技术整合，政党整合是对已有三类整合主体的再整合。政党整合包括内整合和外整合两个方面，不仅包括党对政权要素的整合和党组织自身的重塑，而且包括党对社会的整合。

IV. Analysis of the Mechanisms of Party Realizing Social Integration

四、政党实现社会整合的机制分析

Why is it difficult for government-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration to achieve effective integration of grassroots society, while party integration can form a governance synergy? On the basis of existing research, this article proposes from three aspects—power form, organizational structure, and working mechanism—that party integration refers to the process by which the Communist Party of China uses a power form that is both centralized and diffuse, constructs the Party's grassroots organizations through organizational embedding, and uses flexible working mechanisms to integrate a differentiated society. The power structure that is both centralized and diffuse, the embedded organizational structure, and the flexible working mechanism enable the ruling party in the New Era to integrate the political power system, mobilize, transform, and integrate grassroots society, reshape the Party-mass relationship, effectively integrate society, and consolidate grassroots political power. This article will deeply analyze the relationship among the three and their manifestations and impacts in grassroots social integration from the combination of theory and practice.

为何政社协同、行政整合和技术整合难以实现基层社会的有效整合，政党整合却能形成治理合力呢？在已有研究的基础上，本文从权力形态、组织结构与工作机制三个方面，提出政党整合是指中国共产党运用兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态，通过组织嵌入的方式建构党的基层组织，运用灵活的工作机制，整合分化社会的过程。兼具集中性和弥散性的权力结构，嵌入的组织结构与灵活的工作机制，促使新时代我国执政党整合政权体系，动员、改造和整合基层社会，重塑党群关系，有效整合社会，夯实基层政权。本文将从理论与实践的结合上深入分析三者的关系及其在基层社会整合中的表现与影响。

1. A Power Form That Is Both Centralized and Diffuse

1.兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态

Why can a political party achieve effective social integration, while the original three integration mechanisms cannot achieve effective integration? The power form that is both centralized and diffuse can explain this problem. Centralized power and diffuse power are a set of concepts proposed by Michael Mann to describe forms of power. Centralized power is directly implemented by command and coercion. In contrast, diffuse power is not directly implemented by command. It spreads in a relatively spontaneous, unconscious, and centerless manner. For example, the cultural network of power proposed by Prasenjit Duara is formed through social authorization and is binding on the people; this is a type of diffuse power. Michael Mann believes that economic power and cultural power are diffuse powers; political power is centralized power. From the perspective of power form, government-society coordination is a type of diffuse power, administrative integration and technological integration are types of centralized power, while party integration has the characteristics of both diffuse power and centralized power. Government-society coordination completes integration tasks by leveraging society. Social power mainly comes from social authorization and is a diffuse power. Administrative integration relies on mandatory methods such as super-ministry reform and process reengineering to integrate fragmented departments, which is the application of centralized power. Technological integration achieves integration through technical means and is also a type of centralized power. Unlike the previous three types of integration, party integration has a power form that is both centralized and diffuse.

为何政党能够实现有效的社会整合，而原有的三种整合机制却无法实现有效的整合呢？兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态能够解释这个问题。集中性权力和弥散性权力是迈克尔·曼提出的一组概念，用来描述权力的形态。集中性权力直接由命令与强制实施。相反，弥散性权力不直接由命令实施。它是以相对自发的、不自觉的和无中心的方式扩散的。例如，杜赞奇提出的权力的文化网络形成于社会性授权，并对民众有约束力，这是一种弥散性权力。迈克尔·曼认为经济权力和文化权力是弥散型权力；政治权力是集中型权力。从权力形态来看，政社协同是一种弥散性权力，行政整合和技术整合是一种集中性权力，而政党整合兼具弥散性权力和集中性权力的特征。政社协同通过借力社会，完成整合任务。社会权力主要来自社会性授权，是一种弥散性的权力。行政整合依赖大部制改革、流程再造等强制性方式，整合碎片化的部门，是集中性权力的运用。技术整合通过技术手段实现整合，也是一种集中性权力。与前面三种整合类型不同，政党整合兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态。

First, the centralization of the ruling party can overcome departmental self-interest and promote social integration. As the core of national governance, the ruling party has absolute authority and is a type of centralized power. This makes the Party's demands a kind of political correctness, capable of overcoming departmental fragmentation. For example, in administrative integration, departmental self-interest may lead to departmental division and integration difficulties. However, in party integration, the ruling party has authority, and various organizations need to obey the ruling party's decisions. The ruling party uses the leading small groups system, the system of assigning work to corresponding departments, and other methods to solve problems such as "nine dragons governing the water" [9]9 "Nine dragons governing the water" (九龙治水) is a Chinese idiom describing a situation where multiple government departments have overlapping responsibilities for the same issue, leading to inefficiency, buck-passing, and a lack of coordination. and conflicts between vertical and horizontal departments, weaken administrative self-interest, and play a powerful integrating role.

第一，执政党的集中性能够克服部门自利性，促进社会整合。执政党作为国家治理的核心，具有绝对的权威性，是一种集中型权力。这就使得政党的要求成为一种政治正确，能够克服部门分割。例如，行政整合中可能因为部门自利性带来部门分立和整合困境，但是，在政党整合中，执政党具有权威性，各类组织需要服从执政党的决策。执政党通过领导小组制、归口制等，解决“九龙治水”、条块冲突等问题，减弱行政自利性，发挥强有力的整合作用。

Second, doing the work of people is a traditional magic weapon of the Communist Party of China, and this cultural power is a diffuse form of power. The ruling party is adept at doing the work of people, using the method of heart-to-heart talks to draw close interpersonal relationships, strengthen the connection between the organization and the individual, and promote individuals moving from estrangement to connection. First, unlike bureaucracy, doing the work of people requires caring for individual needs and promoting the connection between people. Heart-to-heart talks are a very important method of party integration. In the organizational life of grassroots Party organizations, heart-to-heart talks include talks between branch committee members and Party members, between Party members and Party members, and between Party members and the masses, and there are frequency requirements. Effective heart-to-heart talks help draw close the connection between individual and individual, and between individual and organization. Second, doing the work of people emphasizes emotional governance. Doing the work of people emphasizes emotional exchange and emotional governance. This is a method different from administrative integration. It promotes the connection between the individual and the organization through a combination of reason and legal principle, interest-driven motivation and psychological identification, and cultivates and enhances political identification in this process. Through doing the work of people, the ruling party has the ability to exert influence without relying on issuing orders. This influence is a relatively spontaneously formed diffuse power, which helps bridge differences and promote social integration.

第二，做人的工作，是中国共产党的传统法宝，这种文化权力是一种弥散性的权力形态。执政党善于做人的工作，运用谈心谈话的方式，拉近人与人的关系，强化组织与个体的联系，促进个体之间从疏离走向联系。首先，不同于科层制，做人的工作需要关心个体需求，促进人与人的连接。谈心谈话是政党整合的很重要的方式。在基层党组织的组织生活中，谈心谈话包括支委与党员、党员与党员、党员与群众的谈话，且有频次要求。有效的谈心谈话有助于拉近个人与个人、个人与组织的连接。其次，做人的工作注重情感治理。做人的工作，注重情感交流与情感治理，这是一种不同于行政整合的方式，它通过情理和法理、利益驱动与心理认同相结合的方式，促进个体与组织的联系，并在这个过程中培育与提升政治认同。执政党通过做人的工作，具有不依靠发号施令而施加影响的能力，这种影响力是一种相对自发形成的弥散性权力，有助于弥合差异，促进社会整合。

2. Embedded Organizational Structure

2.嵌入的组织结构

The power form that combines both centralization and diffusion is manifested in the organizational structure as the embeddedness of the Communist Party of China. Embeddedness is a concept proposed by Polanyi in *The Great Transformation*; it refers to one structure being embedded within another structure. In the social integration methods of the Communist Party of China, embeddedness is mainly manifested in the ruling party, through methods such as Party groups and Party branches, superimposing itself into other non-Party organizations, covering areas that are difficult for political-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration to reach, and playing a powerful integrating role.

兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态，表现在组织结构上就是中国共产党的嵌入性。嵌入是波兰尼在《大转型》中提出的概念，它是指一个结构嵌入到另外一个结构之中。在中国共产党的社会整合方式上，嵌入性主要表现为执政党通过党组、党支部等方式，叠加到其他非党的组织之中，覆盖政社协同、行政整合、技术整合等难以覆盖的领域，发挥强有力的整合作用。

First, from a horizontal perspective, party integration breaks through the dilemma of three types of coordination through full organizational coverage. The power form of the Communist Party of China has diffuseness and extensibility, establishing Party organizations within the state structure and grassroots society through certain working mechanisms. One is the Party group system. The Communist Party of China establishes Party groups in government, people's congresses, state-owned enterprises and other institutions. The Party group is a Party organ and plays a decision-making role in the unit's "three major and one large" matters.[10]10 The Fengqiao-style working method (枫桥式工作法) originates from the experience of Fengqiao Township in Zhejiang Province in the 1960s, emphasizing the resolution of conflicts at the grassroots level through mass-line-based mediation rather than relying primarily on formal legal procedures. The ruling party achieves a commanding role by embedding itself into various organizations at the grassroots level, overcoming departmental self-interest in administrative integration. Second, by establishing Party branches, the ruling party achieves "two coverages"[11]11 The term “involution” (内卷化) here refers to a situation where state power expands quantitatively into society without achieving qualitative improvement or effective governance, often leading to inefficiency or stagnation. This usage draws on the concept as applied in Chinese political and social analysis, particularly in studies of state-society relations. for various organizations in the social sphere. Through internal integration methods, the ruling party requires Party members to play a vanguard and exemplary role, and Party branches to play a role as battle fortresses, overcoming the instrumentalist dilemma of technological integration and promoting the transformation of social integration from partial integration to overall integration.

第一，从横向来看，政党整合通过组织全覆盖，突破三类协同的困境。中国共产党的权力形态具有弥散性与延展性，通过一定的工作机制，在国家结构与基层社会中建立党的组织。一是党组制。中国共产党在政府、人大、国企等机构中建立党组，党组是党的机构，在本单位的“三重一大”中发挥决策作用。执政党通过嵌入基层的各个组织之中，实现统领作用，克服行政整合中的部门自利性。二是通过建立党支部，执政党实现社会领域中的各个组织的“两个覆盖”。执政党通过内部整合的方式，要求党员发挥先锋模范作用，党支部发挥战斗堡垒作用，克服技术整合的工具主义困境，推动社会整合从局部整合到整体整合的变化。

Second, from a vertical perspective, party integration embeds itself into many areas that administrative integration cannot reach. Administrative integration relies on administrative subordination to exert influence. The deficiency of administrative subordination lies in its use of rigid power, neglecting flexible power. Given factors such as administrative hierarchy, scale, and cost, the coverage of bureaucracy is limited. China's grassroots governance has

第二，从纵向来看，政党整合嵌入到行政整合无法嵌入的诸多领域。行政整合依靠行政节制施加影响。行政节制不足的地方在于其运用刚性的权力，忽视柔性的权力。鉴于行政层级、规模和成本等因素，科层制的覆盖面有限。中国基层治理长期面临“上下分治”的局面，有一些领域科层制无法覆盖，社会力量又不足，形成管理的真空地带。不同于行政权力，执政党的权力具有弥散性，依靠嵌入的组织结构，基层党组织能够覆盖行政权力触及不到的地方。比如新经济组织、新社会组织和新就业群体实现党的组织和党的工作全面覆盖，显示出政党权力具有弥散性的特征。另外，社区建立社区党委，依托网格进行治理。党的组织触角向下延伸，将社会中各类组织联动起来。基层党组织在社区治理网络中嵌入、拓展与延伸，促进多方主体之间的连接和互动，发挥组织、连接、动员、协调等作用，推动基层治理结构从分散型向紧凑型转变，推动社会从分散走向整合。

3. Flexible operational mechanisms

3.灵活的运行机制

In traditional society, the state’s capacity was weak — “imperial power did not extend below the county level” — and grassroots governance relied on forces such as the gentry, constituting a model of simplified governance. Some scholars have argued that the Chinese Communist Party’s grassroots governance is not a form of bureaucracy but rather a simplified governance mechanism situated between formal and informal institutions. The Chinese Communist Party employs flexible operational mechanisms in grassroots governance. These flexible operational mechanisms include the coexistence of rule-based governance and emotional governance, the coexistence of rigid mechanisms and flexible mechanisms, and the coexistence of formal mechanisms and informal mechanisms — all of which reflect the Party’s distinctive governance approach.

在传统社会中，国家能力弱，“皇权不下县”，基层依靠士绅等力量进行治理，是一种简约治理的模式。有学者提出中国共产党的基层治理不是一种科层制，而是介于正式制度和非正式制度之间的一种简约治理机制。中国共产党在基层治理中采取灵活的运行机制。灵活的运行机制包括规则治理与情感治理并存、刚性机制与灵活机制并存、正式机制与非正式机制并存等，这是中国共产党独特治理机制的体现。

First, the ruling party attaches importance to emotional governance. China’s emotional governance has two sources, usually demarcated by the founding of New China as the dividing point, and is divided into a great tradition and a small tradition. The great tradition focuses on the importance attached to emotional elements in China’s profound Confucian culture — that is, the ethical principles of governance provided by Confucian thought, which are deeply rooted in the traditional rural order built on blood ties and local geographical relationships. In grassroots governance, ancient times emphasized rule by rites with human sentiment and face as core elements, an organic integration of Confucian ethical order and local culture. Following the great tradition of emotional governance, modern emotional governance mostly adjusts local social relations by injecting emotion, emphasizing overall emotional discourse and emotional interaction, and completing local “governance by moral transformation” through “down-to-earth” daily interactions, familial-style assistance, and other emotional techniques. The small tradition is the Chinese Communist Party’s tradition of emotional work. Elizabeth Perry argues that the Chinese Communist Party is adept at emotional work, including rituals, “speaking bitterness,” and “sending warmth.” In the two-way interaction between the Chinese Communist Party and the people, the image of the state and the Party is displayed, forming new emotional bonds with the people through more concrete carriers, thereby gaining emotional identification at the level of meaning construction. That is to say, the people can gradually build identification with the Party and the state through emotional resonance. China’s governance has a deep foundation of “emotional” governance. Since the New Era, the Chinese Communist Party has placed greater emphasis on emotional governance work, shaping the concept of being “people-centered,” using more concrete “red” carriers such as Party-mass service centers and Party-building positions, and diverse forms such as “sending warmth” and “serving the people,” to form emotional connections between the ruling party and the masses, integrating a fragmented society through emotional connections.

第一，执政党重视情感治理。中国的情感治理有两个源头，通常以新中国成立的时间作为区分节点，分为大传统与小传统。大传统着眼于中国厚重的儒家文化中对情感元素的重视，即儒家思想所提供的施政伦理观念，深深植根于以血缘关系、乡土地缘关系建立起来的传统乡村秩序格局之中。在基层治理中，古代强调的是以人情、面子为核心要素的礼治，儒家伦理秩序与地方文化的有机融合。沿袭情感治理的大传统，现代的情感治理大多通过注入情感调整地方社会关系，强调整体上的情感话语与情感交往，通过“接地气”的日常互动、亲情化的帮扶等情感技术完成地方的“德化政治”工作。小传统是中国共产党的情感工作传统。裴宜理认为中国共产党善于做情感工作，包括仪式、诉苦、送温暖。在中国共产党与民众的双向互动过程中，国家与政党的形象得以展示，并与民众以一种更加具象化的载体形成新的情感联结，从而在意义建构层面获得情感认同。也就是说，民众在情感共鸣中能够逐步建立起对党和国家的认同。中国的治理具有深厚的“情感”治理基础。新时代以来，中国共产党更为重视情感治理的工作，通过塑造“以人民为中心”的理念，以党群服务中心、党建阵地等更为具象化的“红色”载体，以“送温暖”“为民服务”等多样的形式，形成执政党与群众的情感连接，通过情感连接来整合分散社会。

Second, the ruling party attaches importance to the use of informal mechanisms. In terms of operational mechanisms, the ruling party integrates society not only through formal mechanisms but also through informal mechanisms. To address prominent problems in society, such as poverty alleviation and rectifying weak and lax villages, the ruling party dispatches work teams for concentrated rectification. Unlike traditional bureaucracy, work teams are a working mechanism situated between bureaucracy and Party mobilization; they can break through the rigidity and fragmentation of existing bureaucracy, achieve a combination of flexibility and institutionalization, and realize resource integration within a short period, making them a relatively efficient problem-solving mechanism. At the same time, in dealing with the mediation and resolution of social conflicts in grassroots governance, the ruling party advocates the “Fengqiao-style working method,” [10]10 The Fengqiao-style working method (枫桥式工作法) originates from the experience of Fengqiao Township in Zhejiang Province in the 1960s, emphasizing the resolution of conflicts at the grassroots level through mass-line-based mediation rather than relying primarily on formal legal procedures. resolving conflicts at the grassroots level, alleviating pressure on court litigation through people’s mediation, judicial mediation, and administrative mediation, forming a complementarity between mediation and rule of law. Work teams, mediation priority, and the like are all flexible applications of informal governance resources. These flexible mechanisms help solve specific problems and promote the transition of society from fragmentation to integration.

第二，执政党重视非正式机制的运用。在运行机制上，执政党整合社会不仅依靠正式机制，还依靠非正式机制。为了解决社会中的突出问题，如脱贫攻坚、整治软弱涣散村等，执政党派出工作队进行集中整治。不同于传统科层制，工作队是一种介于科层制与政党动员的工作机制，它能够突破已有科层制的僵化和分化，实现灵活性与制度性的结合，在短时期内实现资源整合，是一种较为高效的解决问题的机制。与此同时，面对基层治理中社会矛盾的调处与解决，执政党提倡“枫桥式工作法”，将矛盾化解在基层，通过人民调解、司法调解和行政调解，缓解法院诉讼的压力，形成调解与法治的互补。工作队、调节优先等都是非正式治理资源的灵活运用。这些灵活的机制有助于解决具体问题，促进社会从分化走向整合。

In sum, party integration overcomes the deficiencies of the three aforementioned integration pathways through its power form, organizational structure, and working mechanisms, thereby achieving effective social integration. First, party integration overcomes the dilemmas of the three types of coordination through a power form that is both centralized and diffuse: through political authority, it overcomes the problem of government self-interest faced by administrative integration; through doing people’s work, it forms diffuse power, enhances unified understanding, and overcomes the administrative barriers in administrative integration. Second, the ruling party embeds itself into various non-party organizational forms through its primary-level Party organizations, embedding one end into society to achieve external integration and the other end into the state to achieve internal integration of state power elements. Third, unlike administrative integration and technological integration, party integration achieves a unity of rigidity and adaptability by combining rule-based governance with emotional governance and complementing formal institutions with informal institutions.

总之，政党整合通过权力形态、组织结构与工作机制，克服前述三种整合路径的不足，实现有效的社会整合。其一，政党整合通过兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态，克服三类协同的困境：通过政治权威，克服行政整合面临的政府自利性问题；通过做人的工作，形成弥散性权力，增强统一认识，克服行政整合中的行政壁垒。其二，执政党通过党的基层组织，嵌入到各类非党的组织形态中，一端嵌入社会实现外整合，一端嵌入国家实现对政权要素的内整合。其三，不同于行政整合和技术整合，政党整合通过规则治理与情感治理相结合、正式制度与非正式制度互补的方式，实现刚性与调适性的统一。

V. Summary and Dialogue

五、总结与对话

How can effective integration be achieved amid social differentiation? Around this question, the three integration types of government-society coordination, administrative integration, and technological integration respectively break down the barriers and walls brought by differentiation by leveraging society, organizational integration, and technological innovation, thereby achieving integration. Each of the three existing integration methods has its own advantages, yet each also faces certain problems. Government-society coordination either leads to the involution of state power or results in social forces becoming dependent on the state; both administrative integration and technological integration find it difficult to resolve the sense of powerlessness in integration caused by government self-interest. Unlike the above three integration pathways, party integration is a combination of the party’s integration of state power elements and its own organization, and the party’s integration of society; it is a re-integration of the above three types of integration.

社会分化如何实现有效整合呢？围绕这一问题，政社协同、行政整合和技术整合三种整合类型分别通过借力社会、组织整合和技术革新，打破分化带来的隔阂与壁垒，实现整合。已有三类整合方式各具优势，但又存在一些问题。政社协同要么出现国家政权内卷化，要么形成社会力量依附国家；行政整合和技术整合都难以解决政府自利性带来的整合无力感。不同于以上三种整合路径，政党整合是政党对国家政权要素和自身组织的整合，以及政党对社会的整合的结合，是对以上三种整合的再整合。

How does party integration solve the difficult problems that the three types of social integration find hard to resolve? Party integration, through internal integration and external integration, and by employing a power form that is both centralized and diffuse, an embedded organizational structure, and flexible operational mechanisms, gradually resolves the problems faced by the above three integration types. On the one hand, the ruling party achieves integration of the state system and itself through internal integration. The ruling party, through organizational embedding, establishes Party organizations horizontally within various non-party institutions and vertically establishes primary-level Party organizations at the grassroots, covering areas that administrative integration finds difficult to reach, breaking through the uncertainty of government-society coordination, and achieving integration of the state system and itself through the embedded organizational structure. On the other hand, the ruling party effectively mediates its relationship with society by integrating society. The Communist Party of China, by relying on doing people’s work, breaks through the departmental barriers of administrative integration and technological integration, forming a unified understanding; through flexible and diverse forms such as organizing society and mobilizing society, it promotes social connections and achieves effective integration of society.

政党整合如何解决三类社会整合难以解决的难题呢？政党整合通过内整合和外整合，运用兼具集中性和弥散性的权力形态、嵌入的组织结构、灵活的运行机制，逐步解决以上三种整合面临的问题。一方面，执政党通过内整合，实现对国家系统和自身的整合。执政党通过组织嵌入，横向上在各类非党的机构中建立党组织，纵向上在基层建立党的基层组织，覆盖行政整合难以覆盖的地方，突破政社协同的不确定性，通过嵌入的组织结构，形成对国家系统和自身的整合。另一方面，执政党通过整合社会，有力地调解自身与社会的关系。中国共产党依靠做人的工作，突破行政整合和技术整合的部门壁垒，形成统一的认识；通过组织社会和动员社会等灵活多样的形式，推动社会的连接，实现对社会的有力整合。

The goal of the ruling party in achieving social integration is order, but vitality cannot be neglected either. Order and vitality are the dual goals of social integration, and there may be a certain conflict between them. Order without vitality is unacceptable, but vitality without order may also stifle society’s creativity and be detrimental to the overall stability of society. Therefore, only when both vitality and order are present can the dual goals of social integration be said to be achieved. However, how can social integration simultaneously attend to this dual goal? This imposes certain requirements on the subject, method, and process of integration. The three existing integration methods each respond to this dual integration goal from different dimensions, yet each also faces different problems. Government-society coordination helps maintain social vitality, but either society becomes dependent on the state or state power undergoes involution, affecting the development of state power; both administrative integration and technological integration carry out integration within the government system, making order the primary goal, which may neglect social vitality. Party integration attempts to balance the dual goals of order and vitality. On the one hand, the ruling party possesses centralized power, advancing the intensity of integration and maintaining social order through organizational embedding, the establishment of authority, and other means; on the other hand, the ruling party possesses diffuse power, achieving a transformation from obedience to identification and constructing the integration object’s identification with the regime through diverse methods such as doing people’s work, emotional governance, and informal mechanisms. This process follows the rules of society and preserves social vitality. It is in this sense that the ruling party’s social integration gradually achieves the dual goals of both order and vitality.

执政党实现社会整合的目标是秩序，但是也不能忽略活力。秩序与活力是社会整合的双重目标，两者可能存在一定的冲突。只有活力没有秩序不行，只有秩序没有活力也可能扼杀社会的创造力，不利于社会的整体稳定。因此，只有兼具活力和秩序，才是社会整合的双重目标。但是，社会整合如何同时兼顾这种双重目标呢？这就对整合主体、方式和过程有一定的要求。已有的三种整合方式分别从不同的维度回应这一双重整合目标，但是又都面临不同的问题。政社协同有助于保持社会活力，但是，要么社会依附于国家，要么国家政权出现内卷化，影响国家权力的发展；行政整合和技术整合都在政府系统内展开整合，秩序成为首要的目标，可能忽略社会的活力。政党整合试图兼顾秩序与活力的双重目标，一方面，执政党具有集中性的权力，通过组织嵌入、权威建立等方式，推进整合力度，维持社会秩序；另一方面，执政党具有弥散性的权力，通过做人的工作、情感治理与非正式机制等多样的方式，实现从服从到认同的转变，建构整合客体对政权的认同。这一过程遵从社会的规则，保有社会的活力。正是在这个意义上，执政党的社会整合逐步实现兼具秩序与活力的双重目标。

Of course, the ruling party’s power form is both centralized and diffuse. So, in the process of integrating society, which power form gains the upper hand? For the ruling party, centralization remains its main characteristic. In this process, the influence of centralized power and diffuse power differs. Diffuse power still takes centralized power as its backing and precondition; its functioning depends on centralized power. This means that party integration must pay attention to handling the relationship between centralized power and diffuse power and maintaining the balance between order and vitality. Only integration that preserves social vitality can be sustainable and developmental. In party-led social integration, formalism may also appear in individual localities. How party integration can avoid formalism is an important issue to be discussed in the next step.

当然，执政党的权力形态兼具集中性和弥散性，那么在整合社会的过程中，到底是哪一种权力形态占据上风呢？对于执政党来说，集中性还是其主要的特征。在这一过程中，集中性权力和弥散性权力的影响力不同。弥散性权力仍以集中性权力为后盾和前提，其发挥作用需要依赖集中性权力，这就使得政党整合需要注意处理集中性权力与弥散性权力之间的关系、保持秩序与活力的平衡。只有保有社会活力的整合，才具有持续性和发展性。在政党主导的社会整合中，个别地方也会出现形式主义，政党整合如何避免形式主义，是下一步要讨论的重要问题。

Online Editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆