Clarifying Three Misunderstandings about the Yan’an Rectification Movement

2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the victorious conclusion of the Yan’an Rectification Movement. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “The Yan’an Rectification was a concentrated action that straightened out the Party’s ideological and political line, eliminated subjectivism, sectarianism, and Party stereotyped writing [1]1 Yan’an Rectification Movement: An ideological education campaign launched by the Chinese Communist Party from 1942 to 1945, centered in Yan’an, aimed at correcting subjectivist, sectarian, and stereotypical Party writing tendencies within the Party, and establishing the ideological line of seeking truth from facts., clarified the direction of future efforts, and played a huge role in promoting the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan and the War of Liberation.” The Yan’an Rectification Movement laid a solid foundation for the successful convening of the Seventh National Congress of the Party [2]2 The Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (党的六届七中全会) was held in Yan’an from April 20, 1945, and is best known for adopting the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party,” which consolidated the Party’s unity around Mao Zedong Thought.. By establishing the guiding position of Mao Zedong Thought throughout the Party, it provided a powerful ideological impetus for the continuous progress of the Party’s cause. However, for some time, around this glorious history, some worrying misreadings, misunderstandings, and even deliberate distortions and attacks have emerged in academic circles both at home and abroad. The essence of such misreadings, misunderstandings, and even deliberate distortions and attacks is to deny Mao Zedong’s outstanding theoretical and practical contributions to the Chinese revolution, and thereby to deny the historical legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party’s governance. On the 80th anniversary of the victorious conclusion of the Yan’an Rectification Movement, we should base ourselves on historical materialism, adopt a more rigorous attitude, profoundly summarize historical experience, distinguish the fallacies of historical nihilism with authentic historical materials, and ensure that the glorious history and great significance of the Yan’an Rectification Movement are duly manifested and passed on.

2025年是延安整风运动胜利结束80周年。习近平总书记指出：“延安整风就是集中行动，使全党端正了思想路线和政治路线，破除了主观主义、宗派主义、党八股，明确了今后努力方向，对夺取抗日战争和解放战争胜利产生了巨大推动作用。”延安整风运动为党的第七次全国代表大会胜利召开奠定了坚实基础，通过确立毛泽东思想在全党的指导地位，为党的事业不断前进提供了强大的思想动力。然而，一个时期以来，围绕这段光辉历史，国内外学界滋生出一些值得警惕的误读误解甚至是刻意的歪曲和攻击。这类误读误解甚至刻意歪曲攻击的实质是否定毛泽东在理论和实践上对中国革命的卓越贡献，进而否定中国共产党执政的历史合法性。在延安整风运动胜利结束80周年之际，我们应立足唯物史观，以更严谨的态度，深刻总结历史经验，以真实史料辨析历史虚无主义谬误，让延安整风运动的光辉历史和伟大意义得到应有的彰显和传承。

I. The Yan’an Rectification was a top-down ideological emancipation movement, not a “power struggle to exclude dissidents”

一、延安整风是一场自上而下的思想解放运动，并非“排除异己的夺权斗争”

As a profound Marxist ideological education movement in the history of our Party, the Yan’an Rectification, by adhering to the correct direction of integrating Marxism with the concrete realities of China, deeply embedded the ideological line of seeking truth from facts within the entire Party. It is one of the landmark events in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. However, there are many erroneous speculations about the reasons why our Party launched the Rectification Movement. One reason is that Wang Ming [3]3 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (历史周期率) refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises vigorously, becomes corrupt, and then collapses. In 1945, Mao Zedong told Huang Yanpei that the CPC had found a new way to break this cycle through democracy and popular supervision., an early Party leader, not only failed to engage in deep self-reflection regarding the “Left” adventurist errors he committed during the Agrarian Revolutionary War period and the Right capitulationist errors he committed during the War of Resistance Against Japan, but instead adopted a negative attitude and was emotionally resistant. After the founding of New China, while recuperating from illness in the Soviet Union, Wang Ming, to vent personal grievances, “not only wrote poems and articles satirizing and opposing Mao Zedong, but also spread remarks discontented with Mao Zedong in the Soviet Union.” Due to Wang Ming’s special position in Party history and his close ties with the Comintern, his distorted accounts of CPC history and exaggerated claims of personal achievements were packaged by international anti-China forces as “authoritative” historical materials with an “international background,” used to slander the Party’s image and undermine its reputation. Some foreign scholars, using Wang Ming’s false statements as research evidence, attempt to deconstruct the historical significance of the Yan’an Rectification through the narrative of a “power struggle.”

延安整风作为我们党历史上一次深刻的马克思主义思想教育运动，通过坚持马克思主义同中国具体实际相结合的正确方向，使实事求是的思想路线在全党范围内深入人心，是中国共产党历史上具有里程碑意义的事件之一。然而，对于我们党发动整风运动的原因，却有很多错误的猜测。原因之一是党内早期领导人王明面对自己在土地革命战争时期和抗日战争时期分别犯下的“左”倾冒险主义错误和右倾投降主义错误，不仅不深刻反思，反而态度消极、情绪抵触。在新中国成立后赴苏联养病期间，王明为发泄个人私怨，“不仅写诗撰文讽刺、反对毛泽东，还在苏联散播对毛泽东不满的言论”。由于王明在党的历史上的特殊地位及其与共产国际的紧密联系，其歪曲中共党史、夸大个人功绩的言论被国际反华势力包装成具有“国际背景”的“权威”史料，用以诋毁党的形象、破坏党的声誉。国外一些学者以王明的不实言论作为研究依据，试图用“权力斗争”的叙事解构延安整风的历史意义。

During the Agrarian Revolutionary period, the “Left” erroneous line represented by Wang Ming had a severe negative impact on the Chinese revolution: “The Red Army was reduced from 300,000 to 30,000; all the base areas in the south were lost, leaving only the Northern Shaanxi base area; and the several hundred thousand Party members were reduced to only a few tens of thousands.” In the early stages of the War of Resistance, Wang Ming also vigorously implemented the Comintern’s policy of “everything through the united front,” causing undue losses to the Party’s cause. Therefore, the thorough liquidation of Wang Ming’s “Left” and Right errors was not a “deliberate difficulty” created by Mao Zedong to seize supreme Party leadership from Wang Ming, but rather an act of setting things right by the first generation of the Chinese Communist Party’s collective leadership based on a profound summation of revolutionary experience and lessons. In fact, the entire history and practice of the Party since the Zunyi Conference [4]4 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (1949). sufficiently proves that Mao Zedong was the well-deserved leader of the Party. As early as September 14, 1938, before the Yan’an Rectification began, Wang Jiaxiang [5]5 rectification of the three styles: Refers to the three main targets of the Yan’an Rectification Movement: subjectivism in study, sectarianism in Party relations, and Party formalism in writing and speech. conveyed the Comintern’s instructions and Georgi Dimitrov’s [6]6 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Symposium on the Rectification of the Three Styles” (1942). opinion, telling Wang Ming to “stop contending for the position of leader” and affirming that Mao Zedong “is a leader tempered in actual struggle.” Since both the Chinese Communist Party internally and the Comintern unanimously supported Mao Zedong as the de facto leader, why would there be any need for a so-called “power struggle”? Based on the Party’s history, Mao Zedong realized that the “Left” and Right erroneous lines, though seemingly opposite extremes, shared a common ideological method: the error of subjectivism arising from a lack of understanding of the actual conditions and objective laws of the Chinese revolution. To eliminate subjectivist errors throughout the Party, it was necessary to equip all Party members with the ability to analyze the realities of the Chinese revolution using the Marxist-Leninist standpoint, viewpoint, and method. A systematic summation and liquidation of the Party’s history was the most effective way to achieve this goal. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Summing up past experience is an education for both those who made mistakes and those who did not. Understanding past mistakes can prevent repeating them in the future.” The core of this historical liquidation was not to assign personal responsibility, but to analyze the ideological roots that led to the errors, preventing similar problems from recurring. In this regard, Mao Zedong set the tone of “overthrow the two ‘isms’ [7]7 “learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient”: A policy formulated by Mao Zedong for inner-Party struggle during the Yan’an Rectification, emphasizing education and correction over punitive measures., but keep the people,” and consistently gave Wang Ming opportunities to reform. Before the convening of the Seventh National Congress, Mao Zedong believed that comrades who had made mistakes in the past but were determined to correct them should not be “pushed aside with one hand,” and even specially nominated Wang Ming as a candidate for Central Committee member.

在土地革命时期，以王明为代表的“左”倾错误路线对中国革命造成了严重的负面影响，“红军从30万减少为3万人；南方的根据地全部丢失，只留下了陕北一块根据地；几十万党员也只剩下了几万人”。抗战初期，王明还竭力贯彻共产国际制定的“一切经过统一战线”方针，使党的事业受到了不应有的损失。因此，对王明“左”的和右的错误的彻底清算，并非毛泽东为获取党内最高领导权而向王明发出的“刁难”,而是中国共产党第一代领导集体在深刻总结革命经验教训基础上作出的正本清源之举。事实上，自遵义会议以来党的全部历史和实践，足以证明毛泽东是当之无愧的党的领导人。早在延安整风开始前的1938年9月14日，王稼祥就传达了共产国际的指示和季米特洛夫的意见，让王明“不要再争当领导人了”,并肯定毛泽东“是在实际斗争中锻炼出来的领袖”。既然中国共产党内部和共产国际都一致支持毛泽东成为事实上的领袖，又何须再进行所谓的“权力争夺”呢?毛泽东立足党的历史，意识到“左”的和右的两种错误路线看似是两个相反的极端，但其背后的思想方法是一致的，即由于不了解中国革命实际和客观规律而产生的主观主义错误。要在全党消除主观主义错误，就必须让全体党员具备运用马列主义的立场、观点、方法分析中国革命实际的能力，而对党的历史做一次系统的总结和清算，是实现这一目标的最有效的途径。毛泽东指出：“总结过去的经验，对于犯错误和没有犯错误的人都是一种教育。了解过去的错误，可以使今后不犯重复的错误。”本次历史清算的核心不在于追究个人责任，而在于剖析导致错误产生的思想根源，避免类似问题再次发生。对此，毛泽东定下“打倒两个主义，把人留下来”的基调，也一直给王明改过自新的机会。在党的七大召开前，毛泽东认为不应将过去犯错误但决心改正的同志“一掌推开”,甚至特意提名王明为中央委员候选人。

As a thorough and complete reshaping of the Party’s ideology, the Yan’an Rectification was essentially an “enlightenment movement” within the Party. Mao Zedong pointed out: “After the failure of the Great Revolution, our Party fell into the malady of foreign dogmas. Now launching the Rectification Movement to oppose subjectivism, sectarianism, and Party stereotyped writing is also a major enlightenment movement. Many cadres are deeply poisoned and need enlightenment work.” The core strategy of Mao Zedong’s leadership of the Yan’an Rectification was to grasp the “key minority,” that is, the senior leading cadres within the Party. Of course, the Rectification was not only aimed at senior cadres; it started with them and permeated the entire Party from top to bottom. This was because the root of ideological problems within the Party often lay in the cognitive deviations and decision-making errors of the leadership, and those with the “most stubborn ideological illness” were among the senior cadres. Therefore, to thoroughly correct errors and set things right, it was necessary first to solve the ideological problems of the leading core, unblock thinking, and set an example for those below. Moreover, the number of senior cadres was relatively small, and their theoretical level and political literacy were higher, making it easier to conduct in-depth, systematic study and ideological checks in a concentrated manner. If the movement had been rolled out across the entire Party from the start, the scale would have been too large to ensure depth and effectiveness. Starting with senior cadres, through in-depth study of documents, checking thoughts against reality, and conducting serious and profound criticism and self-criticism—learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the illness to save the patient—focusing on solving the root ideological problems deep within them, was more conducive to thoroughly analyzing and solving deep-seated ideological line issues, enhancing the ability of leading cadres to handle complex situations and lead the revolution to victory. It was also conducive to leveraging the exemplary effect of senior cadres on middle- and lower-level cadres and Party members, thoroughly eliminating the poison of dogmatism, and strengthening the unity and unity of the Party Central Committee.

延安整风作为对党内思想的一次彻底的全新塑造，实质是一场党内的“启蒙运动”。毛泽东指出：“大革命失败后，我们党犯了洋教条的毛病，现在开展反主观主义、宗派主义和党八股的整风运动，同样是一个重大的启蒙运动，许多干部中毒很深，需要做启蒙工作。”毛泽东领导延安整风的核心策略，就是抓住“关键少数”,即党内高级领导干部。当然，整风不是仅针对高级干部，而是从高级干部开始，自上而下贯通全党。因为党内思想问题的根源常在于领导层的认识偏差与决策失误，而“犯思想病最顽固的”人又在高级干部中。因此，要彻底纠错、正本清源，必须首先解决领导核心的思想问题，疏通思想，以上率下。而且，高级干部人数相对较少，理论水平和政治素养较高，更易集中进行深入系统的学习与思想检查。若一开始就全党铺开，规模过大，难以保证深度和效果。从高级干部开始，通过深入学习文件、联系实际检查思想、开展严肃而深入的批评与自我批评，惩前毖后、治病救人，重点解决他们思想深处的根源性问题，更有利于深入剖析解决深层次思想路线问题，提升领导干部应对复杂局面、领导革命胜利的能力，同时也有利于发挥高级干部对中下级干部和党员的示范效应，彻底清除教条主义遗毒，增强党中央团结统一。

During the Rectification Movement, senior Party cadres, on the basis of summarizing the Party’s historical experience, conducted profound criticism and self-criticism on a number of major issues. However, historical nihilists [1]1 Yan’an Rectification Movement: An ideological education campaign launched by the Chinese Communist Party from 1942 to 1945, centered in Yan’an, aimed at correcting subjectivist, sectarian, and stereotypical Party writing tendencies within the Party, and establishing the ideological line of seeking truth from facts. completely ignore the interweaving of theoretical study with criticism and self-criticism, demonizing the cadres’ criticism and self-criticism in order to vilify the Yan’an Rectification. In fact, criticism and self-criticism are a necessary means to promote unity within the Party and to stimulate the enthusiasm of cadres. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Whether we have serious self-criticism is also one of the notable signs distinguishing us from other political parties.” [2]2 The Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (党的六届七中全会) was held in Yan’an from April 20, 1945, and is best known for adopting the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party,” which consolidated the Party’s unity around Mao Zedong Thought. He stressed that Communist Party members should not be afraid of criticism: “A house should be swept regularly, or it will accumulate dust; a face should be washed regularly, or it will become grimy. The minds of our comrades and the work of our Party will also collect dust and need to be swept and washed… For us, it is necessary to regularly review our work, to promote a democratic style in the course of review, and not to fear criticism and self-criticism.” [3]3 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (历史周期率) refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises vigorously, becomes corrupt, and then collapses. In 1945, Mao Zedong told Huang Yanpei that the CPC had found a new way to break this cycle through democracy and popular supervision. The primary key point of criticism and self-criticism is the question of principle, that is, the question of standpoint. During the Yan’an Rectification, Mao Zedong emphasized that Wang Ming, Bo Gu, and others opposed imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, and were fundamentally different from the traitors who had appeared within the Party in the past; they were still our comrades within the Party, and their problem was not an external Party problem but an internal Party problem. Once the standpoint was determined, correct theory and method should also be used. Therefore, during the Yan’an Rectification, a widespread study campaign of Marxism-Leninism theory was carried out within the Party. In this way, “criticism” was no longer a “blame” directed at individuals, but the use of the basic principles of Marxism to analyze and solve problems, focusing on the matter, not the person. If “sneering and veiled attacks” were released in criticism, it would turn criticism and self-criticism into a “corrosive agent,” producing consequences “unfavorable to unity.” Mao Zedong emphasized, “Any political party, any individual, is bound to make mistakes,” and “No matter what mistakes a person has made, as long as they recognize and correct them, it is good.” [4]4 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (1949). The effective weapon for correcting mistakes is criticism and self-criticism; the two are indispensable as a whole. One can criticize others, but must also withstand criticism from others. Mao Zedong pointed out: “This rectification of the three styles [5]5 rectification of the three styles: Refers to the three main targets of the Yan’an Rectification Movement: subjectivism in study, sectarianism in Party relations, and Party formalism in writing and speech. centers on oneself. One must repeatedly study one’s own thoughts, one’s own history, one’s own current work, and reflect upon them.” [6]6 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Symposium on the Rectification of the Three Styles” (1942).

在整风运动的过程中，党的高级干部在对党的历史经验进行总结的基础上，针对一些重大问题开展了深刻的批评与自我批评。然而，历史虚无主义者却对理论学习和批评与自我批评穿插进行的情况绝口不提，对干部的批评与自我批评进行妖魔化，借此丑化延安整风。事实上，批评与自我批评是一种能够促进党内团结、激发干部热情的必要手段。毛泽东指出：“有无认真的自我批评，也是我们和其他政党互相区别的显著的标志之一”。他强调，共产党员不应该怕批评，“房子是应该经常打扫的，不打扫就会积满了灰尘；脸是应该经常洗的，不洗也就会灰尘满面。我们同志的思想，我们党的工作，也会沾染灰尘的，也应该打扫和洗涤……对于我们，经常地检讨工作，在检讨中推广民主作风，不惧怕批评和自我批评”。而批评与自我批评的首要关键点就是原则问题，也就是立场问题。毛泽东在延安整风过程中，强调王明、博古等人是反对帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义的，与过去党内出现的叛徒有根本不同，他们还是我们党内的同志，他们的问题不是党外问题，而是党内问题。立场确定后，还应当使用正确的理论和方法，因此在延安整风中党内开展了普遍的马克思列宁主义理论学习活动。这样，“批评”就不再是针对个人的“指责”,而是用马克思主义基本原理去分析和解决问题，对事不对人。如果在批评中释放“冷嘲暗箭”,则会使批评与自我批评成为一种“销蚀剂”,从而产生“对团结不利”的后果。毛泽东强调，“任何政党，任何个人，错误总是难免的”,“不管什么人犯了错误，只要认识了、改正了，就好了”,而改正错误的有效武器就是批评和自我批评，这两者作为一个整体缺一不可，可以批评别人，但也要经得起别人的批评。毛泽东指出：“这次整顿三风，中心在自己身上。要反复研究自己的思想、自己的历史、自己现在的工作，把它反省一下。”

The Yan’an Rectification adhered to the policy of “learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient.” [7]7 “learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient”: A policy formulated by Mao Zedong for inner-Party struggle during the Yan’an Rectification, emphasizing education and correction over punitive measures. Everyone had sufficient time for self-reflection and self-correction, aiming to achieve the goal of both clarifying thinking and uniting comrades. Consequently, the thinking of many middle and senior cadres within the Party underwent a tremendous transformation. For example, Ren Bishi [8]8 Ren Bishi: A senior leader of the CPC (1904–1950), member of the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee, known for his organizational work. integrated his self-reflection and criticism throughout the entire Yan’an Rectification. In September 1941, at an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, he reviewed his past, admitting that although he “had no military knowledge,” during the Nanxiong Conference [9]9 Nanxiong Conference: A 1932 meeting of the CPC Central Bureau of the Soviet Areas where Mao Zedong’s military strategy was criticized by some leaders. he had disagreed with Mao Zedong’s correct view that fighting was possible even within the Soviet areas. He stressed, “At that time, Chairman Mao opposed book worship, which was opposing dogmatism. Our opposition to the so-called ‘narrow empiricism’ was wrong.” [10]10 “narrow empiricism”: A term used by some Party leaders in the early 1930s to criticize Mao Zedong’s emphasis on practical experience over theoretical book knowledge. At the September 1943 meeting, Zhou Enlai, [11]11 Zhou Enlai: A key leader of the CPC (1898–1976), first Premier of the People’s Republic of China, known for his diplomatic and organizational roles. implementing the spirit of seeking truth from facts and analyzing specific problems concretely, conducted a profound review and summary of the Party’s history since 1927. He proactively engaged in self-criticism based on his own work experience, candidly reflecting on his cognitive limitations and practical shortcomings during certain historical periods. Zhang Wentian, [12]12 Zhang Wentian: A senior CPC leader (1900–1976), served as General Secretary of the Party from 1935 to 1943, later criticized for his role in implementing the “left” line. in order to correct his mistakes and better understand reality, chose to go to the countryside for investigation. Upon his return, he said, “We indeed had many mistakes in the past and should reflect deeply.” After the Rectification, he had also “broken through the cage of dogmatism.” Bo Gu, [13]13 Bo Gu: A senior CPC leader (1907–1946), served as General Secretary of the Party from 1931 to 1935, associated with the “left” dogmatist line criticized during the Rectification. despite Wang Ming’s [14]14 Wang Ming: A senior CPC leader (1904–1974), associated with the dogmatist line influenced by the Comintern, a major target of criticism during the Yan’an Rectification. persistent absence, participated in the high-level rectification meetings of the CPC Central Committee from beginning to end. Although he bore tremendous pressure as a representative of the erroneous line in the early stage of the Rectification, experiencing some negative emotions, with the help of his comrades within the Party, he eventually calmed down and deeply recognized his past mistakes. The middle and senior cadres within the Party, with the spirit of pursuing truth and submitting to truth, used the tool of criticism and self-criticism to conduct a liquidation of history and themselves. They frankly admitted their mistakes, truly demonstrating the selfless and fearless attitude of Communists towards the cause of the Party and the people, their courage to face problems directly, and their open-mindedness in actively correcting errors.

延安整风坚持“惩前毖后、治病救人”的方针，每个人有足够的时间进行自我反思、自我改正，借以达到既要弄清思想又要团结同志的目的，党内很多中高级干部思想由此转变极大。如任弼时将自己的反省与批评贯穿于延安整风全程，1941年9月，他就在中央政治局扩大会议上检讨，“虽然自己‘毫无军事知识’,但在南雄会议上对毛泽东认为苏区内部也能打仗的正确主张不以为然”,并强调“当时毛主席反对本本主义即是反对教条主义，我们当时反对所谓‘狭隘经验主义’是错误的”;1943年的九月会议，周恩来贯彻实事求是、具体问题具体分析的精神，对1927年以来党的历史进行了深刻的回顾和总结，主动结合自身工作经历作自我批评，坦诚反思了在部分历史阶段的认识局限与实践不足；张闻天为改正错误、更好地了解实际选择去农村调查，他回来后说，“我们过去确有很多错误，应该好好反省”,经过整风，自己也“冲破了教条的囚笼”;博古在王明一直缺席的情况下，自始至终参加了中共中央高层整风会议，尽管在整风初期他作为错误路线代表承受了巨大压力，产生了一些消极负面的情绪，但经党内同志帮助，他最终平复情绪，深刻认识到自身过去的错误。党内的中高层干部以追求真理、服从真理的精神，用批评与自我批评的工具展开了一场对历史和自己的清算，他们坦承自己的错误，切实彰显了共产党人对党和人民事业无私无畏、敢于直面问题并积极纠正错误的坦荡胸怀。

II. The Purpose of the Yan’an Rectification Was to Unify the Whole Party with Correct Thinking and Strengthen Organizational Building, Not to “Manipulate Collective Consciousness to Achieve a Personality Cult”

二、延安整风的目的是以正确思想统一全党并加强组织建设， 并非为“操纵集体意识而实现个人崇拜”

History proves that the Yan’an Rectification, by opposing subjectivism, eliminated the influence of various erroneous lines throughout the Party and achieved the breaking of the deification of the Comintern [15]15 Comintern: The Communist International (1919–1943), an international organization of communist parties based in Moscow, which exerted significant influence over the early CPC. and Soviet experience. At the same time, the Yan’an Rectification also achieved unity and promoted democracy by opposing sectarianism. Mao Zedong believed that sectarianism “is often inseparable from their individual-firstism,” “placing the individual first and the Party second,” [16]16 Mao Zedong, “Rectify the Party’s Style of Work” (1942). which is the same manifestation as engaging in a personality cult. Therefore, both breaking the superstitious belief in the Comintern and Soviet dogmatism and opposing the personality cult embody the ideological line of dialectical materialism, which is seeking truth from facts. It can be said that the Yan’an Rectification prevented a personality cult at its ideological source. The claim that the Yan’an Rectification was “Mao Zedong using it to build a personality cult” is extremely irresponsible. Historical experience shows that for a proletarian revolution to succeed, there must be a strong and capable leading collective and an authoritative leading core. The establishment of Mao Zedong’s leading position was not only the result of revolutionary practice but also a necessity of domestic and international developments. Even after being universally recognized by the whole Party as its undisputed leader, Comrade Mao Zedong still maintained a modest and low-key character. He always adhered to the fundamental principle of putting the people first, regarding close ties with the masses as the lifeline of the Party, vividly interpreting the political essence of Chinese Communists opposing privilege and sharing hardships with the people.

历史证明，延安整风通过反对主观主义，在全党清除各种错误路线的影响，实现了对共产国际和苏联经验神圣化的破除。与此同时，延安整风也通过反对宗派主义以实现团结和发扬民主。毛泽东认为，宗派主义“常跟他们的个人第一主义分不开”“把个人放在第一位，把党放在第二位”,这与大搞个人崇拜的表现一样。因此，破除对共产国际和苏联教条主义迷信与反对个人崇拜，都体现出实事求是的辩证唯物主义思想路线。可以说，延安整风从思想源头上预防了个人崇拜。把延安整风歪曲为“毛泽东借延安整风搞个人崇拜”的言论是极不负责的。历史经验表明，无产阶级革命要取得成功，必须有一个坚强有力的领导集体和有权威的领导核心。毛泽东领导地位的确立不仅是革命实践发展的结果，也是国内外形势发展的需要。即便在全党公认其为当之无愧的领袖之后，毛泽东同志依旧始终保持着谦虚低调的品格。他始终坚守人民至上的根本立场，将密切联系群众视作党的生命线，生动诠释了中国共产党人反对特权、与人民同甘共苦的政治本色。

Historical materialism [17]17 historical materialism: The Marxist theory of history that views the economic base (relations of production) as determining the political and ideological superstructure, and class struggle as the driving force of historical development. emphasizes that the people are the creators of history, while also acknowledging the key guiding role of heroic figures. Marx pointed out: “Every social epoch needs its great men, and if it does not find them, it creates them.” [18]18 Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte” (1852). Lenin believed that the proletariat must establish its own revolutionary party, and the party, as the main carrier of modern political activity, is usually “led by a relatively stable group of people who enjoy the greatest authority, influence, and experience, are elected to the most important positions, and are called leaders.” [19]19 V. I. Lenin, “Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder” (1920). Among myriad towering peaks, there must be a main summit. For a proletarian revolutionary party to establish the authority of the Party Central Committee, besides forming a mature and stable leading collective, it must also have an absolute leading core, implementing a system combining collective leadership with individual responsibility based on division of labor. Practice has proven that “any leading collective must have a core; a leadership without a core is unreliable. The core of the first generation of the leading collective was Chairman Mao.” [20]20 Deng Xiaoping, “Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping,” Vol. 3. In the early days of the founding of the CPC, because a mature core of central leadership had not been formed, the Party’s cause suffered repeated setbacks. The Zunyi Conference [21]21 Zunyi Conference: A pivotal January 1935 meeting of the CPC Politburo during the Long March, which ended the dominance of the “left” military line and established Mao Zedong’s de facto leadership. factually established Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, beginning the formation of the Party’s first generation of leading collective with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core. However, at that time, ideological unity within the Party had not yet been achieved; only the most pressing military line issue had been resolved, while the more critical ideological line and organizational line issues had not been addressed. During the Yan’an Rectification, the CPC systematically settled accounts with subjectivist and dogmatist errors, promoted the integration of Marxism with the practice of the Chinese revolution, and put forward a feasible new ideological line that led to victory. At the same time, it resolutely eliminated the remaining problems of sectarianism and mountain-stronghold mentality [22]22 mountain-stronghold mentality: A term used in CPC discourse to describe a tendency towards localism and factionalism, likening different Party units or regions to independent mountain fortresses. within the Party, effectively safeguarding the Party’s unity and solidarity, and greatly strengthening the centralized authority and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee.

唯物史观强调人民是历史的创造者，同时又承认英雄人物的关键引领作用。马克思指出：“每一个社会时代都需要有自己的大人物，如果没有这样的人物，它就要把他们创造出来。”列宁认为无产阶级必须建立自己的革命政党，而政党作为现代政治活动的主要载体，通常“由最有威信、最有影响、最有经验，被选出担任最重要职务而称为领袖的人们所组成的比较稳定的集团来主持”。万山磅礴，必有主峰，无产阶级革命政党要确立党中央权威，除了要形成一个成熟稳定的领导集体外，还要拥有一个绝对的领导核心，实行集体领导和个人分工负责相结合的制度。实践证明，“任何一个领导集体都要有一个核心，没有核心的领导是靠不住的。第一代领导集体的核心是毛主席”。在中国共产党成立初期，由于没有形成成熟的中央领导核心，党的事业几经挫折。遵义会议事实上确立了毛泽东在党中央和红军的领导地位，开始形成以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代领导集体。但此时党内在思想上尚未达到统一，只解决了当时最为迫切的军事路线问题，而没有解决更为关键的思想路线和组织路线问题。在延安整风中，中国共产党系统清算主观主义、教条主义错误，推动马克思主义与中国革命实践相结合，提出了切实可行、引领胜利的新的思想路线。同时，又坚决清除了党内残存的宗派主义、山头主义问题，有力维护了党的团结统一，极大强化了党中央的集中权威和统一领导。

It must be acknowledged that, as the Party’s supreme leader and principal theorist, Mao Zedong’s prestige indeed rose to a new height during the Yan’an Rectification Movement. In this regard, Stuart Schram, an internationally recognized authority and translator on Mao studies, states in his book *Mao Zedong* that, in terms of breadth of content, intensity of propaganda, and diversity of forms, this was related to the specific historical environment at home and abroad at the time. The Battle of Stalingrad turned the tide of World War II; although China’s War of Resistance against Japan remained severe, the dawn of victory had already appeared. The Kuomintang and the Communist Party engaged in an intense discursive struggle over the question “Whither China after the war?” On March 10, 1943, the Chiang Kai-shek regime published the book *China’s Destiny*, which loudly trumpeted and flaunted its so-called “legitimacy” and launched a corresponding ideological campaign. Subsequently, the Chinese Communist Party systematically criticized *China’s Destiny*, publicly

必须承认的是，作为党内的最高领导人和主要理论家，毛泽东在延安整风中的声望确实上升到一个新的高度。对此，国际公认的毛泽东研究权威专家和翻译家斯图尔特·施拉姆在其《毛泽东》一书中认为，从内容的广度、宣传的强度和形式的多样性来看，这与当时国内外特定历史环境有关系。斯大林格勒战役扭转了第二次世界大战的局势，中国的抗战形势虽依然严峻却已出现胜利曙光。国共两党围绕“战后中国向何处去”的问题展开激烈的话语斗争。1943年3月10日，蒋介石政权出版了《中国之命运》一书，大肆鼓吹、标榜自己的所谓“正统性”,并开展了相应的意识形态运动。随后，中国共产党对《中国之命运》一书进行了系统批判，公开向全国人民表明中国共产党引领中国命运的决心。同年5月，共产国际的解散使中国共产党人“能够完全独立地根据自己民族的具体情况和特殊条件，决定自己的政治方针、政策和行动”。正如列宁指出的，“在历史上，任何一个阶级，如果不推举出自己的善于组织运动和领导运动的政治领袖和先进代表，就不可能取得统治地位”。在此情形下，中国共产党亟须确立一位具有权威性的政治核心人物，以此巩固其作为中国革命实际领导者的地位。对于中国共产党而言，共产国际解散“增加了我们的责任心”,毛泽东同志的领导地位因此在党内进一步得到巩固增强。胡乔木也证实，“不提毛泽东思想，很难在全党形成思想上的统一”。正如恩格斯指出的：“这是一个需要巨人而且产生了巨人——在学识、精神和性格方面的巨人的时代。”毛泽东正是生活在这样的一个“需要巨人而且产生了巨人”的变革时代，他凭借自己的胆略、智慧和人格魅力，改变了国家孱弱、民族分裂、人民贫穷的历史，赢得了人民的尊敬和爱戴。

However, some people with ulterior motives have distorted this "rational and reverent admiration" for Mao Zedong into "mindless and fanatical worship." These two types of "admiration" are often conflated by historical nihilists in order to attack the leaders of the Communist Party. On this, Mao Zedong pointed out: "One type is correct, such as the worship of what is correct in Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. We must worship it, worship it forever; not worshipping it would be unacceptable. The other type is incorrect worship—following without analysis, blind obedience—and that is wrong." History has proven that the establishment of Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the entire Party, as well as the Party and the people's love and support for Mao Zedong, was the choice of the Party and the people after long-term revolutionary practice. However, Mao Zedong and other leaders within the Party firmly upheld the collective leadership of the Party Central Committee. Cherishing the leader is, in essence, safeguarding the interests of the Party, the class, and the people, not deifying an individual. After becoming the Party's principal leader, Mao Zedong remained humble and prudent, resolutely resisting acts of excessive personal praise and opposing being placed on an inappropriately high pedestal. In 1943, considering Mao Zedong's outstanding historical contributions, some comrades proposed celebrating his birthday according to Chinese tradition. Mao Zedong stated: "The birthday will definitely not be held. There are already too many birthday celebrations, and they will produce bad influences." Mao Zedong keenly realized that publicly celebrating a leader's birthday could foster a cult of personality and create a tendency toward "special individuals" within the Party. Moreover, 1943 was a difficult period in the War of Resistance Against Japan, and the military and civilians in the liberated areas were living in hardship. Refusing the birthday celebration demonstrated Mao Zedong's determination to share hardships with the people and to reject pleasure-seeking behavior that would alienate him from the masses. The people are the core force for the success of the revolution. A Marxist political party is always committed to serving the people. Only after a leader of a Marxist political party wins the recognition and support of the masses can his authority be consolidated. Mao Zedong once cited Liu Zhidan as an example, pointing out that after Comrade Liu Zhidan's sacrifice, the common people in northern Shaanxi were deeply grieved, "This shows that he was a true leader of the masses. Are mass leaders conferred by the masses, or are they self-appointed? Dimitrov said that they must be conferred by the masses, confirmed by the masses through their own experience." Adhering to the mass line is the key to preventing the authority of the leader from degenerating into a cult of personality or bureaucratic alienation. It requires that the leader must always maintain a flesh-and-blood connection with the masses, consciously accept the supervision of the masses, and ensure that his decisions and actions reflect the will of the masses, concentrate the wisdom of the masses, and conform to the interests of the masses, thereby ensuring that authority serves the cause of the Party and the people, rather than being placed above it. This also serves as a powerful rebuttal to the erroneous perception that "shaping the personality cult of Mao Zedong" was a predetermined outcome of the Yan'an Rectification Movement.

然而，一些别有用心的人将这种对毛泽东“理性敬爱的崇拜”歪曲为“无脑狂热的崇拜”,这两种“崇拜”时常被历史虚无主义者所混淆，以攻击共产党领袖。毛泽东对此指出：“一种是正确的，如对马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林正确的东西，我们必须崇拜，永远崇拜，不崇拜不得了。另一种是不正确的崇拜，不加分析，盲目服从，这就不对了。”历史证明，毛泽东思想在全党指导地位的确立以及党和人民对毛泽东的爱戴和拥护，是长期革命实践后党和人民的选择。但是，毛泽东和其他党内的领导人坚决维护党中央的集体领导。爱护领袖本质上是维护党、阶级和人民的利益，而非神化个人。毛泽东在担任党的主要领导人之后，始终谦逊审慎，坚决抵制过度赞誉个人的行为，反对把他置于不恰当的高位。1943年，考虑到毛泽东卓越的历史贡献，部分同志提议依照中华传统为他庆寿。毛泽东则表示：“生日决定不做。做生的太多了，会生出不良影响。”毛泽东敏锐意识到为领导人公开祝寿，可能助长个人崇拜风气，使党内出现“特殊人物”倾向。而1943年正值抗日战争艰难时期，解放区军民生活困苦，拒绝祝寿彰显了毛泽东与人民共克时艰的决心，杜绝脱离群众的享乐行为。人民是革命成功的核心力量，马克思主义政党始终致力于为人民服务，马克思主义政党的领袖只有赢得群众认可与支持之后，方能巩固自身权威。毛泽东曾以刘志丹举例，指出刘志丹同志牺牲后，陕北的老百姓非常伤心，“这说明他是真正的群众领袖。群众领袖是群众封的呢?还是我们自己封的呢?季米特洛夫说，是要群众封的，是群众根据自己的经验来确认的”。坚持群众路线是防止领袖权威走向个人崇拜或官僚主义异化的关键，它要求领袖必须时刻保持与群众的血肉联系，自觉接受群众的监督，其决策和行动必须反映群众意愿、集中群众智慧、符合群众利益，确保权威服务于党和人民的事业，而非凌驾于其上。这也是对将“塑造毛泽东个人崇拜”作为延安整风预设结果的错误认知的有力回击。

III. The establishment of Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party at the Seventh National Congress of the CPC was the crystallization of collective wisdom, not the "result of personal arbitrariness"

三、党的七大将毛泽东思想确定为党的指导思想是集体智慧的结晶， 并非“个人专断的结果”

From May 1944 to April 1945, the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was held in Yan'an. It highly appraised Mao Zedong's great contributions in creatively applying Marxist theory to solve China's revolutionary problems, and universally recognized Mao Zedong as the leader of the entire Party. The plenary session discussed and adopted the "Resolution on Certain Historical Issues," marking the victorious conclusion of the Yan'an Rectification Movement. Subsequently, the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China, held thereafter, for the first time wrote Mao Zedong Thought into the Party Constitution, establishing its guiding status and laying the foundation for the unity and consolidation of the entire Party. However, some scholars have portrayed the establishment of the guiding status of Mao Zedong Thought as a "product of Mao Zedong's personal arbitrariness." This type of erroneous thinking is not only a misunderstanding of the organizational and leadership principle of democratic centralism of the Communist Party but also a distortion of the Marxist mass viewpoint that Mao Zedong upheld.

1944年5月至1945年4月，中国共产党的六届七中全会在延安召开，高度评价了毛泽东创造性地运用马克思主义理论，解决中国革命问题的伟大贡献，公认毛泽东是全党的领袖。全会讨论并通过《关于若干历史问题的决议》,标志着延安整风胜利结束。随后召开的中国共产党第七次全国代表大会，第一次把毛泽东思想写进党章，确立了毛泽东思想的指导地位，是全党团结和巩固的基础。然而，有的学者将毛泽东思想指导地位的确立，描绘为毛泽东“个人专断的产物”。这类错误思想不仅是对共产党的民主集中制的组织和领导原则的误解，更是对毛泽东坚持的马克思主义群众观的否认。

Marx and Engels, while emphasizing that a proletarian revolutionary party must uphold the authority of its leaders, also warned against its degeneration into personal dictatorship, which would otherwise erode the inner-party democratic mechanism, thereby hindering the party’s centralized and unified leadership and weakening the authority of the Party Central Committee. Democratic centralism was conceived by Marx and Engels; when the League of the Just was reorganized, they pointed out that “revolutionary activity can only exert its full strength under conditions of centralization.” It was formed through Lenin’s party-building practice. In such brilliant Marxist party-building texts as *What Is to Be Done?* and *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, Lenin provided a systematic and profound theoretical exposition of the principle of democratic centralism, laying the theoretical foundation for the organizational construction of the proletarian party. The essence of democratic centralism is to promote inner-party democracy, institutionally regulate the exercise of inner-party power, and effectively build a solid barrier against personal dictatorship. The Communist Party of China was founded under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and has consistently implemented the principle and spirit of democratic centralism in its practical work. Among these, the “Four Obediences” [1]1 Yan’an Rectification Movement: An ideological education campaign launched by the Chinese Communist Party from 1942 to 1945, centered in Yan’an, aimed at correcting subjectivist, sectarian, and stereotypical Party writing tendencies within the Party, and establishing the ideological line of seeking truth from facts. are the fundamental disciplinary requirements of democratic centralism. In October 1938, Mao Zedong, in his political report “On the New Stage,” first fully articulated the disciplinary requirement of the “Four Obediences,” stating: “The Party’s discipline must be reiterated: the individual is subordinate to the organization; the minority is subordinate to the majority; the lower level is subordinate to the higher level; the entire Party is subordinate to the Central Committee. Whoever violates these disciplines undermines the unity of the Party.” Since the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, the Party has written the “Four Obediences” into the Party Constitution at each successive congress as the basic principle of democratic centralism and the most important political discipline. Specifically, the principle of democratic centralism requires fully promoting democracy on the basis of collective discussion, extensive solicitation of opinions, democratic elections, and democratic supervision, to ensure that the decisions made reflect collective wisdom and the will of the majority, thereby weakening the space for arbitrary personal decisions at the source. However, once a decision is made, the “Four Obediences” must be strictly implemented; all Party members, including leading cadres, must comply, constraining leaders from arbitrarily changing collective resolutions or placing themselves above the organization. Major issues must be decided by the Party committee through collective discussion; no individual has the right to make decisions arbitrarily. Through systems such as inner-party democratic life, criticism and self-criticism, and discipline inspection, the exercise of power by leading cadres is supervised and constrained, enabling the timely discovery and correction of any emerging signs of arbitrariness. Therefore, democratic centralism can effectively prevent personal dictatorship.

马克思恩格斯在强调无产阶级革命政党必须维护领袖权威的同时，也警惕其不能演变为个人专断，否则会侵蚀党内民主机制，进而妨碍党的集中统一领导，削弱党中央权威。民主集中制酝酿于马克思恩格斯，在正义者同盟重组时，他们就指出，“革命活动只有在集中的条件下才能发挥全部力量”;形成于列宁的建党实践，在《怎么办?》《进一步，退两步》等马克思主义政党建设的光辉文献中，列宁对民主集中制原则作出了系统而深刻的理论阐释，为无产阶级政党的组织建设奠定了理论基石。民主集中制的实质是发扬党内民主，制度化规范党内权力运行，有效构筑防止个人专断的坚实屏障。中国共产党是在马克思列宁主义指导下成立的，在实际工作中始终贯彻民主集中制的原则和精神。其中，“四个服从”是民主集中制的根本纪律要求。1938年10月，毛泽东在《论新阶段》的政治报告中第一次完整地提出了“四个服从”的纪律要求，指出：“必须重申党的纪律：个人服从组织；少数服从多数；下级服从上级；全党服从中央。谁破坏了这些纪律，谁就破坏了党的统一。”自党的七大以后，中国共产党在历次代表大会上都将“四个服从”作为民主集中制的基本原则和最重要的政治纪律写入党章。具体而言，民主集中制原则要求在集体讨论、广泛征求意见、民主选举、民主监督的基础上充分发扬民主，以确保形成的决策反映集体智慧和多数意志，从源头上削弱个人独断专行的空间；但决策一旦形成，又必须严格执行“四个服从”,所有党员包括领导干部都必须遵守，约束领导者个人随意改变集体决议或凌驾于组织之上的行为；重大问题必须由党委集体讨论决定，任何个人都无权擅自决定，并通过党内民主生活、批评与自我批评、纪律检查等制度，对领导干部行使权力进行监督和制约，及时发现和纠正可能出现的专断苗头。因此，民主集中制能够有效避免个人专断。

Mao Zedong consistently adhered to the principle of democratic centralism. As early as before the convening of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee [2]2 The Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (党的六届七中全会) was held in Yan’an from April 20, 1945, and is best known for adopting the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party,” which consolidated the Party’s unity around Mao Zedong Thought., he presided over the establishment of the “Preparatory Committee for the Resolution on Party History,” whose members included Liu Shaoqi, Kang Sheng, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Wentian, Peng Zhen, Gao Gang, and Bo Gu, with Ren Bishi serving as convener. Mao Zedong always advocated that major reports for the congress should be drafted and discussed collectively. He later recalled: “We worked on a resolution on historical issues, over and over again, with many pairs of eyes looking at it. It wasn’t enough just for the dozens of pairs of eyes in the Central Committee to look at it; after everyone looked at it and studied it, many issues were brought to light.” The clearly discernible handwriting of others’ annotations in Mao Zedong’s revised drafts powerfully attests to the full absorption and high condensation of the Party’s collective wisdom in the *Resolution*. The consensus reached in this document was hard-won, and its formation process underwent careful study, in-depth discussion, and multiple rounds of revision. The convening of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee and the adoption of the *Resolution* strengthened the unity of the entire Party on the basis of Mao Zedong Thought, creating sufficient ideological and theoretical conditions for the convening of the Seventh National Congress. Similarly, under Mao Zedong’s chairmanship, the report on Party organization and the revision of the Party Constitution for the Seventh National Congress was drafted by a group composed of Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Peng Zhen, Gao Gang, Tan Zheng, and Wang Ruofei, with Liu Shaoqi responsible for convening. Mao Zedong and other leading comrades personally engaged in the drafting and repeated polishing of the documents, which were then circulated among them for mutual reading and collective improvement. These important documents were all fully discussed and were the fruits of pooling collective wisdom. The Seventh National Congress established Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Communist Party of China and wrote it into the new *Constitution of the Communist Party of China*. At this time, Mao Zedong had become the undisputed leader of the entire Party politically, militarily, and ideologically, and the entire Party set off a wave of studying Mao Zedong Thought. Mao Zedong was sober and modest about this, always emphasizing that Mao Zedong Thought was not the thought of Mao Zedong as an individual, but the crystallization of collective wisdom. “If you insist on using the term ‘Mao Zedong Thought,’ I can agree, because the Party always needs to find a representative. Mao Zedong Thought is not the product of one person; it comes from everyone. I synthesized it and summarized it. You can call it Mao Zedong Thought.” After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong also told Zhou Shizhao: “When the Party Central Committee decided to call this correct ideological system ‘Mao Zedong Thought,’ it by no means meant that ‘Mao Zedong Thought’ was entirely my personal thought. It includes the correct thoughts of a group of people.”

毛泽东始终坚持民主集中制原则，早在党的六届七中全会召开前，就主持成立了“党的历史问题决议准备委员会”,成员有刘少奇、康生、周恩来、张闻天、彭真、高岗、博古，任弼时作为召集人。毛泽东一直主张大会的重要报告都要由集体起草、讨论，他后来回忆道：“搞了一个历史决议案，三番五次，多少对眼睛看，单是中央委员会几十对眼睛看还不行，七看八看看不出许多问题来，而经过大家一看，一研究，就搞出许多问题来了。”毛泽东修改稿中清晰可辨的他人批注笔迹，有力佐证了《决议》对党内集体智慧的充分吸纳与高度凝聚。该文件所达成的共识来之不易，其形成过程经过了审慎研究、深入探讨与多轮修订。党的六届七中全会的召开和《决议》的通过，增强了全党在毛泽东思想基础上的团结，为七大召开创造了充分的思想理论条件。同样，在毛泽东主持下党的七大关于党的组织及党章修改报告，由刘少奇、周恩来、彭真、高岗、谭政、王若飞组成起草组，刘少奇负责召集。毛泽东和其他领导同志都亲自投入文件起草和反复打磨的过程中，而后互相传阅、共同完善。这些重要文件都经过充分讨论，是集思广益的成果。党的七大确立毛泽东思想为中国共产党的指导思想并写入新的《中国共产党章程》,此时毛泽东在政治、军事、思想上成为全党无可争议的领袖，全党也掀起了学习毛泽东思想的热潮。毛泽东对此清醒谦逊，始终强调毛泽东思想不是毛泽东个人的思想，而是集体智慧的结晶，“你们一定要用个毛泽东思想，我也可以同意，因为党总要找个代表。毛泽东思想不是一个人的，都是从大家来的，我把它综合起来，把它概括起来，你们叫毛泽东思想也可以”。新中国成立后，毛泽东又同周世钊讲：“党中央当时确定把这种正确思想体系叫做‘毛泽东思想’,决不是说‘毛泽东思想’就完全是我一个人的思想。它是包括一班人的正确思想在内的。”

Mao Zedong always regarded the masses as the best teachers: “In all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily ‘from the masses, to the masses.’” The *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, as a compilation of the essence of Mao Zedong Thought, carries its core meaning and is key to understanding this thought. Mao Zedong emphasized: “The things in the *Selected Works* were taught to us by the masses, paid for at the cost of bloodshed and sacrifice.” This emphasis on the contribution of the masses reflects Mao Zedong’s fine quality of seeking truth from facts and not taking credit for himself. Mao Zedong believed: “For the Chinese people, democracy is something lacking, not something in excess.” Influenced by feudal ideology, China had lacked a democratic tradition since ancient times, with the idea of personal autocracy deeply entrenched. Personal autocracy inevitably leads to corruption. Therefore, in 1945, when Mao Zedong discussed with the democratic personage Huang Yanpei the desire to break out of the “historical cycle of rise and fall” [3]3 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (历史周期率) refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises vigorously, becomes corrupt, and then collapses. In 1945, Mao Zedong told Huang Yanpei that the CPC had found a new way to break this cycle through democracy and popular supervision., he emphasized that he had found a new path of “democracy”: “Let the people supervise the government, and the government will not dare to slack off.” Mao Zedong’s answer was not only a way to solve the law of the rise and fall of feudal dynasties but also opened a new path to prevent the degeneration of power through democratic centralism, break the fate of “it arises vigorously and perishes suddenly,” activate the people’s power with the Marxist view of the masses, and realize a new path of lasting governance where “everyone rises up to take responsibility.”

毛泽东时刻将人民群众作为最好的导师，“在我党的一切实际工作中，凡属正确的领导，必须是从群众中来，到群众中去”。《毛泽东选集》作为毛泽东思想精髓的汇编，承载其核心要义，是理解该思想的关键。毛泽东强调：“《毛选》里的这些东西，是群众教给我们的，是付出了流血牺牲的代价的。”对人民群众贡献的强调，体现出毛泽东实事求是，不居功自傲的优良品质。毛泽东认为：“民主对于中国人是缺乏而不是多余。”受封建思想的影响，中国自古以来一直缺乏民主传统，个人专制思想根深蒂固，个人专制必然导致腐败。因此，1945年毛泽东与民主人士黄炎培谈到要想跳出“历史周期率”时，强调找到了“民主”这条新路，“让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈”。毛泽东的回答不仅是对封建王朝兴衰规律的破解之道，更是开辟了以民主集中制防止权力变质，打破“其兴也浡焉、其亡也忽焉”宿命，以马克思主义群众观激活人民力量，实现“人人起来负责”持久治理的新道路。

Conclusion

结 语

The Yan’an Rectification Movement was the first large-scale rectification movement in the history of the Communist Party of China. It was a Marxist ideological education movement carried out by the CPC in Yan’an and various base areas during the War of Resistance Against Japan. It was also a great ideological liberation movement to break the erroneous tendency within the Party of dogmatizing Marxism and sanctifying the decisions of the Communist International and the experience of the Soviet Union. Through the Yan’an Rectification, the entire Party established a dialectical materialist ideological line of seeking truth from facts, established the guiding position of Mao Zedong Thought, consolidated unity and centralization under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, and laid an irreversible foundation for the progress and victory of the Chinese revolution. The victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan and the rapid success of the New Democratic Revolution fully proved the historical correctness and great significance of the Yan’an Rectification Movement.

延安整风运动是中国共产党历史上第一次大规模的整风运动，是抗日战争时期中国共产党在延安和各根据地开展的一次马克思主义思想教育运动，也是破除党内把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际决定和苏联经验神圣化的错误倾向的伟大思想解放运动。通过延安整风，全党确立了一条实事求是的辩证唯物主义的思想路线，并确立了毛泽东思想的指导地位，巩固了党中央领导下的团结和统一，为中国革命的前进和胜利奠定了不可逆转的基础。抗日战争的胜利与新民主主义革命的迅速成功，充分证明了延安整风的历史正确性与伟大意义。

For some time, under the influence of historical nihilism, various forces at home and abroad have put forward many erroneous arguments against the Yan’an Rectification Movement. Among these arguments, there are both one-sided interpretations based on misreadings of historical materials and deliberate distortions and attacks with clear political purposes. The essence of these arguments is to deny Comrade Mao Zedong’s outstanding theoretical and practical contributions to the Chinese revolution, deny the inevitability of the formation of Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status, and thereby deny the historical legitimacy of the Communist Party of China’s governance. Dispelling the fog of historical nihilism, we can see that the formation of Comrade Mao Zedong’s leadership position within the Party was by no means accidental, but was built on a solid political, ideological, mass, and practical foundation, and was the choice of history and the people.

一段时期以来，在历史虚无主义影响下，海内外一些势力针对延安整风运动抛出诸多错误论调。这些论调中既有基于史料误读的片面解读，也有带着明确政治目的的刻意歪曲与攻击。这些论调的实质是否定毛泽东同志在理论和实践上对中国革命的卓越贡献，否定毛泽东同志历史地位形成的必然性，进而否定中国共产党执政的历史合法性。驱散历史虚无主义的迷雾，我们可以看到，毛泽东同志党内领导地位的形成绝非偶然，而是建立在坚实的政治基础、思想基础、群众基础和实践基础之上，是历史和人民的选择。

Establishing and upholding the leadership core of a proletarian political party is a basic viewpoint that runs through Marxist party-building theory throughout. As the vanguard of the proletariat, the proletarian party’s breadth of class foundation, tightness of organizational system, and magnitude of organizational scale are unmatched by any other political party; the proletarian party shoulders the historical responsibility of leading the people to overthrow bourgeois rule, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, advance socialist construction, and ultimately realize communism—the arduousness, complexity, and protractedness of this mission are likewise beyond the reach of any other political party. It is precisely this special nature and mission that determines that the proletarian party especially requires the entire Party to achieve a high degree of unity of will, a high degree of unity of thought, and a high degree of unity of action; to realize this deep-seated and all-round unity and uniformity, the key lies in the necessity of forming and establishing a strong leadership core of the Party, and of upholding the authority of the leadership core with a clear-cut stance. In each historical period of the Chinese Communist Party’s revolution, construction, and reform, it was precisely because there was a strong leadership core and the authority of the leadership core was resolutely upheld that the Party was able to unite and lead the people to overcome one difficulty after another and cross one hurdle after another. This is a precious experience we have gained in the long-term practice of revolution, construction, and reform; it is the ideological foundation for maintaining strategic resolve and continuously winning victories in complex struggles.

确立并维护无产阶级政党的领导核心，是马克思主义建党学说中贯穿始终的基本观点。无产阶级政党作为无产阶级的先锋队，其阶级基础的广泛性、组织体系的严密性与队伍规模的宏大性，是其他任何政党都无法比拟的；无产阶级政党肩负着领导人民推翻资产阶级统治、建立无产阶级专政、推进社会主义建设并最终实现共产主义的历史重任，这一使命的艰巨性、复杂性与长期性，同样是其他任何政党难以企及的。正是这种特殊的性质与使命，决定了无产阶级政党尤其需要全党上下达成高度的意志统一、高度的思想一致和高度的行动一致，而要实现这种深层次、全方位的统一与一致，关键在于必须形成并确立坚强的党的领导核心，并且旗帜鲜明地维护领导核心的权威。在中国共产党革命、建设、改革的各个历史时期，正是因为有了坚强的领导核心并坚决维护领导核心的权威，党才能团结带领人民战胜一个又一个困难，跨过一道又一道坎。这是我们在长期革命、建设和改革实践中得出的宝贵经验，是在复杂斗争中保持战略定力、不断夺取胜利的思想根基。

At present, changes unseen in a century are accelerating, and the domestic and international situation is complex and volatile. Taking history as a mirror, we must draw the strength to forge ahead from the historical wisdom of the Yan’an Rectification Movement, deeply understand the decisive significance of the Two Establishments, further strengthen the historical consciousness of the Two Upholds, and truly internalize this fundamental political principle in the heart and externalize it in action, guiding us to break through the waves and forge ahead steadily and far on the new journey of the New Era.

当下，百年变局加速演变，国内外形势复杂多变。以史为鉴，我们要从延安整风的历史智慧中汲取奋进力量，深刻理解“两个确立”的决定性意义，进一步强化“两个维护”的历史自觉，让这一根本政治准则真正内化于心、外化于行，引领我们在新时代新征程中破浪前行、行稳致远。