Mao Zedong and People’s Letters and Visits in New China

People’s letters and visits — that is, letters from the people and visits by the people — are an important channel and method for our Party to connect with the broad masses of the people and to promote economic and social construction. They are a concrete manifestation and a constitutive element of the scientific working method of adhering to the mass line. At the very beginning of the founding of New China, when economic and social construction was waiting for everything to be undertaken, Mao Zedong, though burdened with heavy administrative duties and handling a myriad of affairs daily, still paid close attention to people’s letters and visits. He put forward important theses such as: attention must be paid to letters from the masses; people’s letters and visits are an important way for our Party to maintain ties with the masses; letters and visits from the people must be received warmly and handled actively and appropriately; and efforts must be made to do a good job on letters-and-visits work. Whenever a letter from the people arrived, he would personally reply in his own hand; when the masses came to visit, he would receive them warmly and in person, demonstrating the great style of a people’s leader who loves the people and serves the people. Through receiving and handling people’s letters and visits, Mao Zedong obtained substantial materials on all aspects of economic and social life, providing a reference basis for scientifically deciding the major policies, principles, and strategies of the Party and the state. Receiving and handling people’s letters and visits constituted an important part of Mao Zedong’s work in governing the country, greatly promoting the economic and social construction of New China. It provides a fundamental guideline and a scientific working-method guide for us today, under the conditions of developing a socialist market economy, to remain true to our original aspiration and founding mission [n1], to adhere to the scientific working method of the mass line, to practice the people-centered development thought, and to strengthen people’s letters-and-visits work in the New Era.

人民信访即人民来信来访，是我们党联系广大人民群众、推进经济社会建设的重要渠道和方式，是坚持群众路线科学工作方法的具体表征和建构内容。新中国成立伊始，经济社会建设百废待举，毛泽东政务繁忙、日理万机，仍高度关注人民信访，提出要重视人民群众来信、人民信访是我们党联系人民群众的重要方式、热情接待和积极恰当处理人民来信来访、努力做好信访工作等重要论断。凡人民来信，他秉笔亲复；群众来访，他躬身热情接待，彰显人民领袖爱人民、为人民服务的伟大风范。通过接待和处理人民来信来访，毛泽东获得了经济社会各方面实际材料，为科学决策党和国家大政方针政策提供了可资借鉴的依据。接待和处理人民信访，构成了毛泽东治国理政的重要工作内容，极大促进了新中国经济社会建设，为当前我们发展社会主义市场经济条件下不忘初心、牢记使命，坚持群众路线的科学工作方法，践行以人民为中心的发展思想，加强新时代人民信访工作，提供了根本遵循和科学工作方法指南。

I. A Typological Classification of Mao Zedong’s Reception of People’s Letters and Visits after the Founding of New China

一、新中国成立后毛泽东接待人民信访的类型划分

Letters and visits from the masses, through which they offer suggestions and proposals to our Party and the people’s government, are of great benefit for improving working methods, promoting scientific decision-making, and accelerating economic and social construction. After the founding of New China, the broad masses of the people, filled with gratitude and reverence, wrote letters to the Party Central Committee and to Mao Zedong. The number of people’s letters and visits that Mao Zedong received was in the tens of thousands. The author, taking as textual sources only the 1983 edition of *Selected Letters of Mao Zedong* (People’s Publishing House), volumes 6–8 of the 1999 edition of *Collected Works of Mao Zedong* (People’s Publishing House), and volumes 1–6 of the 2013 edition of *Chronicle of Mao Zedong (1949–1976)* (Central Party Literature Press), and making a rough examination based on the purposes, demands, and aspirations of the people’s letters and visits, roughly divides them into the following six major types.

人民群众来信来访，向我们党和人民政府建言献策，对改进工作方法，推动科学决策，加快经济社会建设，大有裨益。新中国成立后，广大人民群众深怀感恩和崇敬之心，致信党中央、毛泽东。毛泽东接待人民群众来信来访，数以万计。笔者仅以人民出版社1983年版《毛泽东书信选集》、人民出版社1999年版《毛泽东文集》第六到八卷、中央文献出版社2013年版《毛泽东年谱（一九四九—一九七六）》第一到六卷为文本依据，按人民来信来访的目的、诉求和愿景，粗略地考辨，大致划分为以下六大类型。

(A) Reporting Problems and Situations

（一）反映问题、情况

This type of people’s letter or visit mainly reports actual conditions and existing problems in the economic and social construction of New China, helping our Party and the people’s government to praise the good and condemn the bad, to eliminate the foul and foster the pure, and to build socialism more, faster, better, and more economically. Chen Shutong, a well-known figure in China’s industrial and commercial circles, wrote a letter reflecting on the problem of the livelihood of the nation’s industrial and commercial households. From this, Mao Zedong learned about the situation of the nation’s industry and commerce. On December 18, 1950, he personally replied to Chen Shutong: “There are five million industrial and commercial households nationwide, of which about three million are commercial establishments. In the process of the entire economic undertaking shifting from the old track to the New Democratic track, a large number of commercial firms and handicraft enterprises will inevitably need to change their trades and undergo reorganization.” He also informed Chen that the content and demands of the letter had been forwarded to Comrade Chen Yun, Chairman of the Financial and Economic Committee of the Government Administration Council, and other comrades for “appropriate handling,” and that the people’s “government should give proper guidance to this matter.” On October 27, 1951, Yin Yigang and Luo Yunlu of the Party School of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee of the CPC wrote to Mao Zedong expressing disagreement with the formulation that the semi-proletariat was also a leading class. Regarding this political question, they specially wrote to Mao Zedong. In his reply, Mao Zedong affirmed the view of Yin Yigang and Luo Yunlu that the semi-proletariat was not a leading class, stating: “This proposal is well-founded, and now it is necessary to correct that formulation in the draft resolution on Party consolidation.” This prompted the Central Committee of the CPC to issue the *Revised Directive on the Question of the Leading Class in the Chinese Revolution*: “On the question of the leadership of the Chinese revolution, whether in the past or in the future, it should only be stated that it is led by the working class (through its vanguard, the Communist Party of China), and the semi-proletariat should no longer be included.” In June 1952, Zhang Youcheng, a friend of Mao Zedong’s youth, wrote a letter reflecting the situation of “grain shortages and low pig prices.” Mao Zedong took this very seriously and immediately replied, saying that such a letter “is very good, enabling me to learn about many conditions in the countryside.” In the early days of the New China’s new administration, many people from the Mao family in Shaoshan and the Wen family in Xiangxiang came to Beijing to visit Mao Zedong. However, after leaving the capital, “some of them became arrogant and were not very willing to obey the government,” creating a bad influence in the countryside. After learning from people’s letters and visits about the “arrogance” of some relatives, Mao Zedong on April 29, 1954, specially wrote a letter to the Party committee and government of Shicheng Township, Xiangxiang County, instructing: “Any member of the Wen family must, like everyone else in the township, obey the leadership of the Party and the government, work diligently, abide by the law, and should not be given special treatment.” “If they engage in backward behavior, they should be criticized, and their shortcomings and mistakes should not be overlooked just because they are my relatives.” This demonstrated Mao Zedong’s noble character and integrity in not bending the law for personal gain. On April 21, 1967, Qin Houde, a member of the personnel supporting the left [n2] in the Jinan Military Region, wrote to Mao Zedong, reflecting that there were many problems in the work of supporting the left, mainly that the support was not for the leftists but for the conservatives; that on the issue of “grasping revolution and promoting production,” some units had not placed revolution in the first position; that some propaganda teams had adopted a simplistic and crude attitude towards so-called counter-revolutionary organizations; and that there was a sharp antagonism between army comrades and revolutionary mass organizations. Mao Zedong commented: “The problems reflected by this comrade are relatively common and deserve close attention.” He instructed the Shandong Provincial Party Committee to investigate and deal with the matter seriously and to report to the Central Committee. Subsequently, the Jinan Air Force and the Jinan Military Region “have publicly declared their support for the Provincial Revolutionary Committee. Both the army and the air force have submitted reports to the Central Committee, and the problem has begun to be resolved. However, in many other provinces and cities, some have been resolved, while others have not yet been resolved.” For these letters and visits that reported problems and stated situations, Mao Zedong carefully examined them and made replies, demonstrating his lofty ideological realm of keeping the Party’s cause and national affairs in his heart and caring deeply for the people’s interests.

这类人民来信来访，主要反映的是新中国经济社会建设中的实际情况和存在问题，帮助我们党和人民政府彰是瘅非、激浊扬清，多快好省地建设社会主义。我国工商界著名人士陈叔通来信反映全国工商户的出路问题，毛泽东由此了解全国工商业情况，于1950年12月18日秉笔亲复陈叔通，“全国有五百万工商户，其中商业行户大约有三百万，在整个经济事业由旧的轨道转入新民主主义轨道中，当有一大批商行和手工业需要转业和改组，这是不可避免的”，并告已将来信内容和要求转政务院财政经济委员会主任陈云等同志“酌办”，人民“政府应当妥为指导这件事”。1951年10月27日，中共河北省委党校阴一刚、罗云路对半工人阶级也是领导阶级的提法提出不同意见，关于这一政治问题，特致信毛泽东。毛泽东在复信中肯定了阴一刚、罗云路不同意半工人阶级也是领导阶级的观点，指出：“这种提议是有理由的，现在不能不改正整党决议草案中的那种提法。”这就促成了中共中央发布《关于中国革命领导阶级问题的修正指示》：“关于中国革命的领导问题，无论过去或今后，均应只提是工人阶级（通过其先锋队中国共产党）领导的，不应再把半工人阶级包括在内。”1952年6月，毛泽东少年时期朋友张有成致信反映“粮亏猪贱”情况，毛泽东很重视，即复：这样的来信“很好，使我晓得乡间许多情形”。新中国新政伊始，韶山毛家、湘乡文家有很多人上京造访毛泽东，但离京“回去之后，有些人骄傲起来，不大服政府管”，在乡间产生不好的影响。毛泽东从人民群众来信来访中获悉有些亲人的“骄傲”情况后，于1954年4月29日特致信湘乡县石城乡党委政府，指示“文家任何人，都要同乡里众人一样，服从党与政府的领导，勤耕守法，不应特殊”，“如有落后行为，应受批评，不应因为他们是我的亲戚就不批评他们的缺点错误”。彰显了毛泽东不徇私枉法的高风亮节。1967年4月21日，济南军区支左人员秦厚德致信毛泽东，反映支左工作存在许多问题，主要是支持的不是左派，而是保守派；在“抓革命，促生产”的问题上，有的单位没有把革命放在首位；有的宣传队对所谓的反革命组织采取简单粗暴的态度；部队的同志和革命群众组织十分对立。毛泽东批示：“这位同志反映的问题，是个比较普遍的问题，很值得注意。”并责成山东省委认真查处，并报告中央。之后，济南空军、济南军区“已公开声明支持省革命委员会。陆、空军均对中央来了报告，问题已经开始解决。但其他许多省、市有些解决了，有些则还未解决”。这些来信来访，反映问题、具陈情况，毛泽东均认真洞察、做出答复，彰显出毛泽东心系党业国事、关切民利的崇高思想境界。

(B) Scholarly Inquiry

（二）学理探究

This type of people’s letter mainly involves explorations in culture, education, art, theory, and other fields, aimed at implementing the guiding principle of “letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend,” [1]1 Original aspiration and founding mission (初心使命): A core concept of Xi Jinping Thought, referring to the Party’s original goal of serving the people wholeheartedly and its founding mission of realizing communism, often invoked in Party education campaigns. opening the spring of culture and science, creating a cultural and academic scene of great variety and vitality, and promoting the flourishing development of Marxist theory, socialist culture, and education. On 4 September 1952, Huang Yanpei wrote to Mao Zedong, setting forth the basic idea that the bourgeoisie should accept the proletariat and accept the Marxist world outlook—a rather sensitive academic and political issue at the time. The next day, Mao replied in discussion, stating that the letter and the “draft speech are well-intentioned, but I feel they are a bit too radical,” and that “demanding that the bourgeoisie accept the basic ideas of the working class” and “accept the Marxist world outlook” seemed inappropriate. In fact, “this means demanding that the bourgeoisie accept socialism.” While this “is possible” for a few progressive individuals, for the bourgeoisie as a class “it is inappropriate to make such a demand” and “inappropriate to propagate this.” The limit should be the basic principles of the Common Programme, [2]2 Personnel supporting the left (支左人员): During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), the People’s Liberation Army was ordered to intervene in local factional struggles to “support the left” (i.e., the faction deemed loyal to Mao Zedong’s revolutionary line). and “one should not go beyond this limit.” This clarified the political attitude, ideological principles, and academic boundaries toward the bourgeoisie. Li Shuyi, the widow of the revolutionary martyr Liu Zhixun and a teacher, who “raised her orphaned child alone and endured every hardship,” wrote to Mao Zedong, expressing her desire to teach and educate, recounting her family’s hardships, and intending to come to Beijing for guidance. Mao replied, encouraging her: “You may study Marxism-Leninism in your spare time; there is no need to travel far to Beijing to achieve your goal.” There were also some people’s letters discussing methods of theoretical study and research, seeking to raise their level of Marxist theory. Chen Jisheng, a middle school teacher, also studied the history of ethnic minorities in his spare time. He sent his research work and a letter to Mao Zedong, asking for guidance. Mao replied on 29 August 1950: “I have read your letter and am very pleased.” However, regarding the history of ethnic minorities, “I have not studied it” and have few academic insights, so “I cannot add a single word.” At the same time, he specifically pointed out that academic research must adhere to the Marxist world outlook and methodology to achieve results: “If one does not use Marxist methods to study, it will only waste energy and cannot yield good results.” Zang Kejia, then editor-in-chief of Poetry Journal, wrote to Mao Zedong asking for his literary works to be published for the benefit of the people. Mao replied, reluctantly, explaining his thoughts: “I have never been willing to publish these things formally, because they are in classical style, and I fear that bad examples will spread and mislead the youth; moreover, they lack poetic flavor and have no special features.” He suggested that “poetry should, of course, take new poetry as the main form; classical poetry can be written, but it should not be promoted among the youth, because this form constrains thought and is not easy to learn.” He also expressed his congratulations: “The publication of Poetry Journal is very good; I wish it growth and development.” Professor Zhou Gucheng of the History Department at Fudan University wrote to Mao Zedong to discuss logic. Mao replied: “I have not studied logic much and dare not comment on it,” and “as for writing a preface, I do not intend to comply; I hope you can understand.” Mao Zedong had profound literary and historical foundations; his phrasing, sentence construction, use of allusions, and citations were perfectly measured, and he was very modest, nurturing later scholars. He can be called a literary master, academic mentor, and moral paragon of his generation.

这类人民来信内容主要涉及文化、教育、艺术、理论等方面的探究，旨在贯彻落实“百花齐放，百家争鸣”的指导方针，开放文化科学的春天，营造文化学理万紫千红、盎然生机，推进马克思主义理论、社会主义文化教育事业繁荣发展。1952年9月4日，黄炎培致信毛泽东，阐明要求资产阶级接受无产阶级、接受马克思主义世界观的基本思想，这是当时一个颇为敏感的学理问题、政治问题。次日，毛泽东即复探讨，认为来信和“讲稿用意甚好，惟觉太激进了一点”，“要求资产阶级接受工人阶级的基本思想”，“接受马克思主义的宇宙观”，此说似有不妥，实际上，“这就是要求资产阶级接受社会主义”，这对于少数进步分子“是可能的”，而对于代表阶级的资产阶级“则不宜这样要求”，“不宜如此宣传”，应以《共同纲领》的基本原则为限，“不宜过此限度”。这就厘清了对待资产阶级的政治态度、思想原则、学理界限。革命烈士柳直荀遗孀、教师李淑一“抚孤成立，艰苦备尝”，致信毛泽东，诉求教书育人、家境苦情，意欲上京求教，毛泽东复信勉励她“学习马列主义，可于工作之暇为之，不必远道来京，即可达到目的”。还有一些人民书信来往，想要探讨理论学研方法，提高马克思主义理论水平。陈寄生是中学教师，课教之余，还研究少数民族历史，他将研究论著并信发送给毛泽东，请予指导。毛泽东1950年8月29日复信“惠书读悉，甚以为慰”，只是关于少数民族历史“未曾研究”，学术心得不多，因而“不能赞一词”；同时特别指出学术研究必须坚持马克思主义世界观方法论，才有所成，“若不用马克思主义的方法去研究，势将徒费精力，不能有良好结果”。臧克家时任《诗刊》主编，致信毛泽东索要雄文词章，公开发表，以飨国人。毛泽东复信，勉为其难，言明心迹，说“这些东西，我历来不愿意正式发表，因为是旧体，怕谬种流传，贻误青年；再则诗味不多，没有什么特色”，提议“诗当然应以新诗为主体，旧诗可以写一些，但是不宜在青年中提倡，因为这种体裁束缚思想，又不易学”，并特表贺词“《诗刊》出版，很好，祝它成长发展”。复旦大学历史系周谷城教授致信毛泽东，探讨逻辑学，毛泽东复信，“我对逻辑无多研究，不敢有所论列”，“作序的事，不拟应命，可获谅解否”。毛泽东文史功底深厚，行文造句、用典引证，拿捏得恰到好处，又十分谦虚，滋养后学，堪称一代文学大师、学术导师、人格宗师。

(3) Requests for Recommendations for Work, Schooling, Party Membership, and Promotion

（三）请求推介工作、上学、入党、提拔

Mao Zedong had many family members, schoolmates, and comrades. Due to differences in family circumstances and personal aspirations, they frequently wrote letters and made visits requesting Mao to recommend them for work, schooling, Party membership, or promotion. Some of these matters involved Party discipline and state law, which indeed troubled and vexed the leader of the republic, Mao Zedong. Proceeding from the fundamental interests of the Party and the broad masses of the people, he cherished old ties and helped relatives, but he never sought personal gain; he always politely declined. Yang Kaizhi was the elder brother of Mao Zedong’s wife, Yang Kaihui. He held a bachelor’s degree from China Agricultural University, a rare high level of education at the time. A single word or nod from Mao Zedong to secure him a job or promotion would not have been excessive. Mao strictly disciplined himself and examined his relatives; he simply would not set the very bad precedent of recommending jobs or seeking benefits for relatives and friends. After the founding ceremony of the People’s Republic of China, Yang Kaizhi wrote to Mao Zedong, wanting to come to Beijing for a post or to secure a “department head” position in Hunan. On 9 October 1949, Mao firmly refused in his reply: “I hope you will stay in Hunan and await a position suited to your abilities assigned by the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China. Do not have any extravagant hopes, and do not come

毛泽东的家人、学友、同志众多，由于家境和个人志趣不同，请求毛泽东推荐工作、上学、入党、提拔等事宜，屡屡来信来访。这些事情，有的涉及党纪国法，确实让共和国领袖毛泽东很为难、伤脑筋。从党和广大人民群众根本利益出发，他念旧、济亲，但从不营私谋利，总是婉言以拒。杨开智是毛泽东夫人杨开慧的兄长，中国农业大学本科毕业，在当时是很难得的高学历，只要毛泽东一个字抑或点个头，入职提拔，并不过分。毛泽东严格律己察亲，就是不开为亲友推介工作、捞取好处的影响很坏的头。开国大典后，杨开智致信毛泽东，想进京供职，或在湖南谋个“厅长”之位。1949年10月9日，毛泽东复信坚拒：“希望你在湘听候中共湖南省委分配合乎你能力的工作，不要有任何奢望，不要来京。湖南省委派你什么工作就做什么工作，一切按正常规矩办理，不要使政府为难。”同日，毛泽东又亲笔致信湖南省军政委员会委员王首道，叮嘱监督“杨开智等不要来京，在湘按其能力分配适当工作，任何无理要求不应允许”。这个好头一开，行为世范，国风清廉，莫敢破例，无不争效，天下可彰。杨开智听从毛泽东，用之所学，就职于湖南省茶叶公司，退休时也只是个副处级干部。毛森品是毛泽东求学湘乡东山高等小学的同学，他也来信恳请毛泽东推介工作。毛泽东于1950年4月18日复信婉拒：“吾兄出任工作极为赞成，其步骤似宜就群众利益方面有所赞助表现，为人所重，自然而然参加进去，不宜由弟推荐，反而有累清德，不知以为然否？”弘扬人民公仆的清德作派，风范照人。湘乡唐家坨文氏大家庭是毛泽东的外祖家，毛泽东在此生活了6年，度过童年，学文行事做人，皆发轫于斯之良好教育。新中国成立后，文家开列名单，致信请求毛泽东推介工作、上学、进京等事宜，毛泽东大义坚拒，复信：“宜在湖南就近解决工作问题，不宜远游，弟亦未便直接为他作介”，“不宜由我推荐，宜由他自己在人民中有所表现，取得信任，便有机会参加工作”。此外，上学入读也不宜推介，否则会败坏学章校规，影响很不好。周敦祜早年在长沙读书时结识毛泽东，1955年2月8日他致信毛泽东求助小孩上学事宜。毛泽东复信：“我对学生入学的事都不直接干与，因此不能满足你的要求，尚希鉴谅。”张鼎是毛泽东创办湖南自修大学附设补习学校的学生，周容与毛泽东相识于湖南省立第一师范学校。这两人致信毛泽东，要求介绍入党。毛泽东严守党规党纪，明确婉拒，复信二人：“入党事要在当地经过一定规章办理”，不能草率、越规，“未便率尔绍介，应就当地有所表现，向当地组织请求，听候解决”。入党有规、治党有章、严党有责，全党蔚然成风，凝聚强大力量，团结砥砺奋进。

(4) Hardship in livelihood, requests for assistance and relief

（四）生活困难，请求照顾、接济

Most of Mao Zedong’s relatives and schoolmates came from peasant families and lived in difficult circumstances; there were very many who wrote or visited to request care or financial assistance. In receiving and handling letters and visits from relatives and friends, Mao Zedong adhered to the principle of putting the people’s interests first: he did not bend the rules for kin, did not seek personal gain for old acquaintances, and did not use relief for relatives to bolster their position, setting no precedent for preferential treatment, special privileges, or backdoor dealings. This revealed the broad-mindedness of a great man who was clean, just, and for the people. After the founding of New China, relatives from the Wen family in Shaoshan and Xiangxiang wrote to Mao Zedong requesting care, financial assistance, and solutions to their livelihood difficulties. On January 3, 1950, Mao Yimin of Shaoshan, on behalf of the families of martyrs, wrote to Mao Zedong, requesting care for the families of martyrs living in hardship. By circumstance and reason, caring for the families of martyrs was beyond reproach. Mao Zedong, proceeding from the overall situation of the nation, replied that no special treatment could be given: “The poor people in the countryside are having a hard life, and the families of martyrs are even more hard-pressed. For the time being, they must endure a little; after land reform things may improve somewhat, and then the people’s government may also give the people some help, such as loans, so the people can gradually improve their lives.” “Caring for the families of martyrs is a nationwide matter. There are millions of families of martyrs across the country, all of whom need care, so naturally it is not appropriate to give separate, special care to a few localities.” In places where conditions permitted, for families of martyrs in difficulty, priority could be given to “providing care as far as possible.” There was also “Ms. Li Shuyi, the widow of Comrade Liu Zhixun (a martyr), who makes a living by teaching, but is advanced in years and burdened with heavy lessons, making it hard to carry on.” Under the conditions of the time, when the national economy was still quite difficult, it was still challenging to give her separate, special care, but revolutionary comradeship ran deep, so it was “proposed to use some of my manuscript fees to help solve this problem.” It must be pointed out that using manuscript fees to provide financial assistance to fellow villagers, friends, and comrades had become Mao Zedong’s established practice for special expenditures. The Wen family of Xiangxiang wrote requesting a solution to their livelihood difficulties. Mao Zedong wrote back to Liu Yanan, then magistrate of Xiangxiang County, instructing: “As for the Wen family (my maternal relatives) requesting relief for their livelihood difficulties, this can only be resolved through rent reduction and land reform in the same way as for ordinary peasants; no special relief can be given, so as to avoid causing discontent among the general populace.” Mao Zelian was Mao Zedong’s closest cousin; he wrote reflecting the situation of “family hardship.” Mao Zedong replied: “We will find a way to give some slight help later; for now, do not count on it.” His integrity and moral purity were lofty and manifest.

毛泽东的亲人、学友大都出身农家，生活困难，来信来访请求照顾、接济的非常多。毛泽东接待和处理亲友来信来访，坚守人民利益第一的原则，亲亲不为亲徇私，念旧不为旧谋利，济亲不为亲撑腰，不开照顾、特殊、开后门的先例，彰显了一代伟人为民清廉正义的博大胸襟。新中国成立后，韶山、湘乡文家亲人致信毛泽东，请求照顾、接济，解决生活困难问题。1950年1月3日，韶山毛逸民代表烈士家属致信毛泽东，陈请照顾生活困难的烈属。按情论理，照顾烈属，无可非议。毛泽东从统筹全国大局出发，复信不能搞特殊化：“乡里贫苦人民生活困难，烈士家属更加困难，暂时只好忍耐一点，待土地改革后就可能好一些了，那时人民政府也可能给人民以一些帮助，例如贷款等，人民就可以逐步改善自己的生活”，“烈属的照顾是全国范围内的事，全国有几百万户烈属，都要照顾，自未便单独地特殊地照顾少数地方”，在条件允许的地方，对于困难烈属，可以优先地“尽可能给以照顾”。另有“李淑一女士，长沙柳直荀同志（烈士）的未亡人，教书为业，年长课繁，难乎为继”，在当时国家经济还比较困难的条件下要单独特殊地照顾她，尚有难度，但革命同志情深，可“拟以我的稿费若干为助，解决这个问题”。必须指出，用稿费接济资助乡亲、友人、同志，已成为毛泽东专项开支的惯例。湘乡文家来信，请求解决生活困难，毛泽东致信指示时任湘乡县长刘亚南，“至于文家（我的舅家）生活困难要求救济一节，只能从减租和土改中照一般农民那样去解决，不能给以特殊救济，以免引起一般人民不满”。毛泽连是毛泽东最亲的堂兄，致信反映“家境困难”情况，毛泽东复信：“待将来再设法略作帮助，目前不要靠望。”清廉气节，轩然可彰。

(5) Recalling Old Friendships

（五）友好述旧

Among those who wrote letters, many had associated with or known Mao Zedong; recalling old friendships became an important way to look back on bygone days, remember past events, and deepen camaraderie. After the Xinhai Revolution, Mao Xusheng had served together with Mao Zedong in the Hunan New Army that staged the uprising. After the founding of New China, he wrote to Mao Zedong three times, recounting his work and life in the New Army. Zhou Shizhao was a schoolmate of Mao Zedong when he studied at the Hunan Provincial First Normal School, a member of the New People’s Study Society,[n] and they had close dealings. After the founding of New China, he corresponded frequently with Mao Zedong, sharing memories of their school days, and was received by Mao Zedong on many occasions. On October 15, 1950, Mao Zedong replied: “Although you did not participate in the revolutionary struggle in the past, teaching is beneficial to the people.” He heard that “you are now the principal of the First Normal School, and I am deeply pleased that the right person has been found. This shows that the fine steed’s bones have not yet decayed, and there is still vitality.” With the liberation of the whole country, “but the great calamity has only just been pacified, and the people’s livelihood is haggard; it will take several years to restore the people’s economy, complete the reform of the land system, and raise the level of the people’s political consciousness. These tasks all await the assistance of cultural and educational work.” This expressed the idea that education is a glorious cause, nurturing talent and cultivating people, with merit for a thousand autumns. In December 1950, Zhou Shizhao wrote to Mao Zedong, requesting that he inscribe the school plaque and school motto for the Hunan Provincial First Normal School. Mao Zedong complied, inscribing the school plaque “First Normal School” and the school motto “To be teachers of the people, first be students of the people,” and stated that he was changing his daily routine, “doing things according to the sun, not according to the moon,” with an orderly schedule and proper balance of work and rest. These letters and interactions fully reflected the close dealings and extraordinary schoolmate friendship between Zhou Shizhao and Mao Zedong.

来信人中，很多是同毛泽东有过交往、相识的，友好述旧，成为回首当年、追忆往事、增进友情的重要方式。辛亥革命后，毛煦生曾和毛泽东在湖南起义新军中共过事，新中国成立后，他曾三次致信毛泽东，陈述在新军的工作和生活。周世钊是毛泽东求学湖南省立第一师范学校时的同学，新民学会会员，过从甚密，新中国成立后，他与毛泽东书信来往频繁，共述同学情，并多次受到毛泽东的接见。1950年10月15日，毛泽东复信：“兄过去虽未参加革命斗争，教书就是有益于人民的”，时闻“兄为一师校长，深庆得人，可见骏骨未凋，尚有生气”，全国解放，“但大难甫平，民生憔悴，须有数年时间，方能恢复人民经济，完成土地制度的改革及提高人民政治觉悟水平，这些任务均有待于文教工作的协助”。表达了教育事业光荣，树人育才，功德于千秋的意思。1950年12月，周世钊致信毛泽东，要求题写湖南省立第一师范学校校牌和校训，毛泽东应约题写“第一师范”校牌和题词“要做人民的先生，先做人民的学生”的校训，并述说自己正在改变生活作息，“按照太阳办事，不按月亮办事了”，起居有序，劳逸有章。这些书信和交往，充分体现了周世钊与毛泽东过从甚密，非同一般的同学情。

(6) Reviewing Cases for Rehabilitation, Restoring Historical Innocence and Justice

（六）甄别平反，还历史清白与正义

In the cruel, perilous, and complex revolutionary environment, some staunch Communist Party members died a martyr’s death or suffered wrongful accusations. Opening up the long-dormant historical archival materials, reviewing cases for rehabilitation, and restoring the historical innocence of revolutionary martyrs and comrades was an important task in protecting and developing the cause of the proletarian revolution. After the founding of New China, among the people’s letters and visits Mao Zedong received, many were petitions for case review and rehabilitation. On October 12, 1949, Xiang Mingqing, an uncle from Yang Kaihui’s[n] hometown, wrote to Mao Zedong inquiring about the revolutionary history of his nephew Xiang Jun. After verification, Mao Zedong replied on April 19 of the following year, confirming: “Your nephew Comrade Xiang Jun was a Communist Party member. In 1927 he served as secretary of the Hengshan County Party Committee. He was a loyal and capable comrade. In 1927, when the Kuomintang betrayed the revolution, he was arrested and died a glorious martyr.” He instructed Xiang Mingqing to report this reply and the verification materials together to the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, so as to comfort the immortal spirit. Cao Yunfang, during the Great Revolution, had worked under Mao Zedong’s leadership together with her husband Luo Zhe. Luo Zhe died a martyr’s death in 1928. On July 8, 1956, Cao Yunfang wrote to Mao Zedong, requesting verification of Luo Zhe’s history. On August 11 of the same year, Mao Zedong replied, attesting to Comrade Luo Zhe’s glorious revolutionary history: “I had heard some news long ago that Comrade Luo Zhe died a heroic martyr’s death.” “Luo Zhe worked hard for the Party; I can bear witness. There were no other documents at the time.” Mao Zedong’s reply was very likely the sole piece of evidence for Luo Zhe’s revolutionary history. During the “Cultural Revolution,”[n] there were even more letters and visits requesting the redress of unjust, false, and wrong cases. Mao Zedong read each letter and gave instructions to investigate and approve rehabilitation. On March 18, 1972, Yang Jun[sheng],[n] daughter of Yang Chengwu,[n] wrote to Mao Zedong requesting rehabilitation for her father. The letter stated: Yang Chengwu was loyal to Chairman Mao; he had been politically framed by Lin Biao,

残酷险恶错综复杂的革命环境，一些坚强共产党员壮烈殉难或蒙错含冤，启动尘封久远的历史档案材料，甄别平反，还革命英烈、革命同志的历史清白，是保护和发展无产阶级革命事业的一项重要工作。新中国成立后，毛泽东接待人民来信来访，有很多就是关于甄别平反的诉求材料。1949年10月12日，杨开慧老家舅父向明卿致信毛泽东，征询侄儿向钧的革命历史。经过查证，毛泽东于次年4月19日复信甄别，“令侄向钧同志是共产党员，一九二七年曾任衡山县委书记，是个忠实的能干的同志，一九二七年国民党叛变被捕，光荣殉难”，指示向明卿可将此复信和甄别材料一并报告湖南省委，以告慰英灵千古不朽。曹云芳在大革命时随丈夫罗哲一起在毛泽东领导下做革命工作，罗哲1928年壮烈牺牲。1956年7月8日，曹云芳致信毛泽东，请求甄别罗哲的历史。同年8月11日，毛泽东复信证明罗哲同志光荣的革命历史：“罗哲同志英勇牺牲，早就听到一些消息”，“罗哲为党艰苦工作，我可作证，当时没有别的证件”。毛泽东的复信，很可能就是罗哲革命历史的孤证材料。“文化大革命”时期，请求平反昭雪冤假错案的来信来访，就更多了，毛泽东一一阅信，批示查实准予平反。1972年3月18日，杨成武女儿杨俊生致信毛泽东，请求为父平反。来信说：杨成武是忠于毛主席的，他受了林彪、陈伯达、叶群的政治陷害，希望能让他回到社会实践中。毛泽东阅信后，批示：“此案处理可能有错，当时听了林彪一面之词。”查证后，杨成武即获平反。1972年10月，中央办公厅信访处编印《来信摘要》[1972]第723号，摘要说：中央统战部原副部长许涤新的儿子来信，请求批准其父回家治病。毛泽东阅示：“纪、汪酌处。”同年12月，许涤新平反。1975年10月，陶铸妻子曾志、女儿陶斯亮来信，对专案组关于陶铸所谓历史问题的结论提出质疑，希望能换一些人对陶铸进行甄别工作。毛泽东阅信，批示：“印发在京政治局同志。请汪东兴同志酌处。”随即，陶铸平反，还他历史的清白。这样的请求甄别平反的来信来访，多不胜举。毛泽东审阅此类来信，指示应当做历史的实事求是的处理，平反昭雪冤假错案，让历史真相大白于天下，让春秋书写正义大章。

In summary, from the classification of these types of letters and visits from the people, we can roughly see the ardent expectations of the broad masses of the people for economic and social development in the early days of the founding of New China. Through the form of letters and visits, they entrusted their good wishes, actively contributing their wisdom and strength to the recovery and development of the national economy, the carrying out of socialist transformation and socialist construction, and jointly working together to build a socialist country. From the people’s letters and visits, Mao Zedong harvested much practical material concerning the national economy and the people’s livelihood, which undoubtedly laid a solid foundation for making scientific decisions and seeking-truth-from-facts judgments for the Party’s cause and national construction.

总之，从这些人民群众来信来访的类型划分中，我们可以粗略地看到新中国成立初期广大人民群众对经济社会发展的热切期盼，并以来信来访的形式寄托他们美好的心愿，为我国国民经济恢复和发展，开展社会主义改造和社会主义建设，积极贡献智慧和力量，共同协力建设社会主义国家。毛泽东从人民来信来访中收获了关乎国计民生的许多实际材料，为党的事业和国家建设作出科学决策和求是判断，无疑奠定了坚实的基础。

II. Receiving and handling people’s letters and visits was an important task for Mao Zedong in leading the construction of New China

二、接待和处理人民信访是毛泽东领导新中国建设的一项重要工作

At the beginning of New China, the economy and society were devastated and in ruins, with a hundred things waiting to be done. Mao Zedong decided on the major policies of the Party and the state, led the restoration and development of the national economy, carried out the Three Great Socialist Transformations[n], and established the socialist system — this was an unprecedented great undertaking. There were many ways and means by which these great initiatives formed scientific and correct lines, policies, and principles. Among them, one important channel was receiving letters and visits from the people. From the people’s letters and visits, Mao Zedong obtained much valuable material for building New China, providing a basis and laying a solid foundation for deciding on national construction and for initiating a new phase of comprehensively building socialism. Receiving and handling letters and visits from the people was an important task for Mao Zedong in leading the construction of New China.

新中国伊始，经济社会破败疮痍，百废待举。毛泽东决策党和国家大政方针，领导恢复和发展国民经济，开展社会主义三大改造，建立社会主义制度，这是史无前例的伟大事业。这些伟大创举，形成科学正确路线方针政策的方式路径有许多，其中一条重要渠道，就是接待人民来信来访。毛泽东从人民群众来信来访中获得了建设新中国的许多有价值材料，为决策国家建设，开创全面建设社会主义新局面，提供了依据，奠定了坚实基础。接待和处理人民来信来访，是毛泽东领导新中国建设的一项重要工作。

(I) Valuing People’s Letters and Visits, Consciously Rectifying the View on People’s Letters and Visits

（一）重视人民信访，自觉端正人民信访观

People’s letters and visits are an important way of reflecting the interest demands of the masses and exposing contradictions and problems in the economy and society. At the beginning of New China, when the individual interests of the masses or the will of some groups could not be effectively realized, letters and visits became a choice and a hoped-for path for these people to express their interest demands, and also a “direct express” for our Party and Mao Zedong to reach the grassroots, understand social conditions and public opinion, and implement scientific decision-making. Valuing, receiving, and handling letters and visits from the masses thus constituted an important part of Mao Zedong’s work in leading the construction and development of New China. Mao Zedong pointed out: “We must value the people’s correspondence.”[n] This provided the fundamental guidance and general guiding ideology for valuing and handling people’s letters and visits and for consciously rectifying the view on people’s letters and visits. The basic essentials of Mao Zedong’s making this important judgment are as follows. First, it clarifies the ideological conditions and social background of people’s letters and visits. From January to March 1951, the Secretariat Office of the Central Committee of the CPC received nearly 20,000 letters from the masses, categorized them, summarized the problems reflected in the letters, and the situation of handling these letters. Among these 20,000 letters from the people, over 9,000 were batch letters of tribute written by local organizations mobilizing the masses, and some are still being sent here now. So many letters reflected the content of the demands, thoughts and feelings, and popular will of the broad masses. It was precisely against this ideological condition and social background of the masses’ letters expressing demands and paying tribute to the Party and the people’s leader that Mao Zedong made the important judgment on valuing and handling people’s letters and visits. Second, it points out that local organizations mobilizing the masses to write letters of tribute “is not good, and should not be done in the future.” It should be pointed out that letters of tribute written spontaneously by the masses are an expression of the broad masses’ boundless reverence for the CPC and the people’s leader Mao Zedong, a direction of popular will, and a sincere declaration of the profound thoughts and feelings of the people gaining liberation and being overjoyed — this is beyond reproach. However, organizing the masses to write letters of tribute does not conform to the principle of proletarian Party spirit, nor does it comply with the spirit of the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Party[n]. It was precisely from the strategy of maintaining and consolidating the Party’s ruling position and governing foundation that Mao Zedong proposed both valuing and receiving people’s letters and visits to promote Party building and the development of the state’s undertakings, but also not organizing the masses to write collective letters of tribute. Third, it instructs that the focus of the work on people’s letters and visits should be placed on healing the wounds of war, restoring and developing the national economy, and improving people’s livelihood. At the beginning of the founding of New China, everything had to start from scratch. At this time, the people’s letters and visits were often about offering suggestions and strategies, pooling collective wisdom and efforts, and jointly discussing state affairs. This had great significance for opposing bureaucracy, liberating and developing the productive forces, overcoming difficulties together, healing the wounds of war, restoring and developing the national economy, improving people’s livelihood, and continuously meeting the growing material and cultural needs of the broad masses. In March 1957, in a talk with representatives from the press and publishing circles, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Some letters from the masses can be published, let’s try it out. If the government and relevant business departments have different opinions, the newspaper office can discuss and consult with them, explain it in the newspaper, and then see the result. It’s probably not good not to publish any at all; otherwise, business departments will commit bureaucracy and not improve their work.”[n] Fourth, it facilitated the establishment and development of the specialized management institution of the State Bureau for Letters and Calls, consciously rectifying the view on people’s letters and visits. Receiving and handling people’s letters and visits requires a working institution to be specifically responsible for management, ensuring our Party’s close connection with the masses. Therefore, at the beginning of the founding of New China, our Party established the specialized management institution of the State Bureau for Letters and Calls. From its creation to the present day, this specialized working institution still plays the political functional role of closely connecting with the masses, promoting economic and social development, and enabling two-way interaction between top and bottom, prompting the Party to do a good job in serving the people’s letters and visits. Mao Zedong’s important judgment on valuing people’s letters and visits boils down to one point: warning the entire Party to value the various demands of the masses, strive to safeguard and develop the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people, consolidate the Party’s foundation and ruling position of governing for the people, and ensure our Party’s long-term stability and the country’s peace and security.

人民来信来访是反映人民群众利益诉求、揭露经济社会矛盾和问题的重要方式。新中国伊始，当群众个体利益或部分人群的意志不能有效实现，来信来访便成为这部分人表达利益诉求的一种选择和可望路径，也是我们党和毛泽东通达基层、了解社情民意、实施科学决策的“直通车”。重视、接待和处理人民群众来信来访，也就构成了毛泽东领导新中国建设和发展的重要工作内容。毛泽东指出：“必须重视人民的通信。”这为重视和处理人民群众来信来访，自觉端正人民信访观，提供了根本遵循和总的指导思想。毛泽东作出这一重要论断的基本要义，一是阐明人民信访的思想条件和社会背景。1951年1月至3月，中共中央办公厅秘书室共收到近两万封群众来信，并进行分类，概述了来信反映的问题，以及对这些来信处理的情况。在这两万封人民来信中，有九千多封，是地方组织动员群众写的成批致敬信，有的现在还继续向这里寄。这么多来信，反映了广大人民群众诉求内容、思想感情、民意基础。正是在这一群众来信诉求、致敬党和人民领袖的思想条件和社会背景上，毛泽东作出重视和处理人民信访的重要论断。二是指出地方组织人民群众写致敬信“是不好的，以后不要这样做”。应当指出，人民群众自发写致敬信，是广大人民群众对中国共产党和人民领袖毛泽东无限敬仰的思想表达，是民心民意所向，真切宣示人民翻身得解放、心花怒放的深厚思想感情，无可厚非，但组织群众写致敬信，不符合无产阶级党性原则，也有违党的七届二中全会精神。正是从维护和巩固党的执政地位和施政基础的战略出发，毛泽东提出既要重视和接待人民来信来访，推进党的建设和国家事业发展，但又不要组织群众集体写致敬信。三是指示要把人民信访工作着力点放到医治战争创伤，恢复和发展国民经济，改善民生上。新中国成立伊始，一切都要从头做起，此时人民群众来信来访，许多是建言献策、群策群力、共商国是，这对于反对官僚主义，解放和发展生产力，共克时艰，医治战争创伤，恢复和发展国民经济，改善民生，不断满足广大人民群众日益增长的物质文化生活需要，具有重大推进意义。1957年3月，毛泽东在同新闻出版界代表的谈话中指出：“群众来信可以登一些出来，试试看。政府和有关的业务部门有不同意见，报馆可以和他们研究商量一下，在报上加以解释，再看结果如何。一点不登恐怕不大好，那样业务部门会犯官僚主义，不去改进工作。”四是促成了国家信访局专门管理机构的创设与发展，自觉端正人民信访观。接待和处理人民来信来访，需要一个工作机构专门负责管理，保证我们党密切联系人民群众。因此在新中国成立之初，我们党就创设了国家信访局专门管理机构。这一专门工作机构自创建到今天，仍然发挥着密切联系人民群众，推动经济社会发展，上下互动双向运行的政治职能作用，促使党做好人民信访的服务工作。毛泽东关于重视人民信访的重要论断，集中到一点，就是告诫全党重视人民群众的各种诉求，努力维护发展好最广大人民群众的根本利益，巩固党为民执政基础和执政地位，确保我们党长治久安、国泰民安。

(II) Receiving People’s Letters and Visits Is the Fundamental Path and Scientific Working Method for Adhering to the Mass Line and Closely Connecting with the Masses, and Resolutely Resisting Bureaucratic Style

（二）接待人民信访是坚持群众路线、密切联系人民群众的根本路径和科学工作方法，坚决抵制官僚主义作风

The mass line is the lifeline of our Party, the foundation of its governance, and the baseline of its strength. Mao Zedong believed that adhering to the mass line and warmly receiving letters and visits from the people is the fundamental path and scientific working method for our Party to maintain close ties with the masses and overcome bureaucracy. He stressed: “Attention must be paid to the people’s correspondence; letters from the people must be handled appropriately to satisfy their legitimate demands. This must be regarded as a method for the Communist Party and the people’s government to strengthen their ties with the people, and a bureaucratic attitude of carelessness and neglect must not be adopted.” This pointed out the ideological and political direction and scientific working method for receiving letters and visits from the people, maintaining close ties with the masses, resolutely resisting bureaucratic styles, and promoting the spirit of serving the people. On November 17, 1952, the Discipline Inspection Commission of the Shandong Sub-Bureau of the CPC submitted the “Report on Opinions Concerning Opposing Bureaucracy, Opposing Commandism, and Opposing Violations of Law and Discipline,” which included observations on the phenomena of coercive commandism and violations of law and discipline among grassroots organizational cadres (including some cadres at or above the county level). It held that opposing bureaucracy was the key to correcting coercive commandism and violations of law and discipline among cadres. After reviewing this report and letter, Mao Zedong believed that this problem was a widespread phenomenon and that launching a struggle against bureaucracy had universal significance and should draw the attention of leading organs at all levels. Subsequently, he demanded that leading organs at all levels focus on “starting with handling letters from the people, investigating the situation of bureaucrats, commandists, and violators of law and discipline, and waging a resolute struggle against them,” closely integrating the reception and handling of people’s letters and visits with Party consolidation and Party building [8]8 Party consolidation and Party building (整党建党): A campaign during the early 1950s to reorganize and strengthen the Communist Party of China, involving ideological education, organizational rectification, and recruitment of new members. and economic construction work, thereby promoting the healthy development of the socialist transformation. On December 21, 1952, Mao Zedong replied to Yi Pingnan, hoping that his old classmate would “from time to time inform me of conditions in the countryside,” so as to understand agricultural conditions and people’s livelihoods. Such letters and visits were conducive to investigating and studying national conditions and popular sentiment, laying a foundation for scientific decision-making in formulating the Party and state’s line, principles, and policies and advancing national construction. Mao Zedong placed the greatest emphasis on investigation and study and on maintaining close ties with the masses; he demanded that the whole Party diligently practice this, gradually fostering an atmosphere of investigation and study and adherence to the mass line. On October 4, 1953, Mao Zedong replied to Mao Yueqiu, who was doing reception work at Mao Zedong’s former residence in Shaoshan: “Please take this letter to the two township governments of Shaoshan and Shicheng, as well as the two district governments and responsible Party comrades there, and consult with them. If they agree, please ask them to write down the conditions of the two townships and two districts and the difficult problems urgently needing solution, and bring this written material with you for reference (not for directly solving problems in the countryside).” Clearly, this reply from Mao Zedong was an investigation and study of social conditions and popular sentiment, intended for “reference” in our Party’s scientific decision-making. On August 20, 1961, Xu Zhenye, head of the Organization Department of the Qingyuan County Party Committee in Liaoning, wrote to Mao Zedong, reporting that the increased grain procurement tasks assigned by higher authorities had severely dampened the enthusiasm of peasants for participating in collective production. On September 10 of the same year, Mao Zedong read the letter and instructed: “How the provincial committee handles this matter, please inform me,” indicating that consideration should be thorough and not arbitrary, and that if policy implementation was flawed, “it would seriously affect the Party’s prestige among the masses.” During the “Cultural Revolution” period, people’s letters and visits were managed by the Letters and Visits Office of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, which compiled briefings such as “Digest of Important Letters” and “Abstracts of Letters” for the reference of the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong to grasp the dynamics of economic, political, and social development. Warmly receiving people’s letters and visits is of great significance for adhering to the mass line, maintaining close ties with the masses, and resisting bureaucratic styles.

群众路线是我们党的生命线、执政基线和力量底线。毛泽东认为，坚持群众路线，热情接待人民群众来信来访，是我们党密切联系人民群众、克服官僚主义的根本路径和科学工作方法。他强调：“必须重视人民的通信，要给人民来信以恰当的处理，满足群众的正当要求，要把这件事看成是共产党和人民政府加强和人民联系的一种方法，不要采取掉以轻心置之不理的官僚主义的态度。”这就为接待人民来信来访、密切联系人民群众、坚决抵制官僚主义作风、弘扬为人民服务精神指明了思想政治方向和科学工作方法。1952年11月17日，中共山东分局纪委呈送《关于反对官僚主义、反对命令主义、反对违法乱纪的意见的报告》，其中提交了对基层组织干部（某些县以上干部也在内）中强迫命令、违法乱纪的现象的观察，认为反对官僚主义，是纠正干部强迫命令、违法乱纪的关键。毛泽东审阅这份报告信件后，认为这一问题是普遍现象，开展反对官僚主义的斗争具有普遍意义，应当唤起我们各级领导机关的注意。随后，他要求各级领导机关着力“从处理人民来信入手，检查一次官僚主义、命令主义和违法乱纪分子的情况，并向他们展开坚决的斗争”，把接待和处理人民来信来访与整党建党、经济建设工作紧密结合起来，推进社会主义改造健康发展。1952年12月21日，毛泽东复信易屏南，希望老同学把“乡间情形，尚祈时示一二”，以便了解农情民生。这样的来信来访，有利于调查研究国情民情，为制定党和国家路线方针政策、推进国家建设奠定科学决策基础。毛泽东最注重调查研究，密切联系人民群众，他要求全党孜孜践履，渐成调查研究、坚持群众路线之气候。1953年10月4日，毛泽东复信在韶山毛泽东旧居做接待工作的毛月秋：“请你持此信，到韶山、石城两处乡政府及当地的两个区政府及党的负责同志处，和他们商量，如果他们同意的话，请他们将两乡两区的情况及迫切需要解决的困难问题，写成书面材料，交你带来，作为参考之用（不是为了直接解决乡间问题）。”显然，毛泽东这个复信，是在调查研究社情民情，以便我们党科学决策“参考之用”。1961年8月20日，中共辽宁清原县委组织部部长徐振叶致信毛泽东，反映上级增加征购粮任务，严重挫伤农民参加集体生产的积极性。同年9月10日毛泽东阅信批示：“此事，省委如何处理，请告”，指示应考虑周全，不要随意化，若施策有失，“将会严重影响党在群众中的威信”。“文化大革命”时期，人民来信来访归口中央办公厅信访处负责管理，编印《要信摘报》《来信摘要》等信访简报，供党中央、毛泽东参阅，掌握经济政治社会发展动态。热情接待人民来信来访，对于坚持群众路线、密切联系人民群众，抵制官僚主义作风，具有重大意义。

(3) Actively and appropriately handling people’s letters and visits to improve the level of serving the people

（三）积极恰当处理人民来信来访，提高为人民服务水平

People’s letters and visits are aimed at appealing for issues concerning the people’s vital interests. Mao Zedong, with a people-oriented approach to governance and diligent administration, personally handled people’s letters and visits, and also demanded that leading organs and leading cadres at all levels promptly, actively, and appropriately handle the people’s letters and visits, solve the people’s vital interest issues, and continuously improve the level of serving the people. He pointed out: “Letters from the people must be handled appropriately to satisfy their legitimate demands,” and “if there are many letters from the people and it is difficult for the person himself to handle them, a specialized organ or specialized personnel of appropriate size should be established to handle these letters. If there are not many letters and the person himself or his secretary can handle them, then no additional specialized personnel should be appointed.” Actively, promptly, appropriately, and steadily handling people’s letters and visits solves the people’s vital interest issues. On November 1, 1955, Mao Zedong replied to Zhang Naiji: the letter reported that cadre working methods were simplistic and one-sided. Mao Zedong suggested that the democratic parties, democratic personages, and social worthies should patiently “help them well to learn the method of seeking truth from facts and comprehensive analysis,” strive to improve the work style, promptly, actively, appropriately, and steadily handle the various contradictions and problems reflected in people’s letters and visits, and promote economic construction and stable social development. On March 29, 1959, after reviewing many letters from the people, Mao Zedong wrote an “Intra-Party Communication,” discussing the methods of the mass line, investigation and study, and handling people’s letters and visits. He proposed: “In the formulation and implementation of all major policies, it is necessary to solicit opinions from grassroots cadres (branch secretaries, workshop directors, section chiefs) and activists among the masses.” Only by adopting this important working method “can contradictions be exposed, truth be found, and movements be unfolded,” and he resolutely opposed the erroneous tendency of some cadres “completely divorcing themselves from the masses and acting arbitrarily.” On November 24, 1975, Mao Zedong reviewed a letter from Le Tianyu, an agricultural and forestry scientist in China. The letter reported serious factionalism in the forestry system, stated that his own historical record was clean, and requested a return to his original work unit (he had been seconded from the Chinese Academy of Sciences to the Ministry of Forestry). Mao Zedong instructed: “Please ask Comrade Wang to check on this person’s situation.” Mao Zedong demanded care and protection for scientific talent, fully utilizing the wisdom and strength of scientists for national construction. Based on Mao Zedong’s instructions, after verification, Le Tianyu was approved to return to his original work unit, contributing to China’s agricultural and forestry economic construction. The movement of educated youth going to the countryside [9]9 Movement of educated youth going to the countryside (知识青年上山下乡运动): A policy from the 1950s to the late 1970s that sent millions of urban secondary school graduates to rural and frontier areas for “re-education” by peasants. was of great significance for building a socialist countryside, alleviating employment pressure, and implementing the ideological policy of intellectuals integrating with the worker and peasant masses. In early 1976, two educated youth from the Beidu Commune in Xianyang City, Shaanxi, wrote a letter reflecting many problems in the placement, training, and recruitment of educated youth who had gone to the countryside. After reading the letter, Mao Zedong instructed: “The issue of educated youth seems suitable for special study; first make preparations, then hold a meeting to resolve it.” Due to the interference and sabotage of the “Gang of Four,” [10]10 Gang of Four (四人帮): A political faction led the National Conference on Educated Youth Going to the Countryside was not held until the end of October 1978. At the conference, the “Summary of the National Conference on Educated Youth Going to the Countryside” and the “State Council’s Interim Provisions on Several Issues Concerning Educated Youth Going to the Countryside” were formulated and implemented, which better resolved the issues of educated youth who had gone to the countryside, mobilized the enthusiasm and creativity of the vast number of educated youth in building socialism, and promoted our Party’s adherence to the mass line, maintenance of close ties with the masses, and continuous improvement in the level of serving the people.

人民来信来访是为了诉求人民群众的切身利益问题。毛泽东民本勤政、亲力亲为人民来信来访，也要求各级领导机关和领导干部及时积极恰当地处理人民群众来信来访，解决人民群众的切身利益问题，不断提高为人民服务水平。他指出：“要给人民来信以恰当的处理，满足群众的正当要求”，“如果人民来信很多，本人处理困难，应设立适当人数的专门机关或专门的人，处理这些信件。如果来信不多，本人或秘书能够处理，则不要另设专人”。积极及时恰当稳妥地处理人民来信来访，解决人民群众的切身利益问题。1955年11月1日，毛泽东复信章乃器：来信反映干部工作方法简单、片面性，毛泽东提请民主党派、民主人士和社会贤达要耐心“好好帮助他们学会实事求是全面分析的方法”，努力改进工作作风，及时积极恰当稳妥地处理人民来信来访反映的各种矛盾和问题，促进经济建设和社会稳定发展。1959年3月29日，毛泽东审读许多人民来信后撰写《党内通信》，纵论群众路线、调查研究、处理人民信访的方法问题，提出“凡属大政方针的制定和执行，一定要征求基层干部（支部书记，车间主任，工段长），群众中的积极分子等人的意见”，只有采行这一重要的工作方法，“矛盾才能揭露，真理才能找到，运动才能展开”，并坚决反对某些干部“完全脱离群众，独断专行”的错误倾向。1975年11月24日，毛泽东审读我国农林科学家乐天宇的来信，来信反映林业系统派性严重，他自己历史清白，要求返回原单位工作（由中国科学院借调到林业部）。毛泽东批示：“请汪查一下此人情况。”毛泽东要求关心和爱护科学人才，充分发挥科学家建设国家的智慧和力量。根据毛泽东的指示，查证后，乐天宇即获准回到原单位工作，为我国农林经济建设作贡献。知识青年上山下乡运动，对于建设社会主义农村，缓解就业压力，贯彻落实知识分子走与工农群众相结合的道路的思想方针，具有重大意义。1976年初，陕西咸阳市北杜公社两位知识青年写信反映上山下乡知识青年的安置、培养工作和招工存在许多问题。毛泽东阅信后批示：“知识青年问题，似宜专题研究，先作准备，然后开一次会，给以解决。”由于“四人帮”干扰破坏，全国知识青年上山下乡工作会议直到1978年10月底才召开，会上制定和实施《全国知识青年上山下乡工作会议纪要》《国务院关于知识青年上山下乡若干问题的试行规定》，较好地解决了上山下乡知识青年问题，调动广大知识青年建设社会主义积极性创造性，推动我们党坚持群众路线、密切联系人民群众，不断提高为人民服务水平。

In summary, the letters and visits from the masses greatly assisted and enabled Mao Zedong’s leadership of New China’s construction, advancing China’s socialist construction steadily into new stages of development.

综上所述，人民群众来信来访极大地帮助和成就了毛泽东领导新中国建设事业，推进了我国社会主义建设不断走上发展新阶段。

III. The Contemporary Value of Mao Zedong’s Theory and Practice on People’s Letters and Visits in New China

三、毛泽东关于新中国人民信访理论与实践的当代价值

Mao Zedong’s theory and practice on people’s letters and visits in New China constitute an important part of Mao Zedong’s thought on socialist construction. They greatly advanced China’s socialist democratic political construction and economic development, and provide ideological methodological enlightenment and practical guidance for contemporary China, under the conditions of developing a socialist market economy, to remain true to the original aspiration and founding mission [11]11 The Second Centenary Goal (第二个百年奋斗目标) refers to the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century, the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China., adhere to the people-centered development thought, promote the scientific work style of the mass line, consult the people on governance, seek advice from the people, and ask about the people’s needs, maintain the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the broad masses, strive with determination, advance the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era, comprehensively build a modern socialist country, and achieve the Second Centenary Goal [12] and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

毛泽东关于新中国人民信访理论与实践是毛泽东社会主义建设思想的重要内容，极大地推进了我国社会主义民主政治建设和经济发展，为当代中国发展社会主义市场经济条件下不忘初心、牢记使命，坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，弘扬群众路线的科学工作作风，问政于民、问计于民、问需于民，保持党同广大人民群众的血肉联系，砥砺奋斗，推进新时代中国特色社会主义伟大事业，全面建设社会主义现代化国家，实现第二个百年奋斗目标、中华民族伟大复兴，提供了思想方法启示价值和实践指导意义。

First, adhere to the mass line and the work style and value orientation of maintaining close ties with the masses, and comprehensively build a modern socialist country. The people possess the greatest wisdom; the masses have the greatest strength. In essence, the letters and visits of the masses provide us with the best material and practical basis for scientific decision-making. One important value of Mao Zedong’s theory and practice concerning the people’s letters and visits system in New China is that it points out that, in advancing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era under the conditions of a developing socialist market economy, we must adhere to the scientific working method of the mass line, maintain close ties with the masses, ask the people about their governance, their plans, and their needs, and place the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people in the highest position. When the Party is close to the people, it is like a fish in water; when it turns its back on the masses, it is like a tree severed from its roots. Xi Jinping pointed out: “What does it rely on to maintain the Party’s advanced nature and integrity and to consolidate the Party’s governing foundation and governing status? The most important thing is to rely on adhering to the Party’s mass line and maintaining close ties with the masses.” [11]11 The Second Centenary Goal (第二个百年奋斗目标) refers to the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century, the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. To be divorced from the people is the beginning of danger and ruin. Xi

首先，坚持群众路线、密切联系人民群众的工作作风和价值取向，全面建设社会主义现代化国家。人民最有智慧，群众最有力量。实质上，人民群众来信来访，给我们送来了科学决策的最好材料和实际依据。毛泽东关于新中国人民信访理论与实践的一个重要价值，就是指明了发展社会主义市场条件下推进新时代中国特色社会主义伟大事业，必须坚持群众路线的科学工作方法，密切联系人民群众，问政于民、问计于民、问需于民，要把广大人民群众根本利益放到最高位置。心系人民鱼得水，背离群众树断根。习近平指出：“保持党的先进性和纯洁性、巩固党的执政基础和执政地位靠什么？最重要的就是靠坚持党的群众路线、密切联系群众。”脱离人民，危亡之渐。习近平批评有些领导干部“不愿深入困难艰苦地区，不愿帮助基层和群众解决实际问题，甚至不愿同基层和普通群众打交道，怕给自己添麻烦”，这是极其错误的倾向，必须坚决克服。接待和处理人民群众来信来访，必须坚持“群众意见是一把最好的尺子”，“让群众满意是我们党做好一切工作的价值取向和根本标准”。党的二十大报告指出：坚持群众路线的工作方法和价值取向，切实“维护人民根本利益，增进民生福祉，不断实现发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享，让现代化建设成果更多更公平惠及全体人民”，保持党同人民群众的血肉联系，才能凝聚强大精神力量，推进新时代中国特色社会主义伟大事业健康发展，全面建设社会主义现代化国家。

Second, remaining true to the original aspiration and founding mission, firmly practicing the people-centered development thought, and continuously meeting the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life. Mao Zedong’s theory and practice concerning the people’s letters and visits system of New China enlighten us that, in developing the socialist market economy, building socialist democratic politics and advanced culture, and comprehensively advancing the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan and the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, we should remain true to the original aspiration and founding mission, govern diligently with the people as the foundation, firmly practice the people-centered development thought, improve people’s wellbeing, and continuously meet the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life. Xi Jinping points out: “The people’s aspiration for a better life is our goal.” The people are the creators of history and the fundamental force determining the future and destiny of the Party and the state. The people’s letters and visits reflect their interest demands and concern practical issues of a better life. The whole Party should remain true to the original aspiration and founding mission, attach importance to and handle the people’s letters and visits as well as economic and social development issues, and firmly practice the people-centered development thought. Xi Jinping emphasized in the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC: The whole Party must thoroughly implement the people-centered development thought, “take the realization of the people’s aspiration for a better life as the starting point and落脚点 of modernization, strive to uphold and promote social fairness and justice, strive to promote common prosperity for all the people, and resolutely prevent polarization.” Adhering to the value principle of building the Party for the public and exercising governance for the people, vigorously developing economic and cultural undertakings, striving to improve people’s wellbeing, advancing comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, continuously meeting the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life, so that the people’s sense of gain is significantly enhanced, and strengthening confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. When the people have faith, the nation’s construction has strength, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will surely have hope.

其次，不忘初心、牢记使命，笃力践行以人民为中心的发展思想，不断满足广大人民群众日益增长的美好生活需要。毛泽东关于新中国人民信访理论与实践启示我们，发展社会主义市场经济、建设社会主义民主政治和先进文化，统筹推进“五位一体”总体布局和协调推进“四个全面”战略布局，我们应当不忘初心、牢记使命，民本勤政，笃力践行以人民为中心的发展思想，改善民生，不断满足广大人民群众日益增长的美好生活需要。习近平指出：“人民对美好生活的向往，就是我们的奋斗目标。”人民群众是历史的创造者，是决定党和国家前途命运的根本力量。人民群众来信来访反映了人民群众的利益诉求，关切美好生活的现实问题，全党应不忘初心、牢记使命，重视和处理人民群众来信来访、经济社会发展问题，笃力践行以人民为中心的发展思想。习近平在党的二十大报告中强调：全党必须深入贯彻以人民为中心的发展思想，“坚持把实现人民对美好生活的向往作为现代化建设的出发点和落脚点，着力维护和促进社会公平正义，着力促进全体人民共同富裕，坚决防止两极分化”。坚持立党为公、执政为民的价值准则，大力发展经济文化事业，努力改善民生，推进全面从严治党，不断满足广大人民群众日益增长的美好生活需要，使人民获得感显著增强，坚定中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信。人民群众有信仰，国家建设有力量，中华民族伟大复兴就一定有希望。

Finally, focusing on investigation and research, enhancing learning capabilities and mass work capabilities, and striving to improve the level of serving the people. The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC points out: As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters a New Era, the whole Party must “strengthen education in ideals and convictions, guide the whole Party to keep in mind the Party’s purpose, … persist in integrating learning, thinking, and application, unifying knowledge, belief, and action,” adhere to the mass line, focus on investigation and research, enhance various work capabilities, strive to build a “Marxist learning-oriented Party,” and strive to improve the level of serving the people. The whole Party promotes the learning spirit and enhances learning capabilities. Learning should be regarded as a good working method and lifestyle, creating a social atmosphere conducive to being good at learning and practicing innovation, learning a bit more, learning a bit deeper, learning a bit better, honing solid internal skills in work, striving to build a Marxist learning-oriented, innovation-oriented, and service-oriented Party, and promoting the prosperity and development of a learning nation. At the same time, enhance mass work capabilities, and innovate the systems, mechanisms, and methods of mass work. We must give full play to the role of trade unions, the Communist Youth League, women’s federations, and other mass organizations as bridges and links connecting the broad masses of the people, encourage and “organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people to unswervingly follow the Party,” “consciously become firm believers and loyal practitioners of the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” offer suggestions, contribute wisdom, uphold fundamental principles and break new ground, so as to broadly unite and expand the forces for building socialism with Chinese characteristics. These important theses provide fundamental value guidance and scientific practical method guidance for us to further promote the fine tradition of adhering to the mass line and investigation and research in the development of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, greatly inspiring us to enhance learning capabilities and mass work capabilities, enhance the Party’s political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal, continuously improve the level of serving the people, promote the healthy development of the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, comprehensively build a modern socialist country, comprehensively advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and achieve the Second Centenary Goal.

最后，注重调查研究，增强学习本领和群众工作本领，致力提高为人民服务水平。党的二十大报告指出：中国特色社会主义进入新时代，全党必须“加强理想信念教育，引导全党牢记党的宗旨，……坚持学思用贯通、知信行统一”，坚持群众路线，注重调查研究，增强各种工作本领，努力建设“马克思主义学习型政党”，致力提高为人民服务水平。全党弘扬学习精神，增强学习本领。要把学习当成一种良好的工作方法、生活方式，营造善于学习、实践创新的社会氛围，学多一点、学深一点、学好一点，练就工作扎实内功，努力建设马克思主义学习型创新型服务型政党，推动建设学习大国繁荣发展。同时增强群众工作本领，创新群众工作体制机制和群众工作方法。要充分发挥工会、共青团、妇联等群团组织联系广大人民群众的桥梁纽带作用，鼓励和“组织动员广大人民群众坚定不移跟党走”，“自觉做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实实践者”，建言献策、贡献智慧、守正创新，以广泛团结和扩大中国特色社会主义建设力量。这些重要论断，为我们在新时代中国特色社会主义建设发展中进一步弘扬坚持群众路线、调查研究的优良作风，提供了根本价值遵循和科学实践方法指导，极大激励我们增强学习本领和群众工作本领，增强党的政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力、社会号召力，不断提高为人民服务水平，推进新时代中国特色社会主义伟大事业健康发展，全面建设社会主义现代化国家，全面推进中华民族伟大复兴，实现第二个百年奋斗目标。