The Generative Logic of Upholding the Party’s Cultural Leadership

Culture concerns the fortunes of a nation; when culture flourishes, the nation prospers. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has placed cultural development in a prominent position in governance, forming a series of new thoughts and new viewpoints around the questions of “why is it important,” “how to build it,” and “how to make it stronger” regarding socialist cultural development with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. One of these original viewpoints and identifying concepts is the cultural leadership of the Communist Party of China. Whether a political party holds cultural leadership directly determines whether it can lead social values, master discursive authority, unite popular forces, integrate social resources, and resist cultural colonization. In the New Era, Chinese Communists emphasize upholding the Party’s cultural leadership. This is not only a valuable achievement of combining the Marxist theory of the proletarian party with the reality of Chinese cultural construction, but also a theoretical reflection and strategic plan based on the CPC’s history of struggle and the requirements of the New Era. Deeply understanding and grasping the context and generative logic of this major theoretical innovation can further our understanding of why the Party must continuously strengthen its cultural leadership, providing impetus and support for solidly advancing the construction of a socialist cultural power under the new circumstances.

文化关乎国运，文化兴则国兴。党的十八大以来，习近平把文化建设摆在治国理政的突出位置，围绕新时代中国特色社会主义文化建设“何以重要”“如何建设”“何以更强”形成了系列新思想新观点，其中一个原创性观点和标识性概念就是中国共产党的文化领导权。政党是否掌握文化领导权，直接决定其能否引领社会价值、掌握话语权威、凝聚民众力量、整合社会资源和抵御文化殖民。新时代中国共产党人着重强调坚持党的文化领导权，既是把马克思主义关于无产阶级政党理论与中国文化建设实际相结合的宝贵成果，也是基于中国共产党奋斗历史和新时代要求的理论思考和战略谋划。深入理解和把握这一重大理论创新的发生语境和产生逻辑，能进一步理解党何以必须不断强化文化领导权，为新形势下扎实推进社会主义文化强国建设提供动力和支持。

I. The Practical Requirements and Theoretical Deepening of Marxist Party-Building Doctrine

一、马克思主义党建学说的实践要求和理论拓深

The strength of a political party lies not only in its organizational growth and discipline, but also in the leading power and appeal of its ideology and culture. The Communist Party of China is a party guided by Marxism. Marxist ideas and doctrines on how to build a party provide programmatic guidance for the CPC’s governance of the Party and the state. In guiding the proletarian revolutionary movement, although Marx did not directly propose the concept of “cultural leadership,” his work implicitly contains the requirement for the proletarian party to contend for and strengthen cultural leadership. Marx pointed out that “the mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life,” but the counter-effect of ideological theory and cultural consciousness cannot be ignored: “the dissolution of a definite form of consciousness could be enough to destroy an entire epoch.” [1]1 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideology Work” (August 19, 2013). In the introduction to *A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right*, Marx stated, “Theory also becomes a material force once it has gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates *ad hominem*.” [2]2 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the National Conference on Publicity, Ideology, and Cultural Work” (October 5–8, 2023). Here, theory is the core of advanced culture. This exposition profoundly explains that the revolutionary movement of the proletarian party must seize the discursive power of scientific theory and advanced thought. “Just as philosophy finds its material weapons in the proletariat, so the proletariat finds its spiritual weapons in philosophy.” [3]3 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Central Conference on Work Related to Foreign Affairs” (December 27–28, 2021). For the proletariat to fulfill its mission of self-emancipation, it must create its own scientific thought and culture, arm itself with them, and thereby transform from a “class-in-itself” into a “class-for-itself.”

政党的强大，不仅在于组织壮大和严密，更在于思想文化的引领力和感召力。中国共产党是以马克思主义为指导的政党，马克思主义关于如何建设党的思想和学说为中国共产党的管党治党和治国理政提供了纲领性指导。在指导无产阶级革命运动的过程中，马克思虽未直接提出“文化领导权”这一概念，但隐含着无产阶级政党要争夺和增强文化领导权的要求。马克思指出，“物质生活的生产方式制约着整个社会生活、政治生活和精神生活的过程”，但思想理论和文化意识的反作用不可忽视，“一定的意识形式的解体足以使整个时代覆灭”。在《黑格尔法哲学批判》导言中，马克思指出，“理论一经掌握群众，也会变成物质力量。理论只要说服人，就能掌握群众”。这里的理论即先进文化的核心，这一论述深刻说明无产阶级政党的革命运动必须要掌握科学理论和先进思想的话语权。“哲学把无产阶级当做自己的物质武器，同样，无产阶级也把哲学当做自己的精神武器”。无产阶级要完成自身解放使命，就必须创造出属于自己的科学思想和文化，并用其武装头脑，进而从“自在的阶级”变为“自为的阶级”。

Marx and Engels did not reach these conclusions by chance; they were based on the history of class society. In *The German Ideology*, Marx and Engels put forward an important thesis based on the facts of class rule in past class societies: “The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling *material* force of society, is at the same time its ruling *intellectual* force.” [4]4 Zbigniew Brzezinski, *The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives* (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p. 215. As a class rules, “they regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age.” [5]5 The Gutian Congress was the Ninth Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army, held in Gutian, Fujian Province, in December 1929. Its resolutions emphasized the Party’s absolute leadership over the army. Every class seeking to rule will, based on its own aims, “represent its interest as the common interest of all the members of society,” “give its ideas the form of universality, and represent them as the only rational, universally valid ones.” [6]6 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1945) was a Party-wide ideological education campaign aimed at correcting subjectivism, sectarianism, and stereotyped Party writing. This thesis reveals the political essence of culture in class society and simultaneously provides the proletarian party’s revolutionary struggle with a profound reflection on “cultural leadership.” The revolutionary movement led by the proletarian party against the bourgeoisie must wage struggle not only on the economic and political levels but also seize leadership on the cultural level, especially gaining an advantage on the ideological level. Therefore, Marx and Engels explicitly emphasized in the *Communist Manifesto* that communists have their own “views,” which “are not based upon ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy” (January 1940), Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II. The communist revolution abolishes so-called “eternal truths” and “in the course of its development has to break most radically with traditional ideas.” [8]8 Ibid. That is, it must sweep away the rule of decadent culture rooted in the old system and establish a new socialist culture. Communists “never for a moment cease to instill into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat,” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “Talk to the Performance Troupe of the Jin-Sui Border Region Pingju Theater” (1947). and “they disdain to conceal their views and aims.” [10]10 The “second front” refers to the patriotic democratic movement led by the CPC in Kuomintang-controlled areas during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949), complementing the military front. In guiding the workers’ movement, Marx deeply recognized that “numbers weigh only in the balance when they are united by combination and guided by knowledge.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 1945), Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. III. The “guided by knowledge” here implies arming the workers’ minds with scientific theory. From this, it can be seen that contending for cultural leadership is an inevitable requirement for the proletarian party to carry out its revolutionary movement. Advanced and scientific culture can become the “weapon of critique,” leading and mobilizing the masses to carry out the “critique of weapons,” thereby promoting progressive social change.

马克思恩格斯得出这些结论并非偶然，而是基于阶级社会发展的历史。在《德意志意识形态》中，马克思恩格斯根据以往阶级社会阶级统治的事实提出了一个重要论断：“统治阶级的思想在每一时代都是占统治地位的思想。这就是说，一个阶级是社会上占统治地位的物质力量，同时也是社会上占统治地位的精神力量”。作为一个阶级进行统治，“他们调节着自己时代的思想的生产和分配”。每一个企图取得统治地位的阶级，都会基于自身的目的“把自己的利益说成是社会全体成员的共同利益”，“赋予自己的思想以普遍性的形式，把它们描绘成唯一合乎理性的、有普遍意义的思想”。这一论断揭示了阶级社会文化的政治本质，同时也给无产阶级政党的革命斗争提供了“文化领导权”的深度思考。无产阶级政党领导反抗资产阶级的革命运动，不仅要在经济和政治层面开展斗争，还要在文化层面夺取领导权，尤其在意识形态层面占据优势。所以马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中就明确强调共产党人要有自己的“思想”，“决不是以这个或那个世界改革家所发明或发现的思想、原则为根据”，共产主义革命要废除所谓的“永恒真理”，“在自己的发展进程中要同传统的观念实行最彻底的决裂”，即扫除植根于旧制度的腐朽文化统治，确立社会主义新文化。共产党人“一分钟也不忽略教育工人尽可能明确地意识到资产阶级和无产阶级的敌对的对立”，更“不屑于隐瞒自己的观点和意图”。在指导工人运动的过程中，马克思就深刻认识到，“只有当工人通过组织而联合起来并获得知识的指导时，人数才能起举足轻重的作用”，这里的“获得知识的指导”其实就蕴含着以科学理论武装工人头脑之意。由此可以看出，争夺文化领导权是无产阶级政党开展革命运动的必然要求，先进和科学的文化能成为“批判的武器”，引领号召人民群众进行“武器的批判”，从而推动社会的进步性变革。

Lenin was a faithful inheritor and developer of Marxism. In leading the Russian revolution and socialist construction, he deeply recognized the importance of cultural leadership for the proletarian party to seize and consolidate state power, emphasizing that “without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement” [12]12 Lenin, *What Is To Be Done?* (1902). and “the first task of any party that looks to the future is to convince the majority of the people that its programme and tactics are correct.” [13]13 Lenin, *The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution* (1917). After the victory of the October Revolution, the nascent Soviet regime faced a challenge from the “Proletarian Cultural Group.” [14]14 “Proletarian Cultural Group” (Пролеткульт, Proletkult) was a mass cultural organization in Soviet Russia that, especially in its early years, advocated for the creation of a purely proletarian culture by rejecting all pre-revolutionary cultural heritage and demanding complete autonomy from the state and the Party. This group took an attitude of total negation towards past culture, advocated “cultural autonomy,” and attempted to break away from the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. In response, Lenin critically pointed out that it was necessary to resolutely oppose “inventing one’s own special culture” and that “all organizations of the Proletarian Cultural Association must unconditionally consider themselves as auxiliary bodies under the system of the People’s Commissariat for Education.” [15]15 Lenin, *On Proletarian Culture* (1920). “The proletariat, through its vanguard, the Communist Party, and all proletarian organizations, should participate as the most active and principal force in the entire national education endeavor.” [16]16 Lenin, *Draft Resolution on Proletarian Culture* (1920). This shows that the proletarian party is the leader of the cultural and educational undertakings of the socialist state, and the Party’s leadership over cultural work cannot be shaken. In Lenin’s view, upholding the Party’s cultural leadership was an important component of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Cultural work was not an “independent sphere” outside the Party’s leadership. To this end, he demanded that “publishing houses and distribution networks, bookstores and reading rooms, libraries and various book trade outlets must all become Party institutions, reporting on their work to the Party.” [17]17 Lenin, *On Party Organization and Party Literature* (1905). Faced with interference from various old ideas and negative cultural trends, in order to consolidate the Party’s cultural leadership and promote socialist construction, Lenin, on the one hand, emphasized that the struggle against bourgeois ideology could not cease: “to defend the ideology of the proletariat—the doctrine of scientific socialism, i.e., Marxism—from distortion and to further its development.” [18]18 Lenin, *What Is To Be Done?* (1902). On the other hand, he advocated strengthening theoretical arming, particularly emphasizing the popularization of communist education, so that the working class and the broad masses would accept socialist ideology and enhance their identification with communist ideas and culture. In response to the then-backward economic and cultural reality of Russia, Lenin proposed eliminating illiteracy and carrying out a “cultural revolution.” He also specifically stressed the implementation of the Party’s leadership and will in the field of cultural construction, striving to “make our propaganda, our leadership, our pamphlets truly accepted by the people.” [19]19 Lenin, *The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Education Departments* (1921). These expositions and practices pointed out the important strategic position and direction of upholding the cultural leadership of the proletarian party, providing important guidance for the socialist cultural construction of Soviet Russia.

列宁是马克思主义的忠实继承者和发扬者，在领导俄国革命和社会主义建设的过程中深刻认识到文化领导权对无产阶级政党夺取和巩固政权的重要性，强调“没有革命的理论，就不会有革命的运动”，“任何一个代表着未来的政党的第一个任务，都是说服大多数人民相信其纲领和策略的正确”。十月革命胜利之后，新生的苏维埃政权就曾遭遇来自“无产阶级文化派”的挑战。该派别对以往文化持全盘否定态度，鼓吹“文化自治”，企图摆脱布尔什维克党的领导。对此，列宁批判性指出，必须坚决反对“臆造自己的特殊的文化”，“无产阶级文化协会的一切组织必须无条件地把自己完全看做教育人民委员部机关系统中的辅助机构”。“无产阶级，通过它的先锋队共产党和所有无产阶级组织，应当作为最积极最主要的力量参与整个国民教育事业”。这就表明了无产阶级政党是社会主义国家文化教育事业的领导者，党对文化事业的领导不能动摇。在列宁看来，坚持党对文化的领导权是无产阶级专政的重要组成部分，文化工作不是独立于党的领导之外的“独立领域”，为此他要求“出版社和发行所、书店和阅览室、图书馆和各种书报营业所，都应当成为党的机构，向党报告工作情况”。面对各类旧思想和消极文化思潮的干扰，为了巩固党的文化领导权，推动社会主义建设，列宁一方面强调同资产阶级意识形态的斗争不能停止，“保卫无产阶级的意识形态——科学社会主义学说，也就是马克思主义——不被歪曲，并使之继续发展”；另一方面主张强化理论武装，特别要重视共产主义教育的普及，要使工人阶级和广大群众接受社会主义意识形态，提升他们对共产主义思想和文化的认同度。针对当时俄国落后的经济文化实情，列宁提出要扫除文盲和开展“文化革命”，还专门强调党的领导和意志在文化建设领域的贯彻，要努力“使我们的宣传、我们实行的领导、我们的小册子真正为人民所接受”。这些论述和实践指明了坚持无产阶级政党文化领导权的重要战略地位和路向，为苏俄社会主义文化建设提供了重要指引。

In summary, upholding cultural leadership is an indispensable “magic weapon” for a proletarian political party in carrying out revolutionary struggle, seizing and consolidating political power. The theoretical doctrines and related practices of the classical Marxist writers provide theoretical guidance for the proletariat to contend for cultural leadership, and also indicate that for a proletarian party to fulfill its historical mission, it must shape a cultural leadership advantage, making the values and spiritual will it advocates the universal pursuit and belief of the masses. In a certain sense, upholding the Party’s cultural leadership is a political principle and distinctive hallmark of a Marxist political party.

综上所述，坚持文化领导权是无产阶级政党进行革命斗争、夺取和巩固政权不可或缺的“法宝”。马克思主义经典作家的理论学说和相关实践，为无产阶级争夺文化领导权提供了理论指南，也表明无产阶级政党要完成历史使命，就必须塑造文化上的领导优势，使其倡导的价值观和精神意志成为社会大众的普遍追求和信念。一定意义上说，坚持党的文化领导权，是马克思主义政党的政治原则和鲜明标识。

II. The Extraction and Application of the Historical Experience of the Communist Party of China

二、中国共产党历史经验的汲取和运用

The Communist Party of China, as a Marxist political party, has consistently upheld cultural leadership throughout its revolutionary, construction, and reform struggles, using cultural struggle to pave the way for the smooth progress of various undertakings. At critical moments and junctures, the CPC relied on measures such as unifying thought, guiding beliefs, cultural united front, and media mobilization to firmly grasp the dominant power and leading force in ideology and culture, ensuring that the Party’s cause could overcome difficulties and continuously achieve new victories through the cohesion of faith, alignment of direction, unity of thought, and resonance of theory. In summary, upholding cultural leadership is a valuable experience for the CPC in continuously creating historical achievements.

中国共产党作为马克思主义政党，在革命、建设、改革的奋斗历程中始终坚持文化领导权，以文化斗争为各项事业的顺利进行开辟道路。在关键时刻和紧要关头，中国共产党依靠统一思想、信念引导、文化统战、媒体动员等举措，牢牢掌握思想文化主导权和引领力，确保党的事业在信仰凝铸、方向看齐、思想同心和理论共振中攻坚克难，不断取得新胜利。概言之，坚持文化领导权是中国共产党不断开创历史伟业的宝贵经验。

As early as the May Fourth Movement, the pioneers of Party building were acutely aware of the importance of occupying cultural territory for the Chinese revolution. Advanced elements such as Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu actively propagated Marxism, participated in debates with various ideological trends, founded publications, established research societies, and expanded the influence of Marxism, demonstrating a clear consciousness of contending for cultural positions. Li Dazhao pointed out: “We must, on the one hand, affirm our doctrine,” “and on the other hand, propagate our doctrine,” “spreading its true image among human society, and not blindly listen to the rumors fabricated about us by others.” [1]1 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideology Work” (August 19, 2013).

早在五四运动时，建党先驱就敏锐意识到占领文化领地对中国革命的重要性。李大钊、陈独秀等先进分子积极宣传马克思主义，并主动参与各种思潮论战，创办刊物，成立研究会，扩大马克思主义影响力，展现出争夺文化阵地的鲜明意识。李大钊指出：“我们惟有一面认定我们的主义”，“一面宣传我们的主义”，“把他的实象昭布在人类社会，不可一味听信人家为他们造的谣言”。

After the founding of the Communist Party of China, it placed the struggle for and mastery of cultural leadership in a prominent position in its work. The “First Resolution of the Communist Party of China” stated: “All publications, whether central or local, shall be subject to the leadership of Party members in their publishing work,” and “shall not publish articles that violate the Party’s principles, policies, and resolutions.” [2]2 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the National Conference on Publicity, Ideology, and Cultural Work” (October 5–8, 2023). The “Resolution on the Question of Educational Propaganda” formulated in 1923 explicitly emphasized that “every Communist Party member should be a propagandist, constantly paying attention to propaganda in everyday speech.” [3]3 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Central Conference on Work Related to Foreign Affairs” (December 27–28, 2021). The Party used its official organs such as “The Guide,” [4]4 Zbigniew Brzezinski, *The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives* (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p. 215. workers’ clubs, and workers’ school reading groups to continuously disseminate Marxism and the Party’s principles and policies, raising the political and ideological consciousness of the masses, and laying an important foundation for the establishment of the Party’s cultural leadership. In an extremely harsh struggle environment, the Chinese Communists waged a resolute struggle against erroneous ideas within the Party. The Gutian Congress held in 1929 criticized and corrected non-proletarian ideas such as subjectivism, individualism, and roving rebel ideology existing within the Red Army, establishing the Party’s absolute leadership over the army politically, ideologically, and organizationally. [5]5 The Gutian Congress was the Ninth Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army, held in Gutian, Fujian Province, in December 1929. Its resolutions emphasized the Party’s absolute leadership over the army. This was also an important practice of the Party in strengthening ideological and cultural leadership within the military. In addition, the Party also focused on exploring leadership over literary and artistic work. At the Party’s suggestion and planning, the Left-Wing Writers’ Association of China was established in Shanghai in March 1930. Subsequently, left-wing cultural groups such as the Chinese Social Scientists’ Alliance, the Dramatists’ Alliance, the Artists’ Alliance, the Educators’ Alliance, and film and music groups were also established. Under the Party’s leadership, these cultural forces actively engaged in Marxist propaganda and revolutionary literary and artistic creation, providing a strong guarantee for promoting the Party’s revolutionary struggle and bringing the Party’s ideology and culture to the masses.

中国共产党成立之后，更是将争夺、掌握文化领导权摆在工作的突出位置。《中国共产党第一个决议》就指出：“不论中央或地方出版的一切出版物，其出版工作均应受党员的领导”，且“均不得刊登违背党的原则、政策和决议的文章”。1923年制定的《教育宣传问题议决案》明确强调，“共产党员人人都应是一个宣传者，平常口语之中须时时留意宣传”。党利用《向导》等机关刊物、工人俱乐部和工人学校读书会等组织，不断传播马克思主义和党的方针与政策，提高了群众的政治和思想觉悟，也为党的文化领导权的确立奠定了重要基础。在极为残酷的斗争环境中，中国共产党人同党内错误思想进行了坚决斗争。1929年召开的古田会议就针对红军内部存在的主观主义、个人主义、流寇思想等非无产阶级思想进行了批判和纠正，在政治、思想和组织上确立了党对军队的绝对领导，也是党在军队内部加强思想文化领导权的重要实践。此外，党还注重探索对文艺工作的领导。在党的建议和筹划下，1930年3月，中国左翼作家联盟在上海成立。随后，中国社会科学家、戏剧家、美术家、教育家联盟以及电影、音乐小组等左翼文化团体也相继成立。这些文化力量在党的领导下，积极从事马克思主义宣传和革命文艺创作等活动，为推动党的革命斗争和党的思想文化深入群众提供了有力保障。

During the period of the All-Out War of Resistance Against Japan, the Party carried out a profound rectification movement. [6]6 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1945) was a Party-wide ideological education campaign aimed at correcting subjectivism, sectarianism, and stereotyped Party writing. By establishing the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, setting the policy of “learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient,” promoting the cultivation of intellectuals serving the proletariat, strengthening the Party’s leadership over various propaganda publications, and treating traditional culture with the approach of “establishing the new while abolishing the old,” the Party unified the thinking of the entire Party, and its leadership consciousness, art, and ability over culture were further enhanced. In 1940, Mao Zedong published “On New Democracy,” proposing that the Communist Party of China should “transform a China that is ignorant and backward under the rule of old culture into a China that is civilized and advanced under the rule of new culture.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy” (January 1940), Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II. This new culture was the new-democratic culture, whose essential requirement was that it “cannot depart from the leadership of communist ideology” and was “the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses led by the proletariat.” [8]8 Ibid. These statements essentially demanded that the Party maintain absolute leadership over the new-democratic culture.

全民族抗战时期，党开展了深刻的整风运动，通过确立实事求是的思想路线、树立“惩前毖后，治病救人”的方针、推动造就为无产阶级服务的知识分子、加强党对各类宣传刊物的领导、“破立并举”对待传统文化等，统一了全党思想，党对文化的领导意识、艺术和能力进一步增强。1940年，毛泽东发表《新民主主义论》提出，中国共产党要“把一个被旧文化统治因而愚昧落后的中国，变为一个被新文化统治因而文明先进的中国”，而这个新文化就是新民主主义文化，本质要求就是“不能离开共产主义思想的领导”，是“无产阶级领导的人民大众的反帝反封建的文化”。这些论述实质上就是要求党对新民主主义文化要保持绝对领导权。

After the victory of the War of Resistance, while exposing the reactionary nature of the Kuomintang reactionaries in undermining peace and attempting dictatorial rule, the Communist Party of China worked to disseminate its ideological line, cultural propositions, and policy guidelines, continuing to strengthen the Party’s organization and leadership over the cultural front. In the liberated areas, on the one hand, educational reform was used as a breakthrough to lead cultural transformation, creating a new education system serving the workers, peasants, and soldiers, launching literacy campaigns in the form of night schools and winter schools, transforming and eliminating old ideas, and further widely propagating the Party’s ideological and theoretical achievements among the masses. On the other hand, media propaganda was strengthened, literary and artistic groups were established, and old arts were reformed while new arts were created. In 1947, Mao Zedong pointed out in his speech to the performance troupe of the Jin-Sui Border Region Pingju Theater: “Our comrades have been politically elevated. When we go to the big cities in the future, we must take over those old drama troupes and lead them.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “Talk to the Performance Troupe of the Jin-Sui Border Region Pingju Theater” (1947). This essentially required strengthening the Party’s leadership and organizational capacity in the literary and artistic field. In the Kuomintang-controlled areas, facing the Kuomintang’s blockade and suppression, the Communist Party of China united with progressive individuals, actively founded various propaganda publications, developed wireless broadcasting work, used the cultural united front to consolidate the “second front,” [10]10 The “second front” refers to the patriotic democratic movement led by the CPC in Kuomintang-controlled areas during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949), complementing the military front. and enhanced the Party’s political leadership, influence, and appeal on the cultural front. It can be said that in the process of the Party leading the armed struggle, the adherence to cultural leadership never ceased. This accumulated a powerful spiritual driving force and support for ultimately winning the New Democratic Revolution, and it became an important experience for the victory of the Chinese revolution. As Mao Zedong summarized: “Mastering ideological education is the central link in uniting the whole Party for great political struggles. If this task is not solved, none of the Party’s political tasks can be accomplished.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 1945), Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. III.

抗战胜利后，中国共产党在揭露国民党反动派破坏和平、妄图独裁统治的反动面目的同时，努力传播党的思想路线、文化主张和政策方针，继续加强党对文化战线的组织和领导。在解放区，一方面以教育改革为突破口领导文化改造，创建面向工农兵的新教育体系，开展夜校、冬学等形式的扫盲运动，改造和消除旧思想，在群众中进一步广泛宣传党的思想理论成果。另一方面，加强媒体宣传，成立文艺团体，改造旧艺术、创造新艺术。1947年，毛泽东在对晋绥平剧院演出队的讲话中指出：“我们这些同志在政治上提高了，将来到了大城市，要把那些旧的戏剧团体接收过来，去领导他们”，这实质上就是要求加强党在文艺领域的领导力和组织力。在国统区，面对国民党的封锁打压，中国共产党团结有关进步人士，积极创办各类宣传刊物，发展无线广播工作，利用文化统战巩固“第二条战线”，提高党在文化战线的政治领导力、影响力和号召力。可以说，在党领导武装斗争的过程中，对文化领导权的坚持从未停歇。这为最终赢得新民主主义革命胜利积累了强大的精神动力和支撑，这也成为中国革命胜利的一条重要经验。正如毛泽东所总结的：“掌握思想教育，是团结全党进行伟大政治斗争的中心环节。如果这个任务不解决，党的一切政治任务是不能完成的”。

After the founding of New China, while focusing on production and construction, the Chinese Communist Party also paid attention to strengthening leadership over ideological construction and cultural education, guiding cultural development with the Party’s guiding ideology and cultural policies, continuing to lead and promote the cultural work of “breaking down the old and establishing the new,” actively developing a national, scientific, and mass-oriented new culture, and ensuring that New China “appears in the world as a nation with a high level of culture” through establishing and consolidating cultural leadership. First, it strengthened Marxist education and propaganda, making Marxist ideology the mainstream ideology and firmly grasping ideological leadership in the Party’s hands. In 1951, the Party Central Committee successively issued important documents for carrying out theoretical education work, such as the “Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Establishing a Propaganda Network among the People throughout the Party” and the “Notice of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Strengthening Theoretical Education,” requiring Party leadership organs to supervise and guide their propaganda work departments and the Party’s newspapers, periodicals, and publications to serve the propaganda of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Second, it established a system of ideological and political education in schools at all levels. It reformed old-style education, abolishing educational content that did not meet the requirements of the new society, such as “Party Principles” and “Boy Scouts” from the period of Kuomintang rule, as well as some unreasonable educational systems. It advocated using Marxist standpoints, viewpoints, and methods to promote reforms in school educational content, teaching mechanisms, curriculum systems, and teacher teams, emphasizing Marxist theoretical education and ideological and moral education, and striving to cultivate socialist new people. Third, it actively transformed the thinking of intellectuals, helping them grow into working-class intellectuals serving the cause of socialist culture and education. In 1951, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the “Instructions on Conducting Ideological Reform and Organizational Cleanup in Schools.” The following year, the “Decision of the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference on Launching Study and Activities for Ideological Reform of People from All Walks of Life” was released, promoting the formation of a nationwide ideological reform movement, prompting intellectuals to raise their ideological and theoretical levels and cognitive abilities, and to establish a value orientation of serving socialism and serving the people. Fourth, it strengthened leadership over literary and artistic work. Through measures such as reforming the ideological conditions of literary and artistic workers who had come from the old society, reorganizing literary and artistic organizations, organizing literary and artistic workers to study Marxism, and strengthening the reform of traditional opera, it prompted the literary and artistic undertakings of New China to take on a new look and new features that met the requirements of socialist cultural construction. It can be said that after the founding of New China, the Party Central Committee persisted in strengthening leadership over ideological and cultural undertakings, reinforcing the manifestation of the Party’s ideological will, political purpose, and historical mission in the cultural field, and promoting new developments in New China’s cultural and educational undertakings. During the period of socialist revolution and construction, facing a weak material foundation and the blockade of Western countries, the Chinese Communist Party led the people to still achieve inspiring accomplishments in areas such as scientific and technological creation, industrial production, and infrastructure. This is inseparable from the Chinese Communist Party’s strengthening of ideal and belief education and its reinforcement of ideological leadership and cultural leadership. As Deng Xiaoping summarized: “In the decades of our arduous struggle in the past, we relied on uniting the people with firm convictions to strive for their own interests. Without such convictions, there would be no cohesion. Without such convictions, there would be nothing.” [20]20 Deng Xiaoping, “Speech at the National Conference of the Chinese Communist Party,” 23 September 1985.

新中国成立以后，中国共产党在抓生产建设的同时，也注重加强对思想建设和文化教育的领导，以党的指导思想和文化方针引导文化建设，继续领导推动文化的“破旧立新”，积极发展民族的科学的大众的新文化，通过建立和巩固文化领导权来确保新中国“以一个具有高度文化的民族出现于世界”。一是加强马克思主义教育和宣传，使马克思主义意识形态成为主流意识形态，把意识形态领导权牢牢掌握在党的手里。1951年，党中央先后发出《中共中央关于在全党建立对人民群众的宣传网的决定》《中共中央关于加强理论教育的决定的通知》等开展理论教育工作的重要文件，要求党的领导机关督促和指导自己的宣传工作部门和党的报纸、刊物、出版物，为宣传马克思列宁主义及毛泽东思想服务。二是在各级学校建立思想政治教育制度。改革旧式教育，废除国民党统治时期的“党义”“童子军”等不符合新社会要求的教育内容和一些不合理的教育制度，主张运用马克思主义立场、观点和方法推进学校教育内容、教学机制、课程体系、教师队伍的改革，注重马克思主义理论教育和思想品德教育，努力培养社会主义新人。三是积极改造知识分子思想，帮助他们成长成为社会主义文化教育事业服务的工人阶级知识分子。1951年，中共中央发出《关于在学校中进行思想改造和组织清理工作的指示》。次年，《中国人民政治协商会议全国委员会常务委员会关于展开各界人士思想改造的学习活动的决定》发布，推动形成了全国范围内的思想改造运动，促使知识分子提升思想理论水平和认知能力，确立为社会主义服务、为人民服务的价值导向。四是加强对文艺工作的领导。通过改造旧社会过来的文艺工作者思想状况、改组文艺组织机构、组织文艺工作者学习马克思主义、加强戏曲改革等举措，促使新中国的文艺事业呈现出符合社会主义文化建设要求的新气象新面貌。可以说，新中国成立后，党中央坚持加强对思想文化事业的领导，强化党的思想意志、政治宗旨和历史使命在文化领域的彰显，推动新中国的文化教育事业呈现发展新景象。在社会主义革命和建设时期，面对薄弱的物质基础和西方国家的封锁，中国共产党带领人民群众在科技创造、工业生产、基础设施等领域仍取得了令人振奋的成就，这与中国共产党加强理想信念教育、强化思想引领力和文化领导权是分不开的。正如邓小平所总结的：“我们过去几十年艰苦奋斗，就是靠用坚定的信念把人民团结起来，为人民自己的利益而奋斗。没有这样的信念，就没有凝聚力。没有这样的信念，就没有一切。”

Since reform and opening up, in order to conform to the new trends and new requirements of the times, to concentrate efforts on developing productive forces, and to rapidly raise the people’s living standards and comprehensive national power, the Chinese Communist Party has made greater efforts to strengthen the construction of the Party’s cultural leadership, using socialist culture to consolidate the ideological foundation for the common struggle of the people of all ethnic groups. On the one hand, it led and supported the great discussion on the criterion of truth, fundamentally correcting erroneous “Leftist” thinking and restoring the Marxist ideological line of seeking truth from facts, thereby providing correct guidance for the entire Party and society ideologically. On the other hand, it directly confronted the ideological and cultural ecological changes triggered by economic system reform and opening up, actively facing the reality of cultural diversity, the collision and agitation of values, and changes in the media communication landscape, and strengthening the Party’s leadership over ideological, cultural, and cultural-ethical progress work. Deng Xiaoping insisted on “grasping with both hands” and “both hands must be strong,” emphasizing that “for things belonging to the cultural field, Marxism must be used to analyze, identify, and criticize their ideological content and methods of expression,” and that “our Party must be built into a combat-ready Marxist political party, a strong core leading the entire people in the construction of socialist material civilization and cultural-ethical progress.” Jiang Zemin pointed out that “important positions for cultural-ethical progress must be firmly held in the Party’s hands,” and that “to assess a leading cadre’s outlook on political performance, one must not only look at his ability and achievements in grasping material civilization construction but also his ability and achievements in grasping cultural-ethical progress construction.” Hu Jintao elevated the Party’s capacity for cultural leadership to the level of “governing capacity,” emphasizing that “the Party managing propaganda and the Party managing ideology is an important principle and system formed by our Party in long-term practice, an important aspect of upholding the Party’s leadership, which must always be firmly upheld and never shaken at any time,” and that “ideological work must be planned from the strategic height of improving the Party’s governing capacity, consolidating its governing position, and fulfilling its governing mission, and leadership over ideological work must be strengthened and improved.” During the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, facing complex ideological and cultural conditions, the Chinese Communist Party boldly absorbed the beneficial achievements of human civilization, adhered to the Party’s strong leadership over the cultural front, prevented culture from “losing its authenticity” and “losing its foundation,” and provided strong cultural support for the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

改革开放以来，为了顺应时代发展新趋势新要求，凝心聚力发展生产力，快速提高人民生活水平和综合国力，中国共产党更加着力加强党的文化领导权建设，用社会主义文化筑牢各族人民群众共同奋斗的思想基础。一方面，领导和支持开展真理标准问题大讨论，从根本上纠正了“左”的错误思想，恢复了实事求是的马克思主义思想路线，使得全党全社会在思想上有了正确指引。另一方面，直面经济体制改革和对外开放引发的思想文化生态变革，积极面对文化多样化、价值观相互碰撞激荡、媒体传播格局变革的现实，加强党对思想文化和精神文明工作的领导。邓小平坚持“两手抓”“两只手都要硬”，强调“属于文化领域的东西，一定要用马克思主义对它们的思想内容和表现方法进行分析、鉴别和批判”，要“把我们党建设成为有战斗力的马克思主义政党，成为领导全国人民进行社会主义物质文明和精神文明建设的坚强核心”。江泽民指出，“精神文明建设的重要阵地必须牢牢掌握在党手里”，“看一名领导干部的政绩，不仅要看他抓物质文明建设的能力和成果，还要看他抓精神文明建设的能力和成果”。胡锦涛将党的文化领导能力建设上升到“执政能力”高度，强调“党管宣传、党管意识形态，是我们党在长期实践中形成的重要原则和制度，是坚持党的领导的一个重要方面，必须始终牢牢坚持，任何时候都不能动摇”，要“从提高党的执政能力、巩固党的执政地位、完成党的执政使命的战略高度来谋划意识形态工作，加强和改进对意识形态工作的领导”。改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，面对复杂的思想文化状况，中国共产党大胆吸收人类文明有益成果，坚持党对文化战线的坚强领导，防止文化“失真”“失本”，为中国特色社会主义事业发展提供了强劲的文化支持。

From the above, it can be seen that upholding and strengthening the Party’s cultural leadership is a consistent historical tradition of the Chinese Communist Party. It is precisely for this reason that the cause led by the Chinese Communist Party has obtained stable and powerful spiritual motivation and support, maintaining resolute tenacity and forward momentum in complex, treacherous, and even turbulent environments.

由上观之，坚持和加强党的文化领导权是中国共产党一以贯之的历史传统。也正因如此，中国共产党领导的事业才获得了稳定且强有力的精神动力和支撑，在错综复杂、险象环生甚至中流浪急的环境中始终保持着铿锵韧劲和前进动能。

III. Seizing the Political Initiative and Strategic Planning of the Times in the New Era

三、把握新时代时势的政治主动和战略谋划

The innovation and leap in ideological theory are a dynamic reflection of the characteristics of the times and practical reality. “The real content of all epoch-making systems arises from the needs of the period that produces them.” [21]21 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, “The German Ideology,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 3, p. 544. “The degree to which a theory is realized in a country always depends on the degree to which the theory meets the needs of that country.” [22]22 Karl Marx, “Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 3, p. 182. In the New Era, the Chinese Communist Party has explicitly emphasized upholding cultural leadership as a fundamental requirement for cultural development. This is both a theoretical summary based on historical experience and a strategic plan based on the development and changes of the times.

思想理论的创新和飞跃，是对时代特征和现实实践的能动性反映。“一切划时代的体系的真正的内容都是由于产生这些体系的那个时期的需要而形成起来的”。“理论在一个国家实现的程度，总是取决于理论满足这个国家的需要的程度”。新时代中国共产党将坚持文化领导权作为文化发展的根本要求予以明确强调，既是基于历史经验的理论总结，也是基于时势发展和变化的战略谋划。

Objectively speaking, the complexity, difficulty, and sensitivity of today’s reforms are no less than in the past, and socialist modernization construction is facing the test of multiple overlapping tasks and intertwined and complex contradictions. The heavier the tasks and the more risks accumulate, the more firmness of ideological will, ideals, and beliefs is needed, and the more spiritual and cultural cohesion is needed to forge the soul. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has attached great importance to the Party’s comprehensive leadership over cultural work, emphasizing that “comprehensive leadership over propaganda and ideological work must be strengthened, and the principle of the Party managing propaganda and the Party managing ideology must be upheld clearly and unequivocally,” “adhering to the fundamental system of Marxism’s guiding position in the ideological domain, adhering to serving the people and serving socialism,” and solemnly proposing the major proposition of upholding “the Chinese Communist Party’s cultural leadership,” clarifying the political guarantee for cultural construction in the New Era. Since the New Era, under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, our Party has adopted a series of powerful measures to comprehensively consolidate the Party’s cultural leadership. For example, it has innovatively implemented the Marxist Theory Research and Construction Project, accelerated the construction of a modern public cultural service system, and established the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission. [23]23 The Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission is a high-level Party body established in 2014 to coordinate and guide internet security and informatization work, reflecting the Party’s effort to assert leadership over the online ideological domain. Chinese Communists have demonstrated a strong sense of mission, responsibility, and initiative at the cultural level.

客观而言，今天改革的复杂程度、艰巨程度和敏感程度一点不亚于过去，社会主义现代化建设更是面临着任务多重叠加、矛盾交织复杂的考验。越是任务繁重、风险叠加，就越需要思想意志和理想信念的坚定，越需要精神和文化上的凝心铸魂。党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央高度重视党对文化工作的全面领导，强调“要加强党对宣传思想工作的全面领导，旗帜鲜明坚持党管宣传、党管意识形态”，“坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域指导地位的根本制度，坚持为人民服务、为社会主义服务”，并郑重提出坚守“中国共产党的文化领导权”这一重大命题，明确了新时代文化建设的政治保证。新时代以来，在以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚强领导下，我们党采取了一系列有力举措，全面巩固党的文化领导权。如创新实施马克思主义理论研究和建设工程、加快构建现代公共文化服务体系、成立中央网络安全和信息化委员会等。中国共产党人在文化层面展现出强烈的使命感、责任感和主动性。

The far-sighted consideration of safeguarding the Party’s governing security. The governing security of a political party refers to the stability of its governing foundation and the smoothness of its governing process. This requires not only hard power such as the economy, science and technology, and military strength, but also cultural soft power. This soft power, to a large extent, depends on the ruling party’s effective construction, shaping, and mastery of cultural leadership. Therefore, if the Communist Party of China wishes to maintain its governing security, it must firmly grasp leadership, discourse power, and development rights in the ideological and cultural sphere, and delineate the direction, path, and methods of cultural development. Xi Jinping pointed out: “The collapse of a political regime often begins in the ideological sphere. Political turmoil and regime change may happen overnight, but ideological evolution is a long-term process. Once the ideological defense line is breached, other defense lines become difficult to hold.” [1]1 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideology Work” (August 19, 2013). Looking back at history, a direct reason for the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party was its abandonment of the guiding position of Marxism and its abandonment of ideological leadership. From the current reality in our country, the CPC’s governance still faces severe challenges from the ideological and cultural spheres. For instance, phenomena such as Marxism being “silenced” in some fields, as well as being marginalized, labeled, and vulgarized, still exist to varying degrees; erroneous cultural trends, such as historical nihilism, cultural nihilism, and pan-entertainmentism, constantly change their guise, trying to erode people’s thoughts by every possible means; the internet has become an amplifier of public opinion, and if some issues are not handled properly, they could cause significant harm to national cultural security. Therefore, the CPC must never relax its cultural leadership for a moment. It must consolidate the Party’s mass foundation and governing foundation in thought, spirit, and culture, advance the Party’s theoretical innovation, internalize it into ideological consensus and value standards widely recognized and observed by the whole society, and promote the Party’s governing philosophy and ideology to gain broad popular support. At the same time, on the basis of respecting differences and tolerating diversity, it must use the socialist core value system to guide social trends, resist erroneous ideologies and cultures, maximize the formation of social ideological consensus, thereby effectively resolving social contradictions, and concentrate the wisdom and strength of the whole society on the goals determined by the Party and the state, creating a harmonious and stable ideological environment for social development and progress. It can be said that the CPC’s emphasis in the New Era on “firmly grasping the leadership, management power, and discourse power of ideological work, never letting them fall into other hands at any time,” and “strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee over propaganda, ideology, and cultural work” is based on the strategic consideration of safeguarding the Party’s governing security and is a long-term strategy focused on “strengthening the foundation, consolidating the roots, and forging the soul.”

维护党的执政安全的深谋远虑。政党执政安全即其执政基础的稳固性和执政过程的顺畅性。这不仅需要经济、科技、军事等硬实力，也离不开文化软实力。而这种软实力，在很大程度上要依赖执政党对文化领导权的有效建构、塑造和掌握。因此，中国共产党想要维护好执政安全，需要在思想文化上牢牢掌握领导权、话语权和发展权，标明文化发展方向、道路和方法。习近平指出：“一个政权的瓦解往往是从思想领域开始的，政治动荡、政权更迭可能在一夜之间发生，但思想演化是个长期过程。思想防线被攻破了，其他防线就很难守住。”回看历史，苏联共产党之所以垮台，一个直接原因就是其放弃了马克思主义的指导地位，放弃了意识形态领导权。从当前我国现实来看，中国共产党执政依然面临着来自思想文化和意识形态领域的严峻挑战。如马克思主义在一些领域“失声”以及边缘化、标签化、庸俗化现象仍有不同程度存在；错误文化思潮如历史虚无主义、文化虚无主义、泛娱乐主义等不断改头换面，想方设法侵蚀人们思想；互联网成为社会舆论的放大器，一些问题处理不好就可能给国家文化安全造成不可忽视的危害。所以，中国共产党一刻不能放松文化领导权，必须在思想上、精神上、文化上筑牢党的群众基础和执政基础，推进党的理论创新，使其内化为全社会广泛认可和遵守的思想共识和价值标准，促使党的执政理念和意识形态获得广泛的民心支持。与此同时，在尊重差异、包容多样的基础上，用社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮，抵御错误思想文化，最大限度形成社会思想共识，进而有效化解社会矛盾，将全社会的智慧和力量凝聚到党和国家确定的奋斗目标上来，为社会发展进步创造和谐稳定的思想环境。可以说，新时代中国共产党强调要“把意识形态工作的领导权、管理权、话语权牢牢掌握在手中，任何时候都不能旁落”，“要加强党中央对宣传思想文化工作的集中统一领导”，是基于维护党的执政安全的战略考量，是着眼于“强基固本铸魂”的长远智谋。

The inherent requirement of advancing Chinese-path modernization. In the process of modernization, there is not only the presentation and driving force of elements such as economic development, political construction, institutional innovation, and scientific and technological innovation, but also the manifestation and stipulation of spiritual and cultural elements. Chinese-path modernization is a socialist modernization led by the CPC, a product of combining the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture. It is a modernization with unique ideological guidance, spiritual stipulations, and cultural characteristics, pursuing the coordinated development of material civilization and cultural-ethical progress. Its process and goals encompass spiritual initiative and cultural creation, fulfilling the mission requirements of building a cultural powerhouse. Xi Jinping emphasized: “The socialist modernized powerhouse we aim to build must be strong not only materially but also, more importantly, spiritually. Being strong spiritually is what is more enduring, profound, and powerful.” [2]2 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the National Conference on Publicity, Ideology, and Cultural Work” (October 5–8, 2023). To ensure that the path of Chinese-path modernization is “stronger” and “more powerful” in spirit and always proceeds steadily and far on the socialist track, it is inseparable from the CPC’s adherence to cultural leadership. Against the background of further deepening comprehensive reforms, intensifying social mobility and stratification, increasing diversity in ideology and culture, and the growing cultural demands of the people for a better life, only by continuously strengthening the Party’s cultural leadership, consolidating the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological and cultural field, building a socialist cultural powerhouse, enhancing cultural confidence, and becoming more “proactive” in areas such as theoretical innovation, cultural innovation, ideological dissemination, cultural system reform, and autonomous discourse construction, can we shape the correct historical narrative, stabilize the value coordinates, master the discourse system, and strengthen cultural identity for Chinese-path modernization, thereby creating a healthy and positive ideological and cultural environment for the entire process of Chinese-path modernization, and providing strong ideological guidance, spiritual cohesion, value appeal, and international influence. It can be said that without cultural leadership, Chinese-path modernization would easily lose its direction, order, and momentum due to the lack of a “compass,” “adhesive,” and “driving wheel.”

推进中国式现代化的内在要求。在现代化进程中，既有经济发展、政治建设、制度推新、科技创新等要素的呈现和驱动，也有精神和文化要素的彰显和规定。中国式现代化是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化，是把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际、同中华优秀传统文化相结合的产物，是有着独特思想引导、精神规定和文化特质的现代化，追求物质文明和精神文明的协调发展，其过程和目标包含着精神主动和文化创造，践行着文化强国的使命要求。习近平强调：“我们要建设的社会主义现代化强国，不仅要在物质上强，更要在精神上强。精神上强，才是更持久、更深沉、更有力量的。”而要确保中国式现代化道路在精神上“更强”“更有力量”，始终在社会主义轨道上行稳致远，就离不开中国共产党对文化领导权的坚持。在进一步全面深化改革向前推进、社会流动和分层加剧、思想文化日益多样化、人民美好生活的文化需求日益强烈的背景下，只有持续强化党的文化领导权，巩固马克思主义在思想文化领域的指导地位，建设社会主义文化强国，增强文化自信，在理论创新、文化创新、思想传播、文化体制改革、话语自主建构等领域更加“有为”，才能为中国式现代化塑造正确历史叙事、稳定价值坐标、掌握话语体系、强化文化认同，进而为整个中国式现代化进程营造健康积极的思想文化环境，并提供强大的思想引领力、精神凝聚力、价值感召力和国际影响力。可以说，没有文化领导权，中国式现代化就容易因缺失“定向盘”“粘合剂”和“驱动轮”而失去方向、秩序和动力。

The cultural initiative in responding to the great changes in the world. Xi Jinping pointed out: “The world today is undergoing major changes unseen in a century. Such major changes are not changes in a single event, a single region, or a single country, but changes of the world, of the times, and of history.” [3]3 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Central Conference on Work Related to Foreign Affairs” (December 27–28, 2021). The prominent features of the major changes in a century are the rise of structural contradictions and crises in Western powers, the collective rise of the “Global South,” profound adjustments in the world economic landscape, international power structure, and governance system, a stark contrast in the “rise of the East and decline of the West,” and intensified strategic competition and gaming among major powers. Against this backdrop, Western countries centered on the United States, driven by the nature of capital hegemony, will intensify their containment and suppression of “Eastern forces,” including China. We must fully estimate the extreme challenges we may face. These challenges exist at both the economic and political levels and the cultural level. For a long time, using cultural industries, academic research, news media, and online communication to carry out cultural infiltration and spiritual colonization has been a common means for Western countries to contain China. Tragedies of national turmoil and ethnic decline caused by cultural aggression and spiritual colonization continue to unfold worldwide. In the eyes of many Western politicians, “American leadership is good for both the United States and the world; this leadership requires military power, diplomatic energy, and adherence to moral principles.” [4]4 Zbigniew Brzezinski, *The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives* (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p. 215. It can be seen that under the major changes, competition among major powers intensifies, and cultural contests and discourse struggles will inevitably escalate. Compared to the cruelty of battlefield confrontations, the culture war without gunpowder smoke is even more terrifying. To this end, the CPC must hold fast to its cultural position. While guarding the Chinese cultural lineage, it must develop advanced culture that meets the needs of the times, safeguard national cultural security, and defend the spiritual independence of the Chinese nation. In this sense, the CPC’s advocacy for adhering to cultural leadership is a strategic response to the great changes in the world. It aims to firmly grasp the cultural initiative for the country’s development amidst a turbulent and intertwined world situation, strive to enhance the influence and cohesion of Chinese culture, ensure that the socialist cultural position with Chinese characteristics is not shaken, compromised, or retreated, and thereby forge the spiritual strength for the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

应对世界大变局的文化主动。习近平指出：“当今世界正经历百年未有之大变局，这样的大变局不是一时一事、一域一国之变，是世界之变、时代之变、历史之变”。百年大变局的显著特征就是西方大国的结构性矛盾和危机上升，“全球南方”群体性崛起，世界经济版图、国际权力格局和治理体系深刻调整，“东升西降”的对比鲜明，大国战略竞争和博弈加剧。在此背景下，以美国为中心的西方国家出于资本霸权的本性，会加剧对包括中国在内的“东方力量”的进一步遏制和打压，我们必须充分估计可能面临的极限挑战。这些挑战既有经济和政治层面，也有文化层面。一直以来，利用文化产业、学术研究、新闻媒体、网络传播搞文化渗透和精神殖民是西方国家遏制中国的惯用手段，世界范围内因遭遇文化侵略和精神殖民而出现国家动荡和民族衰落的悲剧仍在持续上演。在许多西方政客眼里，“美国的领导权既有利于美国，又有利于世界；这种领导权需要军事力量，外交能量和遵循道德准则”。可见，大变局下大国竞争加剧，文化较量和话语争夺必将不断升级。相比于实地战场较量的残酷，没有硝烟的文化战争更为可怕。为此，中国共产党必须坚守文化阵地，在守好中华文脉的同时，发展符合时代需求的先进文化，维护国家文化安全，捍卫中华民族的精神独立性。在这个意义上，中国共产党主张坚持文化领导权，是应对世界大变局的战略性回应，旨在变乱交织的世界局势下牢牢掌握本国发展的文化主动权，努力提升中国文化的影响力和聚合力，确保中国特色社会主义文化阵地不动摇、不妥协、不退让，进而铸牢中国特色社会主义事业发展的精神力量。

In summary, the strength of a political party is not only reflected in the expansion of its organizational scale and the tightness of its organizational system but also in the strength of its ideological and cultural leadership, cohesion, and appeal. Looking back on the journey traveled, adhering to cultural leadership is an important experience for the CPC to establish and strengthen the Party and continuously lead the development of the cause. Looking ahead to the new journey, China’s development faces both strategic opportunities and risks and challenges, with increasing uncertainties. The CPC must still maintain the initiative to continuously consolidate and enhance the Party’s cultural leadership, ensuring that the Party always possesses strong political leadership, ideological guidance, development planning power, discourse influence, and social appeal in the field of cultural development. Only in this way can it consolidate the cultural cornerstone of long-term governance, lay a solid ideological foundation for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and provide correct value navigation and lasting spiritual motivation.

总之，一个政党的强大，不仅仅体现在组织规模的壮大和组织体系的严密，还体现在思想文化领导力、凝聚力和感召力的强大。回望来时路，坚持文化领导权是中国共产党立党强党，不断引领事业发展的一条重要经验。眺望新征程，中国发展的战略机遇和风险挑战并存，不确定因素增多，中国共产党仍要保持不断巩固和增强党的文化领导权的主动，确保党在文化发展领域始终拥有强大的政治领导力、思想引领力、发展规划力、话语影响力和社会号召力，如此才能夯实长期执政的文化基石，为实现中华民族伟大复兴筑牢思想基础、提供正确价值导航和持久精神动力。

Author’s brief introduction: Tian Xuming, Researcher at the Key Research Base of Humanities and Social Sciences in Guangxi Universities, Center for Marxist Theory and Regional Practice Research, and Professor at the School of Marxism, Guangxi Normal University.

作者简介：田旭明，广西高校人文社科重点研究基地马克思主义理论与区域实践研究中心研究员、广西师范大学马克思主义学院教授。