The Historical Process, Basic Experience and Practical Path of the CPC’s Promotion of Building an International United Front
王新影、张先妍:中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线的历史进程、基本经验和实践路径
The united front is an important magic weapon for the Communist Party of China to win victory in revolution, construction and reform, and it is also an important magic weapon for the Communist Party of China to govern and rejuvenate the country. General
统一战线是中国共产党夺取革命、建设、改革事业胜利的重要法宝,也是中国共产党执政兴国的重要法宝。习近平总书记深刻指出:“在百年奋斗历程中,中国共产党始终把统一战线摆在重要位置,不断巩固和发展最广泛的统一战线,团结一切可以团结的力量、调动一切可以调动的积极因素,最大限度凝聚起共同奋斗的力量。” 就统一战线的构成来看,既有中国共产党号召国内各阶级、各阶层、各政治集团共同参与建立的抗日民族统一战线,也有包括全体社会主义劳动者、社会主义事业的建设者、拥护社会主义的爱国者、拥护祖国统一和致力于中华民族伟大复兴的爱国者在内的广泛的爱国统一战线。除此之外,加强国际合作、建立和发展国际统一战线也是其中的重要组成部分。立足于“两个大局”相互交织、相互激荡的时代背景,系统梳理中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线的历史进程和基本经验,在此基础上深入探讨推动构建新的国际统一战线的实践路径,这对推动新时代中国特色大国外交深入发展、携手各国共同构建人类命运共同体具有重要意义。
I. The Historical Process of the CPC in Promoting the Construction of an International United Front
一、中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线的历史进程
Internationalism is the political principle, moral norm and code of conduct upheld by the proletariat, and international alliance is an important component of Marxist party theory. Marx and Engels, in the *Communist Manifesto*, called on workers who "have no country" to unite to overthrow the oppression and rule of the bourgeoisie in their own countries, holding that "united action, at least of the civilized countries, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat." [1]1 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 6 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1976), p. 502. In 1871, Marx, in the *General Rules of the International Working Men's Association*, once again profoundly revealed the importance and necessity of international cooperation: "The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national problem, but a social problem embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and its solution depends on the practical and theoretical cooperation of the most advanced countries." [2]2 Karl Marx, *General Rules of the International Working Men's Association*, in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1985), p. 14. As a proletarian political party with a global vision, the CPC has always attached great importance to the issue of the united front, closely linking its own destiny with that of the people of all countries, accurately grasping the themes of the times and the internal and external situation, and actively promoting the construction of an international united front.
国际主义是无产阶级秉持的政治原则、道德规范和行为准则,国际联合是马克思主义政党学说的重要内容。马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中号召“没有祖国”的工人联合起来推翻本国的资产阶级压迫和统治,认为“联合的行动,至少是各文明国家的联合的行动,是无产阶级获得解放的首要条件之一” 。1871年,马克思在《国际工人协会共同章程》中再次深刻揭示了国际合作的重要性和必要性:“劳动的解放既不是一个地方的问题,也不是一个国家的问题,而是涉及存在现代社会的一切国家的社会问题,它的解决有赖于最先进的国家在实践上和理论上的合作。” 作为胸怀天下的无产阶级政党,中国共产党始终高度重视统一战线问题,把自身命运与世界各国人民命运紧密相连,准确把握时代主题和内外形势,积极推动构建国际统一战线。
(1) The Period of the New Democratic Revolution: Building an International United Front to Win Broad Support for the Chinese Revolutionary Cause
(一)新民主主义革命时期:构建国际统一战线为中国革命事业争取广泛支持
In the early days of its founding, the CPC deeply understood and judged the domestic and international situation at that time and the nature of the era, and accordingly established the strategic thinking of building an international united front. This thinking mainly focused on utilizing and winning the sympathy and support of the international community for the Chinese revolution, especially the War of Resistance Against Japan, while also supporting the world anti-fascist war, developing and strengthening the world anti-fascist united front, and contributing to winning the victory of the world anti-fascist war. The nature, targets, situation and tasks of the Chinese revolution provided a realistic basis for the CPC to advocate the establishment of an international united front.
中国共产党在成立初期就深刻认识和判断了当时的国内外形势及其所处的时代性质,并据此确立了构建国际统一战线的战略思想。这一思想主要着眼于利用和争取国际社会对中国革命尤其是抗日战争的声援和支持,同时也要支援世界反法西斯战争、发展壮大世界反法西斯统一战线,为赢得世界反法西斯战争的胜利作出贡献。中国革命的性质、对象和形势、任务为中国共产党倡导建立国际统一战线提供了现实基础。
During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the nature of Chinese society was semi-colonial and semi-feudal, which determined that the targets of the Chinese revolution were the political, economic and cultural forms of semi-colonialism and semi-feudalism. The nature of the Chinese revolution was part of the world proletarian socialist revolution, and anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism therefore became the basic tasks of China's democratic revolution in this period. Under such conditions of the times, the CPC advocated making full use of the contradictions, conflicts and struggles for interests among the imperialist powers in China to establish an international united front, creating a favorable external environment for the Chinese revolution. Since modern times, Western powers, through a series of military aggression and unequal treaties, obtained various privileges in China, demarcated spheres of influence, and fostered and bought off agents, turning China into an economically backward semi-colonial country under the indirect rule of imperialism. Chinese society thus also gave rise to a unique social phenomenon, namely, "the disunity of imperialism affected the disunity among China's ruling groups," [3]3 Mao Zedong, "Why Is It That Red Political Power Can Exist in China?" (October 5, 1928), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 65. mainly manifested in the long-term split and internal struggles of the white regime. This not only enabled China's red political power to exist but also allowed it, under specific conditions, to utilize these contradictions, thereby promoting the in-depth development of the Chinese revolution and ultimately completing the revolutionary task of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism. After the outbreak of the September 18th Incident, [4]4 The September 18th Incident (1931) was a staged event used by the Japanese Kwantung Army as a pretext to invade and occupy Northeast China. faced with the escalating aggression of Japanese imperialism, Mao Zedong again conducted a profound analysis of the contradictions among the imperialist powers in China, believing that the reason modern China could still maintain a semi-independent status was "due to the struggle of the Chinese people against imperialism and the struggles among the imperialist countries themselves." [5]5 Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism" (December 27, 1935), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 155. This contradiction existing among the imperialist countries objectively created an environment favorable to the Chinese revolution and also provided the possibility for the establishment of an international united front.
新民主主义革命时期,中国社会的性质是半殖民地半封建的社会,这决定了中国革命的对象就是半殖民地半封建的政治、经济和文化形态,中国革命的性质是属于世界无产阶级社会主义革命的一部分,反帝反封建也因此成为这一时期中国民主革命的基本任务。在这样的时代条件下,中国共产党主张充分利用帝国主义在中国的矛盾冲突和利益纷争来建立国际统一战线,为中国革命创造有利的外部环境。近代以来,西方列强通过一系列的军事侵略和不平等条约在中国获得多种特权、划定势力范围、扶植收买代理人,这使得中国沦为帝国主义间接统治的经济落后的半殖民地国家。中国社会也由此出现一个独特的社会现象,即“帝国主义的不统一,影响到中国统治集团间的不统一” ,主要表现为白色政权的长期分裂和内部斗争,这不但使中国的红色政权能够存在,而且能够在特定条件下利用这些矛盾,藉此推动中国革命深入发展,最终完成反帝反封建的革命任务。九一八事变爆发后,面对日本帝国主义侵略的不断加剧,毛泽东再次对帝国主义在华矛盾进行深刻分析,认为近代中国之所以还能保存一种半独立的地位,是“由于中国人民对帝国主义的斗争和帝国主义国家相互间的斗争” 。这种存在于帝国主义国家之间的矛盾客观上创造了有利于中国革命的环境,也为国际统一战线的建立提供了可能性。
During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the CPC, as the mainstay of the national war of resistance, vigorously called for the formation of a national united front for resistance against Japan and a world anti-fascist united front. At the domestic level, the contradiction between China and Japan had become the principal contradiction in Chinese society, while the contradictions among various classes and political groups were relegated to a subordinate position. Classes and political groups originally in the counter-revolutionary camp gradually underwent changes in their political attitudes and participated in the national united front for resistance against Japan. Precisely based on this important shift, the CPC defined its task as "integrating the activities of the Red Army with all the activities of the workers, peasants, students, petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie throughout the country into a single national revolutionary front." [6]6 Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism," p. 164. At the international level, the CPC proposed that the task of the united front was to resist Japan, not to oppose all imperialist powers indiscriminately at the same time: "We demand that Britain, the United States, France, the Soviet Union and other countries sympathize with China's anti-Japanese movement, or at least not oppose it; on this basis we are willing to establish friendly relations with these countries." [7]7 Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism," p. 166. Centering on the fundamental issue of struggling against Japanese imperialism, the CPC advocated that anti-war countries, colonial and semi-colonial countries, and socialist countries jointly form a world alliance against aggression, war and fascism. This was precisely the prototype of the world anti-fascist united front. In July 1936, in a conversation with American journalist Edgar Snow, Mao Zedong clearly stated the three conditions necessary for China to defeat and eliminate Japanese imperialism: "First, the completion of China's anti-Japanese united front; second, the completion of the international anti-Japanese united front; third, the rise of the revolutionary movement among the Japanese people and the people of Japan's colonies." [8]8 Mao Zedong, "Interview with Edgar Snow" (July 16, 1936), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 101.
抗日战争时期,中国共产党作为全民族抗战的中流砥柱,大力号召成立抗日民族统一战线和世界反法西斯统一战线。国内层面,中日民族矛盾已经成为中国社会的主要矛盾,而各阶级和各政治集团之间的矛盾则降为从属地位,原本处于反革命阵营的各阶级和政治集团逐步出现政治态度的变化,并参与到抗日民族统一战线中来。正是基于这一重要转变,中国共产党明确自身的任务就是“把红军的活动和全国的工人、农民、学生、小资产阶级、民族资产阶级的一切活动汇合起来,成为一个统一的民族革命战线” 。国际层面,中国共产党提出统一战线的任务是抗日,而不是一刀切式地同时反对所有帝国主义,“我们要求英、美、法、苏等国同情中国的抗日运动,至少不反对;在这个基点上我们愿意同这些国家建立友谊的关系” 。围绕同日本帝国主义斗争这一根本问题,中国共产党主张由反战国家、殖民地和半殖民地国家、社会主义国家共同组成一个反侵略、反战、反法西斯的世界同盟,这正是世界反法西斯统一战线的雏形。1936年7月,毛泽东在与美国记者斯诺谈话时明确提出了中国能战胜并消灭日本帝国主义所需要的三个条件,即“第一是中国抗日统一战线的完成;第二是国际抗日统一战线的完成;第三是日本国内人民和日本殖民地人民的革命运动的兴起” 。
After the full outbreak of the World Anti-Fascist War, the Communist Party of China became an active advocate and direct promoter of the world anti-fascist united front. On the one hand, “the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was an important part of the World Anti-Fascist War, and the Chinese people, at tremendous national sacrifice, made a major contribution to saving human civilization and defending world peace.” [9]9 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Commemorative Meeting Marking the 70th Anniversary of the Victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War” (September 3, 2015). The CPC called for upholding Kuomintang-Communist cooperation to expand the anti-Japanese national united front, opened up the Eastern main battlefield of the World Anti-Fascist War, completely smashed the aggressive designs of Japanese fascism, and strategically coordinated with the anti-fascist war in other parts of Asia and the European theater, thereby achieving mutual reinforcement between China’s anti-Japanese national united front and the world anti-fascist united front. On the other hand, the CPC vigorously advocated the establishment of a world anti-fascist united front. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union in 1941, the CPC Central Committee, while strongly condemning the German fascist aggression, called on the entire Party: “The task of Communists the world over at present is to mobilize the people of all countries to organize an international united front, to fight against fascism, and to fight for the defense of the Soviet Union, the defense of China, and the freedom and independence of all nations. In the present period, all forces must be concentrated on the struggle against fascist enslavement.” [10]10 “CPC Central Committee Decision on the International United Front” (June 23, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 157. The CPC held that all countries and all nations in the world were at that time divided into two fronts, namely “the fascist front waging aggressive war and the anti-fascist front waging war of liberation,” [11]11 “CPC Central Committee Decision on the International United Front” (June 23, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 157. and accordingly issued the “CPC Central Committee Directive on the Pacific Anti-Japanese United Front,” stating that “the central task of our entire people, all overseas compatriots, and the various nationalities of Southeast Asia in the War of Resistance is to establish and develop a broad united front of the Pacific nations against Japan and against fascism.” [12]12 “CPC Central Committee Directive on the Pacific Anti-Japanese United Front” (December 9, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 264.
世界反法西斯战争全面爆发后,中国共产党成为世界反法西斯统一战线的积极倡导者和直接推动者。一方面,“中国人民抗日战争是世界反法西斯战争的重要组成部分,中国人民以巨大的民族牺牲,为拯救人类文明、保卫世界和平作出了重大贡献” 。中国共产党号召坚持国共合作来扩大抗日民族统一战线,开辟了世界反法西斯战争的东方主战场,彻底粉碎了日本法西斯的侵略图谋,在战略上有力配合了亚洲其他地区和欧洲战场的反法西斯战争,从而实现了中国抗日民族统一战线与世界反法西斯统一战线的相互促进。另一方面,中国共产党大力倡导建立世界反法西斯统一战线。1941年德国进攻苏联后,中共中央在强烈谴责德国法西斯侵略罪行的同时号召全党:“目前共产党人在全世界的任务是动员各国人民组织国际统一战线,为着反对法西斯而斗争,为着保卫苏联、保卫中国、保卫一切民族的自由和独立而斗争。在目前时期,一切力量须集中于反对法西斯奴役。” 中国共产党认为当时世界一切国家和一切民族被划分为两大阵线,即“举行侵略战争的法西斯阵线与举行解放战争的反法西斯阵线” ,据此发出《中共中央关于太平洋反日统一战线的指示》,提出“我全国人民,全体海外侨胞,及南洋各民族在抗日战争中的中心任务,就是建立与开展太平洋各民族反日反法西斯的广泛统一战线” 。
(II) The Period of Socialist Revolution and Construction: Promoting the Building of an International United Front Against Hegemonism
(二)社会主义革命和建设时期:推动构建反对霸权主义的国际统一战线
In the early years after the founding of New China, the CPC faced the severe challenge of safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests under the bipolar structure, and the importance and urgency of building a new international united front became concentratedly evident. From the founding of New China to the early 1960s, the CPC formulated and implemented three basic diplomatic guidelines: “striking a new stove,” “cleaning the house before inviting guests,” and “leaning to one side.” [13]13 “Striking a new stove” meant not recognizing the diplomatic relations and treaties of the old government and establishing new ones; “cleaning the house before inviting guests” meant clearing out imperialist influence before establishing diplomatic relations with Western countries; “leaning to one side” meant allying with the Soviet-led socialist camp. New China joined the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union, enabling it to quickly gain a firm foothold in international affairs. During this period, the CPC’s promotion of building an international united front had two main fulcrums: first, with the goal of consolidating political power and building the state, it comprehensively deepened cooperation with socialist countries. New China successively established diplomatic relations with more than ten socialist countries, including the Soviet Union, and signed the “Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance” in 1950, which not only comprehensively deepened Sino-Soviet friendly cooperation and consolidated the socialist camp, but also won a favorable international environment and greater international support. Second, it established the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, opposed hegemonism and power politics, and promoted the development of a world peace united front. On the eve of the founding of New China, the CPC had already issued a peace initiative: “unite with all countries, nations and peoples that love peace and freedom, first of all with the Soviet Union and the various new democratic countries, as our allies, to jointly oppose the imperialist plot to provoke war and strive for lasting world peace.” [14]14 Mao Zedong, “Address to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Conference” (June 15, 1949), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1466. While resolutely opposing colonialist and imperialist aggression and interference, the CPC firmly advocated that “all oppressed nations must become independent” [15]15 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Eighth National Congress of the CPC” (September 15, 1956), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 5, p. 322. and actively supported the national liberation cause in Asia, Africa, and Latin America: “We must actively support the national independence and liberation movements in the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, as well as the peace movements and just struggles in all countries of the world.” [16]16 Mao Zedong, “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” (February 27, 1957), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 5, p. 398.
新中国成立初期,中国共产党面临着两极格局下维护国家主权、安全和发展利益的严峻挑战,构建新的国际统一战线的重要性和迫切性得到集中呈现。从新中国成立到20世纪60年代初期,中国共产党制定并实施了“另起炉灶”“打扫干净屋子再请客”“一边倒”的三条基本外交方针,新中国加入了以苏联为首的社会主义阵营,得以迅速在国际事务中站稳脚跟。这一时期中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线主要有两个支点:一是以巩固政权、建设国家为目标,全面深化与社会主义国家之间的合作。新中国先后与苏联等十余个社会主义国家建立外交关系,并在1950年签署了《中苏友好同盟互助条约》,既全面深化了中苏友好合作、巩固了社会主义阵营,也赢得了有利的国际环境和更多的国际支持。二是确立和平共处五项原则,反对霸权主义和强权政治,推动世界和平统一战线的发展。中国共产党在新中国成立前夕就发出了和平倡议,“联合一切爱好和平自由的国家、民族和人民,首先是联合苏联和各新民主国家,以为自己的盟友,共同反对帝国主义者挑拨战争的阴谋,争取世界的持久和平” 。在坚决反对殖民主义、帝国主义侵略干涉的同时,中国共产党坚定主张“一切受压迫的民族都要独立” ,积极支持亚非拉地区的民族解放事业:“亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲各国的民族独立解放运动,以及世界上一切国家的和平运动和正义斗争,我们都必须给以积极的支持” 。
From the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, the international structure underwent important changes: the hegemonism and expansionist tendencies of the Soviet Union increasingly intensified, leading to the disintegration of the socialist camp; the strengthening of the independent tendencies of Japan and European countries also loosened the imperialist camp. Along with the upsurge of the national liberation movement worldwide, a large number of newly liberated and independent developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America stepped onto the historical stage, strengthening the forces for world peace and development. The CPC accurately grasped the above new trends, established the diplomatic policy of “one line, one large area,” [17]17 “One line” referred to a strategic line linking China, the United States, Japan, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Europe to counter Soviet expansion; “one large area” referred to the vast region of developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. achieved a détente in relations with Western countries represented by the United States, strengthened equal cooperation with the vast number of developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and promoted the building of a new international united front against hegemonism.
20世纪60年代中后期至70年代末,国际格局发生重要变化:苏联的霸权主义和扩张主义倾向日益加剧并导致社会主义阵营解体,日本和欧洲国家独立自主倾向的增强也推动帝国主义阵营的松动。伴随着世界范围内民族解放浪潮的高涨,一大批新获得民族解放和独立的亚非拉发展中国家登上历史舞台,壮大了世界和平与发展的力量。中国共产党准确把握上述新态势,确立了“一条线、一大片”的外交方针,实现了与以美国为代表的西方国家关系的缓和,加强与广大亚非拉发展中国家的平等合作,推动构建新的反对霸权主义的国际统一战线。
During this period, the CPC’s understanding of the international united front deepened in accordance with changes in the international situation, and it successively formed important theoretical achievements such as the “intermediate zone” and the “three worlds.” As early as the 1940s, Mao Zedong put forward the theory of the “intermediate zone,” pointing out that between the United States and the Soviet Union lay a vast intermediate zone of many capitalist countries and colonial and semi-colonial countries in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and arguing that the United States could not attack the Soviet Union before subjugating these countries. [18]18 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong” (August 1946), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1193. In the mid-1960s, based on the new situation of internal differentiation within the two camps and the composition of international forces, Mao Zedong profoundly pointed out that under the bipolar structure of the United States and the Soviet Union, there existed two parts of the “intermediate zone”: “one part consists of the vast economically backward countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America; the other part consists of the imperialist countries and developed capitalist countries represented by Europe.” [19]19 Mao Zedong, “Talk with a Delegation from the Japanese Socialist Party” (January 1964), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 8, p. 378. In the mid-1970s, Mao Zedong further put forward the theory of the division of the “three worlds,” scientifically revealing the changes in the composition of international forces and the principal contradiction at that time, clarifying China’s basic position and identity as forever belonging to the third world, and advocating uniting with the developing countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America to establish a broad united front against imperialism and hegemonism. Guided by this, China comprehensively deepened mutually beneficial cooperation with developing countries, jointly promoted the establishment of an international united front against hegemonism and power politics, and pushed the international order to develop in a more just and reasonable direction.
这一时期,中国共产党对国际统一战线的认识依据国际形势变化而不断深化,并先后形成了“中间地带”“三个世界”等重要理论成果。早在20世纪40年代,毛泽东就提出了“中间地带”理论,指出美国和苏联之间隔着广阔的欧亚非三洲的许多资本主义国家和殖民地半殖民地国家,认为美国在没有压服这些国家之前是不可能进攻苏联的。20世纪60年代中期,毛泽东根据两大阵营内部分化和国际力量构成的新态势,深刻指出美苏两极格局下存在两部分“中间地带”,“一部分是指亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的广大经济落后的国家,一部分是指以欧洲为代表的帝国主义国家和发达的资本主义国家” 。20世纪70年代中期,毛泽东又提出了“三个世界”划分理论,科学揭示了当时国际力量构成和主要矛盾的变化,明确了中国永远属于第三世界的基本立场和身份定位,主张团结亚非拉发展中国家、建立广泛的反帝反霸统一战线。以此为指导,中国全面深化与发展中国家之间的互利合作,共同推动建立反对霸权主义和强权政治的国际统一战线,推动国际秩序向着更加公正合理的方向发展。
(III) The New Period of Reform and Opening Up and Socialist Modernization: Promoting the Building of a New International Political and Economic Order
(三)改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期:推动构建国际政治经济新秩序
In the late 1970s, the CPC made the historic decision to shift the focus of the Party and state work to economic construction and implement reform and opening up, ushering in a new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization. Regarding China’s foreign policy at that time, Deng Xiaoping profoundly pointed out: “China’s foreign policy consists mainly of two sentences. One sentence is to oppose hegemonism and maintain world peace; the other sentence is that China will forever belong to the third world.” [20]20 Deng Xiaoping, “Maintaining World Peace and Promoting Economic Development” (May 29, 1984), in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3, p. 56. This was also the conceptual fulcrum and policy focus of the CPC’s advocacy for building an international united front during this period, and guided the enrichment and development of the thought on the international united front.
20世纪70年代末,中国共产党作出了把党和国家工作中心转移到经济建设上来、实行改革开放的历史性决策,开启了改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的新时期。针对当时中国的对外政策,邓小平曾深刻指出:“中国的对外政策,主要是两句话。一句话是反对霸权主义,维护世界和平,另一句话是中国永远属于第三世界。” 这也是这一时期中国共产党倡导建立国际统一战线的理念支点和政策重点,并以此为指导推动国际统一战线思想的丰富发展。
First, at the conceptual level, it established the epochal theme of “peace and development,” setting the task of opposing hegemonism and safeguarding world peace as the objective of the international united front in the new period. In response to the international situation at the time, the CPC held that “it is possible to avoid a large-scale world war for a relatively long period, and there is hope for maintaining world peace.” [21]21 Deng Xiaoping, “Peace and Development Are the Two Major Issues in the World Today,” March 4, 1985, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 127. Accordingly, it adjusted its earlier understanding that “war and revolution” constituted the epochal theme and that the danger of war was imminent, and under the guidance of the epochal theme of “peace and development,” it set the primary task of external work as striving for peace. On this basis, China made opposing hegemonism and safeguarding world peace the goal orientation for strengthening international cooperation in the new period, repeatedly pledging that “China will always be an important force for maintaining world peace. China never sought hegemony in the past, and will never seek hegemony in the future,” [22]22 Deng Xiaoping, “Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” September 1, 1982, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 3. and advanced the noble cause of human peace and development together with peace-loving countries and peoples worldwide. Entering the 21st century, the CPC, grounded in the global trend of deepening multipolarization and economic globalization, attached great importance to the overseas composition of the patriotic united front and its important role, thereby promoting the transformation of the united front from a “China dimension” to a “world dimension.” [23]23 The phrase “China dimension” and “world dimension” here refers to a shift in the focus of the united front work from primarily serving China’s domestic goals to also serving international objectives. Proceeding from China’s fundamental interests and the common aspirations of the world’s peoples, it put forward the important proposition of building a harmonious world. “Raising the banner of a harmonious world can vividly embody the purpose of our diplomacy, proclaim our diplomatic concepts, display the characteristics and style of our diplomacy, and present China’s international image as civilized, just, democratic, and progressive, which is conducive to China’s strategic initiative in the profoundly changing world格局 and international situation.” [24]24 “The Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference Held in Beijing,” *People’s Daily*, August 24, 2006. Guided by this, the CPC advocated for the international community to strengthen cooperation in the fields of politics, economy, culture, security, and environmental protection, and called for friendly coexistence, equal dialogue, development, and prosperity among different civilizations, thereby promoting the development and expansion of the international united front in the new period.
一是在理念上确立了“和平与发展”的时代主题,将反对霸权主义、维护世界和平作为新时期国际统一战线的任务目标。针对当时国际形势,中国共产党认为“在较长时间内不发生大规模的世界战争是有可能的,维护世界和平是有希望的” ,据此调整了此前“战争与革命”是时代主题、战争危险很迫近的认识,在“和平与发展”时代主题引领下将对外工作的首要任务设定为争取和平。基于此,中国将反对霸权主义、维护世界和平作为新时期加强国际合作的目标指向,多次承诺“中国永远是维护世界和平的重要力量。中国过去不称霸,今后也永远不会称霸” ,并与世界范围内爱好和平的国家和人民一道推进人类和平与发展的崇高事业。进入21世纪,中国共产党立足于世界多极化和经济全球化进程深入发展的世界大势,高度重视爱国统一战线的海外构成及其重要作用,从而推动统一战线由“中国向度”向“世界向度”转变 ,并从中国根本利益和世界人民共同愿望出发,提出了建设和谐世界的重要主张。“举和谐世界这面旗帜,可以生动体现我国外交宗旨,宣示我国外交理念,展示我国外交特色和风格,展现我国文明、公正、民主、进步的国际形象,有利于我国在深刻变动的世界格局和国际形势中争取战略主动。” 以此为引领,中国共产党倡导国际社会加强在政治、经济、文化、安全和环境保护领域的合作,号召不同文明友好相处、平等对话、发展繁荣,推动了新时期国际统一战线的发展壮大。
Second, in developing foreign relations, it placed greater emphasis on the principles of independence and non-alignment, and adhered to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as the guide for developing all-directional friendly relations. This was epitomized by China’s adjustment in the early 1980s of the “one line, one large area” [25]25 “One line, one large area” (一条线、一大片) was a strategic concept proposed by Mao Zedong in the 1970s, referring to a line of countries from the United States to Japan, China, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Europe, and a large area encompassing countries around this line, aimed at countering Soviet hegemonism. diplomatic strategy. On the basis of independence and non-alignment, it improved relations with the Soviet Union and the United States, and also comprehensively deepened friendly cooperation with the vast number of developing countries. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the bipolar structure formally came to an end. The CPC accurately recognized that “the world is developing in the direction of multipolarization, with more factors of mutual checks and balances internationally and a further increase in forces for peace.” [26]26 Jiang Zemin, “Report to the Fourteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 12, 1992, in *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2006), p. 241. The report to the 16th National Congress of the CPC clearly stated: “We will continue to improve and develop relations with developed countries, focusing on the fundamental interests of the people of all countries, disregarding differences in social systems and ideologies, and on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, expand the convergence of common interests and properly resolve differences.” [27]27 Jiang Zemin, “Report to the Sixteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” November 8, 2002, in *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2006), p. 567. This provided strong support for the international community to build consensus on cooperation and promote the construction of an international united front for peaceful development.
二是在发展对外关系时更加强调独立自主和不结盟原则,坚持以和平共处五项原则为指导发展全方位友好关系。这集中体现为中国在20世纪80年代初调整了“一条线、一大片”的外交战略,在独立自主不结盟的基础上改善了与苏联、美国的关系,也全面深化了与广大发展中国家之间的友好合作。20世纪80年代末、90年代初,苏联解体、东欧剧变后两极格局正式终结,中国共产党准确认识到“世界正朝着多极化方向发展,国际上相互制衡的因素增多,和平力量进一步增长” 。党的十六大报告明确指出:“我们将继续改善和发展同发达国家的关系,以各国人民的根本利益为重,不计较社会制度和意识形态的差别,在和平共处五项原则的基础上,扩大共同利益的汇合点,妥善解决分歧。” 这为国际社会凝聚合作共识、推动构建和平发展的国际统一战线提供了有力支持。
Third, building regional and global partnerships was taken as an important lever for establishing a new international united front. In the post-Cold War period, China actively constructed a new international united front centered on major-power partnerships, striving to form a cooperative partnership system aimed at common development. In terms of the composition of the international united front, this included both comprehensively deepening cooperation with major powers—such as successively establishing new major-power partnerships like the Sino-Russian Strategic Partnership of Coordination (1996), the China-U.S. Constructive Strategic Partnership for the 21st Century (1997), and the China-France Comprehensive Partnership for the 21st Century (1997)—and continuing friendly relations with developing countries, such as establishing framework platforms like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the China-ASEAN Partnership of Good-Neighborliness and Mutual Trust, and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, actively supporting international initiatives launched by developing countries to establish a new international political and economic order. The establishment and deepening of the above partnerships provided practical assistance for expanding international exchanges, building international consensus, and consolidating and developing the international united front.
三是将构建区域性和全球性伙伴关系作为建立新的国际统一战线的重要抓手。后冷战时期,中国积极构建新的以大国伙伴关系为重心的国际统一战线,致力于形成以共同发展为目标的合作伙伴体系。从国际统一战线的构成来看,既包括全面深化与大国之间的合作,如先后建立了中俄战略协作伙伴关系(1996年)、中美面向21世纪的建设性战略伙伴关系(1997年)、中法面向21世纪的全面伙伴关系(1997年)等新的大国伙伴关系,也延续了与发展中国家之间的友好关系,如建立了上海合作组织、中国—东盟睦邻互信伙伴关系、中非合作论坛等框架平台,积极支持发展中国家为建立国际政治经济新秩序所发起的国际动议。上述伙伴关系的建立与深化,为扩大国际交流、凝聚国际共识、巩固和发展国际统一战线提供了现实助力。
(IV) The New Era of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: Win-Win Cooperation and Jointly Building a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind
(四)中国特色社会主义新时代:合作共赢携手构建人类命运共同体
As socialism with Chinese characteristics entered a New Era, the CPC scientifically assessed changes in the situation. While adhering to the basic judgment that peace and development remain the epochal theme and that the trend toward peace and development is irreversible, it also deeply recognized the instability and uncertainty facing the world. On this basis, it promoted the innovative development of the international united front in the New Era.
中国特色社会主义进入新时代,中国共产党科学研判形势变化,既坚持和平与发展依然是时代主题、和平发展大势不可逆转的基本论断,又深刻认识到世界面临的不稳定性、不确定性,并在此基础上推动新时代国际统一战线的创新发展。
First, at the value level, the CPC upheld and promoted the common values of all humanity, taking the maintenance of international fairness and justice and the promotion of democratization of international relations as the value guidelines for developing the international united front. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Countries differ in history, culture, system, and level of development, but the people of all countries pursue the common values of all humanity—peace, development, fairness, justice, democracy, and freedom.” [28]28 Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind,” January 18, 2017, speech at the United Nations Office at Geneva. China not only proposed and promoted the common values of all humanity, but also, guided by them, unswervingly followed the path of peaceful development, open development, cooperative development, and common development, advocating for strengthening exchanges and dialogue on the basis of discarding ideological prejudices and transcending differences in national cultures. This built ideological consensus for deepening international cooperation and constructing a new international united front.
一是价值层面,中国共产党坚持弘扬全人类共同价值,将维护国际公平正义、推进国际关系民主化作为发展国际统一战线的价值遵循。正如习近平总书记指出的:“各国历史、文化、制度、发展水平不尽相同,但各国人民都追求和平、发展、公平、正义、民主、自由的全人类共同价值。” 中国不但提出和弘扬全人类共同价值,而且在其引领下坚定不移走和平发展、开放发展、合作发展、共同发展的道路,主张在摒弃意识形态偏见、跨越民族文化分歧的基础上加强交流对话。这为深化国际合作、构建新的国际统一战线凝聚了思想共识。
Second, at the conceptual level, taking the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind as the “greatest common divisor,” it joined hands with the international community to address common risks and challenges. With the deepening interdependence of the international community and the constant emergence of global threats, the necessity and urgency of developing and expanding the international united front are unprecedented. Precisely based on this international reality, the CPC proposed the Chinese solution of building a community with a shared future for mankind—a solution of win-win and shared benefits—advocating that the international community make joint efforts in areas such as partnership relations, security architecture, economic development, civilizational exchanges, and ecological construction, adhering to the concepts of dialogue and consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, win-win cooperation, exchange and mutual learning, and green and low-carbon development, and promoting the international community to jointly build a world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness and inclusiveness, and clean and beautiful. Guided by the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, China also put forward a series of new ideas and propositions for strengthening international cooperation, such as building a new type of international relations centered on win-win cooperation and upholding the correct view of righteousness and benefit. This provided conceptual guidance for the international community to jointly address global challenges and build an international united front for the New Era.
二是理念层面,以人类命运共同体理念为“最大公约数”,携手国际社会应对共同风险挑战。随着国际社会相互依赖程度日益加深和全球性威胁的不断涌现,发展壮大国际统一战线的必要性和紧迫性前所未有。正是基于这一国际现实,中国共产党提出了推动构建人类命运共同体这一共赢共享的中国方案,倡导国际社会从伙伴关系、安全格局、经济发展、文明交流、生态建设等方面共同努力,坚持对话协商、共建共享、合作共赢、交流互鉴、绿色低碳的理念,推动国际社会携手建设持久和平、普遍安全、共同繁荣、开放包容、清洁美丽的世界。在人类命运共同体理念的指引下,中国还提出了一系列加强国际合作的新理念新主张,如构建以合作共赢为核心的新型国际关系、秉持正确义利观等,这为国际社会携手应对全球性挑战、构建新时代国际统一战线提供了理念引领。
Third, at the practical level, the CPC focused on two aspects to promote the development of the international united front in the New Era. On the one hand, with common development and win-win cooperation as the goal orientation, it used China’s development to create more mutually beneficial and win-win opportunities for the region and the international community, such as proposing the Belt and Road Initiative, initiating the establishment of new development platforms like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank of the BRICS countries, deepening and expanding equal, open, and cooperative global partnerships, and providing more public goods for the international community. On the other hand, the CPC responded to the expectations of the people of all countries for peace, development, and cooperation, focusing on effectively addressing common challenges and threats, and advocated for the establishment of broad issue-based international united fronts. For example, facing the practical difficulties of slow progress on sustainable development goals, frequent global security crises, intensifying civilizational estrangement, and prominent global governance deficits, it successively proposed the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, contributing Chinese wisdom and Chinese strength to jointly advancing the modernization process of humanity, and effectively promoting the formation and expansion of a new international united front.
三是实践层面,中国共产党聚焦两方面内容推动新时代国际统一战线的发展。一方面,以共同发展、合作共赢作为目标导向,以中国的发展为地区和国际社会创造更多的互利共赢机遇,如提出“一带一路”倡议、发起成立亚洲基础设施投资银行和金砖国家新开发银行等新的发展平台,深化拓展平等、开放、合作的全球伙伴关系,为国际社会提供更多的公共产品。另一方面,中国共产党顺应各国人民求和平、谋发展、促合作的期待,着眼于有效应对共同挑战和威胁,倡议建立广泛的议题性国际统一战线,如面对可持续发展目标进展缓慢、全球性安全危机频发、文明隔阂不断加剧、全球治理赤字凸显的现实困境,先后提出了全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议和全球治理倡议,为共同推进人类现代化进程贡献了中国智慧和中国力量,也有力推动了新的国际统一战线的形成和壮大。
II. Basic Experience of the CPC in Promoting the Construction of an International United Front
二、中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线的基本经验
Over the past century and more, the CPC has accumulated valuable historical experience in the process of promoting the development and expansion of the international united front: properly handling the dialectical relationship between independence and the international united front; scientifically coordinating the domestic and international situations, closely integrating the construction of the united front at the domestic and international levels; adhering to the organic unity of united front strategy and tactics, and on this basis, participating more broadly in international affairs, making greater contributions to maintaining world peace and development.
百余年来,中国共产党在推动国际统一战线发展壮大的进程中积累了宝贵的历史经验:妥善处理了独立自主与国际统一战线的辩证关系;科学统筹国内国际两个大局、将国内和国际层面的统一战线建设紧密结合;坚持统一战线战略和策略的有机统一,并以此为依托更广泛地参与国际事务,为维护世界和平发展作出更多贡献。
(1) Correctly handling the dialectical relationship between independence and the international united front
(一)正确处理了独立自主与国际统一战线的辩证关系
Engels pointed out: “International cooperation is possible only between nations, and consequently the existence, the autonomy and independence of these nations in their internal affairs are included in the very concept of internationalism.” [29]29 Mao Zedong, “On the Policy of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1473. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s speech expressing China’s determination for self-reliance and independence. This indicates that in the process of strengthening international unity and cooperation, a proletarian party must adhere to the principle of independence. At the same time, independence is also a fine tradition of the Chinese nation and an important principle for building the Party and the state. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “In the long-term practice of leading revolution, construction and reform, our Party has always adhered to independence in blazing its own path forward. This spirit of independent exploration and practice, this firm confidence and determination to follow our own road, is the foothold of all our Party’s theory and practice, and also the fundamental guarantee for the continuous victory of the Party’s and the people’s cause.” [30]30 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s argument on the necessity of international support for revolutionary struggles. Following this principle, in the process of strengthening international exchange and cooperation and developing the international united front, the CPC has always adhered to the dialectical unity of independence and the united front.
恩格斯指出:“国际联合只能存在于国家之间,因而这些国家的存在、他们在内部事务上的自主和独立也就包括在国际主义这一概念本身之中。” 这表明,无产阶级政党在加强国际联合与合作的过程中,必须坚持独立自主原则。同时,独立自主也是中华民族的优良传统,是立党立国的重要原则。正如习近平总书记指出的:“我们党在领导革命、建设、改革长期实践中,历来坚持独立自主开拓前进道路,这种独立自主的探索和实践精神,这种坚持走自己的路的坚定信心和决心,是我们党全部理论和实践的立足点,也是党和人民事业不断从胜利走向胜利的根本保证。” 以此为遵循,在加强国际交流合作、发展国际统一战线的过程中,中国共产党始终坚持独立自主与统一战线的辩证统一。
On the one hand, as the advocate and promoter of the international united front, the CPC not only emphasizes unity under the guidance of common goals, maintaining that independence is independence within the united front, but also attaches great importance to the issues of independence and leadership, stressing the need to avoid tendencies of capitulationism and opportunism. The Luochuan Conference, held from August 22 to 25, 1937, stressed the need to “conclude anti-aggression alliances and anti-Japanese military mutual assistance agreements with all countries opposing Japanese aggression, within the scope of not ceding territorial sovereignty.” [31]31 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s emphasis on the importance of international assistance. In foreign exchanges, the CPC insists that China’s affairs must be decided and handled by the Chinese people themselves, opposes any external interference, and does not allow anyone to impose their will on the Chinese government and people. This is an important prerequisite
一方面,作为国际统一战线的倡导者和推动者,中国共产党既强调共同目标引领下的联合,主张独立自主是统一战线中的独立自主,也高度重视独立性和领导权的问题,强调要避免投降主义和机会主义的倾向。1937年8月22日至25日召开的洛川会议强调,要“在不丧失领土主权的范围内,和一切反对日本侵略主义的国家订立反侵略的同盟及抗日的军事互助协定” 。在对外交往中,中国共产党坚持中国的事情必须由中国人民自己作主张、自己来处理,反对任何外来干涉,不允许任何人把他们的意志强加给中国政府和人民,这是中国发展对外友好关系的重要前提和基础。与此同时,中国共产党也始终主张尊重各国人民自主选择发展道路的权利,绝不把自己的意志强加于人,主张各国政府、政党之间开展平等对话、交流互鉴,坚决反对一切形式的大党主义、大国主义、霸权主义和强权政治。毛泽东曾深刻指出,亚非拉人民团结反对帝国主义的最根本原则就是相互尊重、平等,不搞剥削和压迫,认为“我们之间的相互关系是兄弟关系,不是老子对儿子的关系”,并主张在此基础上“要巩固团结,要建立广泛的统一战线” 。新时代,习近平总书记多次重申中国坚定奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,坚持维护世界和平、促进共同发展的外交政策宗旨,坚持把国家和民族发展放在自己力量的基点上,同时强调要在坚持国际关系民主化、维护国际公平正义的基础上加强国际合作。“我们要坚持合作共赢,推动建立以合作共赢为核心的新型国际关系,坚持互利共赢的开放战略,把合作共赢理念体现到政治、经济、安全、文化等对外合作的方方面面” ,将独立自主原则与国际合作有机统一。
On the other hand, the CPC in practice correctly handled the relationship between self-reliance and international assistance. Mao Zedong once clearly stated: “Our Chinese nation has the spirit of fighting the enemy to the bitter end, the determination to recover our lost possessions on the basis of self-reliance, and the ability to stand on our own feet among the nations of the world.”[29]29 Mao Zedong, “On the Policy of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1473. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s speech expressing China’s determination for self-reliance and independence. Whether in the stage of revolutionary war or in the period of development and construction, the CPC has always adhered to self-reliance and independence to unite and lead the Chinese people in continuously achieving greater victories. However, self-reliance and independence do not mean that international assistance is unnecessary, because “in the era of imperialism, no genuine people’s revolution in any country can achieve victory without international revolutionary forces aiding it in various ways,”[30]30 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s argument on the necessity of international support for revolutionary struggles. and therefore “international assistance is necessary for the revolutionary struggles of all countries and all nations in the modern era.”[31]31 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s emphasis on the importance of international assistance. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, “our enemy was a worldwide enemy, and China’s war of resistance was a worldwide war of resistance.”[32]32 Mao Zedong, “On the New Stage,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 586. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s characterization of the global nature of the war against Japan. The Japanese aggressors had their own bandit alliance, and China naturally had to seek friendly forces as well; the Chinese people’s war against aggression certainly needed the assistance of the international people, including aid from the Soviet Union and also from imperialist countries such as Britain and the United States. This international assistance both compensated for the insufficiency of China’s revolutionary forces and strengthened the forces of peace within the world anti-fascist united front. This does not mean that without foreign aid China could not have fought the war of resistance; the CPC demonstrated its firm determination to resist Japan through concrete actions and ultimately led the Chinese people to win the great victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan. During the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, the CPC continuously expanded its opening to the outside world, strengthened cooperation with international development institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, obtained urgently needed financial and technical assistance, and introduced many advanced management experiences, management systems, and standardized operational mechanisms, thereby giving full play to the facilitating role of international assistance while adhering to independent development.
另一方面,中国共产党在实践中正确处理了自力更生与国际援助之间的关系。毛泽东曾明确表示:“我们中华民族有同自己的敌人血战到底的气概,有在自力更生的基础上光复旧物的决心,有自立于世界民族之林的能力。” 无论是在革命战争阶段还是发展建设时期,中国共产党都始终坚持以自力更生、独立自主来团结带领中国人民不断取得更大的胜利。但自力更生、独立自主不代表不需要国际援助,因为“在帝国主义存在的时代,任何国家的真正的人民革命,如果没有国际革命力量在各种不同方式上的援助,要取得自己的胜利是不可能的” ,所以“国际援助对于现代一切国家一切民族的革命斗争都是必要的” 。抗日战争时期,“我们的敌人是世界性的敌人,中国的抗战是世界性的抗战” 。日本侵略者有自己的强盗同盟,中国当然也要寻找友军,中国人民抗击侵略的战争当然需要国际人民的援助,既包括来自苏联方面的援助,也包括英美等帝国主义国家的援助。这些国际援助既弥补了中国革命力量的不足,也壮大了世界反法西斯统一战线中的和平力量。这并不是说没有外援,中国就不能抗战,中国共产党以实际行动彰显了坚决抗日的决心,并领导中国人民最终赢得了抗日战争的伟大胜利。改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期,中国共产党不断扩大对外开放,加强与世界银行、国际货币基金组织等国际发展机构的合作,获得了急需的资金技术援助,并引进很多先进的管理经验、管理制度以及规范化的运作机制,在坚持自主发展的基础上也充分发挥了国际援助的促进作用。
(2) Scientifically coordinating the domestic and international overall situations and the domestic and international united fronts
(二)科学统筹国内国际两个大局和国内国际两个统一战线
In any period, the domestic and international situations are closely linked and inseparable. To promote the development of the international united front, one cannot depart from China’s national conditions and the international environment in which it is situated, nor from the tasks and missions undertaken by the CPC and the principal contradictions it faces in a given period. Only by effectively coordinating the two overall situations of domestic and international affairs and closely integrating the domestic and international united fronts can the development and expansion of the international united front be continuously promoted.
在任何时期,国内国际形势都是紧密相连、不可分割的。要推动国际统一战线的发展,就不能脱离中国国情和所处的国际环境,不能脱离特定时期中国共产党所承担的任务使命、面临的主要矛盾,只有将国内国际两个大局有效统筹起来,把国内国际两个统一战线紧密结合起来,才能不断推动国际统一战线的发展和壮大。
Taking the relationship between the Anti-Japanese National United Front and the World Anti-Fascist United Front as an example, the two were closely linked and mutually reinforcing. Mao Zedong once profoundly revealed the realistic basis of the Party’s united front during the War of Resistance Against Japan, namely, “the two basic facts that Japanese imperialism is determined to turn all of China into its colony and that the present strength of the Chinese revolution still has serious weaknesses are the starting point for the Party’s new strategy, that is, the broad united front.”[33]33 Mao Zedong, “On the Tactics of the Anti-Japanese National United Front,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1, p. 155. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s analysis of the basis for the united front strategy. It can be seen that the direct impetus for the establishment of the two united fronts was that the Japanese imperialist aggressors became China’s main enemy and the principal problem facing the Chinese revolution, which led to changes in the Chinese revolutionary and counter-revolutionary fronts and pushed the revolutionary situation and the balance of forces to gradually shift from an unbalanced state to a balanced one. This was concretely manifested in the varying degrees of differentiation that occurred within the counter-revolutionary forces, including China’s national bourgeoisie, comprador class, landlord class, and the Kuomintang. Ultimately, under the guidance of the CPC’s line of total resistance against Japan, a broad national revolutionary united front, namely the Anti-Japanese National United Front, was established. At the same time, “Japanese imperialism was not only the enemy of China but also the enemy of the peace-loving peoples of the world.”[34]34 Mao Zedong, “On the New Stage,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 586. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s description of Japan as a common enemy. Japanese imperialism’s ambition to monopolize China inevitably conflicted with the schemes of other imperialist countries to maintain their interests and privileges in China, thereby intensifying the contradictions between Japan and other imperialist countries, which provided conditions for the Chinese revolution to gain broader international support. After the outbreak of the full-scale War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong’s understanding of the combination of the domestic and international united fronts deepened. In February 1938, at the Yan’an Anti-Aggression Conference, he proposed, “Now there are three anti-aggression united fronts: China’s united front, the world’s united front, and also Japan’s united front.”[35]35 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Yan’an Anti-Aggression Conference,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 130. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s proposal of three united fronts against aggression. The common goal of these three united fronts was to oppose the aggressive war of Japanese imperialism. It was precisely through the mutual reinforcement of the domestic and international united fronts that the Chinese people not only won the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan but also, together with the people of the world, thoroughly defeated fascism and won the victory in the World Anti-Fascist War.
以抗日民族统一战线和世界反法西斯统一战线的关系来看,二者之间紧密联系、相互促进。毛泽东曾深刻揭示抗日战争时期党的统一战线的现实基础,即“日本帝国主义决定要变全中国为它的殖民地,和中国革命的现时力量还有严重的弱点,这两个基本事实就是党的新策略即广泛的统一战线的出发点” 。由此可见,两个统一战线能够建立的直接驱动就是日本帝国主义侵略者成为中国的主要敌人和中国革命面临的主要问题,这导致了中国革命和反革命阵线的变动,并推动革命形势和力量对比由不平衡状态逐渐地向平衡状态转变,具体表现为中国的民族资产阶级、买办阶级、地主阶级以及国民党等反革命力量的内部都出现了不同程度的分化,最终在中国共产党全面抗战路线的指引下,建立了广泛的民族革命统一战线,即抗日民族统一战线。与此同时,“日本帝国主义不仅是中国的敌人,同时也是要求和平的世界各国人民的敌人” 。日本帝国主义要独占中国的野心必然与其他帝国主义国家维持其在中国利益特权的图谋相冲突,从而加剧日本与其他帝国主义国家之间的矛盾,这为中国革命获得更广泛的国际支持提供了条件。全民族抗战爆发后,毛泽东对国内国际两个统一战线相结合的认识更加深刻,于1938年2月在延安反侵略大会上提出,“现在有三个反侵略的统一战线:中国的统一战线,世界的统一战线,还有一个是日本的统一战线” 。这三个统一战线的一致目标就是反对日本帝国主义的侵略战争。正是在国内国际两个统一战线的相互促进下,中国人民不仅赢得了抗日战争的胜利,而且同世界人民一道彻底打败了法西斯主义,赢得了世界反法西斯战争的胜利。
As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters the New Era, the CPC has proposed that “the whole Party must coordinate the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with the changes unseen in a century in the world, deeply understand the new features and new requirements brought about by changes in the principal contradiction in Chinese society, and deeply understand the new contradictions and new challenges brought about by the complex international environment.”[36]36 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects – Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. This requires that the new international united front must also be built on the basis of effectively coordinating the “two overall situations.”[37]37 “Two overall situations” (两个大局) refers to the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world. The patriotic united front, as an important magic weapon for the CPC to unite all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, has acquired a broader international connotation in the New Era. This is reflected both in the continuous expansion of the subjects of the united front and in the dual attributes of its goal orientation, namely, to effectively link the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with the aspirations of the world’s people for development and progress, thereby both assisting the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and making new contributions to the noble cause of promoting world peace and development. This provides an important opportunity and impetus for the integration of the domestic and international united fronts. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC also proposed to develop and strengthen the patriotic forces that love the country, love Hong Kong and love Macao, to form a broader united front at home and abroad supporting “one country, two systems,” to forge a solid line of defense for maintaining the long-term stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and Macao and ensuring the steady and sustained implementation of “one country, two systems,” and to effectively promote the innovative development of united front work in the New Era.
中国特色社会主义进入新时代,中国共产党提出“全党要统筹中华民族伟大复兴战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局,深刻认识我国社会主要矛盾变化带来的新特征新要求,深刻认识错综复杂的国际环境带来的新矛盾新挑战” ,这就要求新的国际统一战线也必须建立在有效统筹“两个大局”的基础之上。爱国统一战线作为中国共产党团结海内外全体中华儿女实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要法宝,在新时代具有了更广泛的国际意蕴。这既体现在统一战线的主体不断扩大,也体现在其目标指向上的双重属性,即要将中华民族伟大复兴和世界人民谋求发展进步的诉求有效对接,既助力实现中华民族伟大复兴,也为促进世界和平与发展的崇高事业作出新贡献。这为国内国际统一战线的结合提供了重要契机和动力。党的二十大报告也提出,要发展壮大爱国爱港爱澳力量,形成更广泛的国内外支持“一国两制”的统一战线,为维护香港、澳门长期稳定繁荣、保证“一国两制”行稳致远铸就牢固防线,有力推动了新时代统一战线工作的创新发展。
(III) Adhering to the Organic Unity of Strategic Principle and Tactical Flexibility to Develop and Strengthen the International United Front
(三)坚持战略原则性和策略灵活性的有机统一以发展壮大国际统一战线
At the strategic level, the CPC has always closely integrated its own development with the development of the country, the nation and humanity. As the report of the 19th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: “The CPC is a party that seeks happiness for the Chinese people and also a party that strives for the progress of human affairs. The CPC has always taken making new and greater contributions to humanity as its mission.”[38]38 Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era – Report to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 18, 2017. It should be said that the nature and purpose of the CPC determine that China always adheres to the strategic thinking of the international united front and endows it with distinct strategic characteristics: in terms of nature, the international united front advocated by the CPC always adheres to values such as fairness and justice, peaceful development, and equal cooperation, and uses these as guidance to promote the development and strengthening of the international united front; in terms of goals, the CPC has always taken anti-aggression, anti-war and anti-hegemony as common goals in the international united front, and for the sake of achieving these goals, it unites and cooperates with a broader range of international forces; in terms of the objects of the united front, the CPC has always taken the colonized and semi-colonized countries in a position of being exploited and oppressed, as well as the vast number of developing countries that have achieved national independence and liberation, as important objects of the international united front, and regards strengthening unity and cooperation with developing countries as an important component of China’s international strategy, while at the same time advocating the development of friendly relations with all countries and peoples that love peace; in terms of identity positioning, China always acts as a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order, using the international united front as an important platform to actively assume international responsibilities and strive to make China’s contributions.
战略层面,中国共产党始终把自身发展同国家、民族、人类的发展紧密结合在一起。正如党的十九大报告指出的那样:“中国共产党是为中国人民谋幸福的政党,也是为人类进步事业而奋斗的政党。中国共产党始终把为人类作出新的更大的贡献作为自己的使命。” 应该说,中国共产党的性质和宗旨决定了中国始终坚持国际统一战线的战略思想,并赋予其鲜明的战略特征:从性质上看,中国共产党所倡导的国际统一战线始终坚持公平正义、和平发展、平等合作等价值理念,并以此为指导推动国际统一战线的发展壮大;从目标上看,中国共产党在国际统一战线中始终将反侵略、反战争、反霸权作为共同目标,并为实现上述目标去团结合作更广泛的国际力量;从统战对象看,中国共产党始终将处于被剥削被压迫地位的殖民地半殖民地国家和获得民族独立解放的广大发展中国家作为国际统战的重要对象,将加强与发展中国家的团结合作作为中国国际战略的重要组成部分,同时主张与一切爱好和平的国家和人民发展友好关系;从身份定位看,中国始终坚持做世界和平的建设者、人类发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者,以国际统一战线作为重要平台来积极承担国际责任、努力作出中国贡献。
On the basis of adhering to strategic guidance, the CPC has also deepened and expanded the thinking on the international united front at the tactical level in a targeted manner, according to changes in the domestic and international situation and its own tasks and goals in specific historical periods. Mao Zedong once pointed out: “When the situation of the revolution has changed, the tactics of the revolution and the leadership style of the revolution must also change accordingly.”[39]39 Mao Zedong, “On Policy,” in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 763. For example, in response to the new situation of Japanese imperialism’s full-scale invasion of China and the resulting changes in the tasks, goals and composition of forces of the Chinese revolution, the CPC proposed at different times the important initiatives of establishing an Eastern International Anti-Fascist United Front and a Pacific Anti-Japanese United Front. As the worldwide anti-fascist alliance continued to expand, the CPC also set the general task of the Chinese revolution at that time as “organizing all possible forces in the world into the anti-fascist and anti-aggression united front, in order to resist the crazy aggression of the three fascist countries and the attacks of fascists within each country.”[40]40 “Decision on the Current Situation and the Party’s Tasks,” in Selected Documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Vol. 14 (Beijing: Party History Publishing House, 2011), p. 598. In 1964, in response to the new situation of the rising tide of national liberation movements in the world and the continuous victories of the struggles of Asian, African and Latin American developing countries for national independence, Mao Zedong proposed that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America should form an international united front against imperialism. Under the strategic goal of opposing imperialism, at the tactical level, it was necessary to unite as broad a range of forces as possible to participate in the united front, so the composition of this united front was very diverse. “No matter what kind of person, whether black, white or yellow, no matter what religion he believes in, whether Catholic, Christian, Islamic or Buddhist, including a part of the national bourgeoisie, as long as he opposes imperialism, opposes the running dogs of imperialism, he should be united, only excluding the running dogs of imperialism in these countries.”[41]41 Mao Zedong, “Talk with a Delegation of the African People’s Congress,” in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 383. In the 1970s, when new changes occurred in the bipolar structure of US-Soviet hegemony, the CPC keenly recognized that under the common goal of opposing Soviet hegemonism, it was possible to cooperate with Western countries such as the United States, Japan and Europe, and to unite the Third World to jointly build an international united front against hegemonism, thereby making targeted adjustments to China’s diplomatic strategy, which not only effectively safeguarded national interests but also contributed to opposing hegemonism and maintaining world peace.
在坚持战略引领的基础上,中国共产党也根据特定历史时期国内外形势和自身任务目标的变化有针对性地从策略层面对国际统一战线思想进行深化拓展。毛泽东曾指出:“当着革命的形势已经改变的时候,革命的策略,革命的领导方式,也必须跟着改变。” 例如,针对日本帝国主义全面侵华这一新的态势以及由此带来的中国革命任务、目标和力量构成的变化,中国共产党在不同时期分别提出了成立东方国际反法西斯统一战线、太平洋反日统一战线的重要倡议。随着世界范围反法西斯同盟的不断扩大,中国共产党又将当时中国革命的总任务确定为“把全世界一切可能的力量都组织到反法西斯反侵略的统一战线内,用以抵抗三个法西斯国家的疯狂侵略与各国内部法西斯的袭击” 。1964年,针对世界民族解放浪潮高涨、亚非拉发展中国家争取民族独立的斗争不断取得胜利的新形势,毛泽东提出亚非拉人民应组成团结反帝的国际统一战线,在反对帝国主义这一战略目标的统领下,策略层面应尽可能去团结更广泛的力量参与到统一战线中来,所以这一统一战线的构成十分多样。“不管什么人,不管是黑人、白人或是黄种人,不管他信什么宗教,是天主教、基督教、伊斯兰教或佛教,也包括一部分民族资产阶级,只要是反对帝国主义的,反对帝国主义走狗的,都应该团结,只不包括帝国主义在这些国家内的走狗。” 在20世纪70年代美苏争霸两极格局出现新变化的情况下,中国共产党敏锐认识到在反对苏联霸权主义这一共同目标下,能够与美日欧等西方国家实现合作,能够团结第三世界共同构建反对霸权主义的国际统一战线,从而对中国外交策略作出针对性调整,既有效维护了国家利益,也为反对霸权主义、维护世界和平作出贡献。
III. Practical Paths for Consolidating and Developing the International United Front in the New Era
三、新时代巩固发展国际统一战线的实践路径
The world today is in a period of major development, major transformation and major adjustment. The deficits in peace, development, security and governance are intensifying, and human society is facing unprecedented challenges. The importance and necessity of building an international united front are becoming increasingly prominent. As a responsible major country, China should actively inherit and draw on historical experience, and strive to build a multi-form, multi-theme, multi-level international united front for the New Era from the aspects of conceptual guidance, force composition, agenda setting, and image building, giving full play to the important role of the international united front in responding to global challenges and promoting international cooperation.
当今世界正处于大发展大变革大调整时期,和平赤字、发展赤字、安全赤字、治理赤字加剧,人类社会面临前所未有的挑战,构建国际统一战线的重要性和必要性日益凸显。作为负责任大国,中国应积极传承借鉴历史经验,从理念引领、力量构成、议题设置、形象塑造等方面来着力构建多形式、多主题、多层次的新时代国际统一战线,充分发挥国际统一战线应对全球挑战、促进国际合作的重要作用。
First, with the goal of jointly building a community with a shared future for mankind and using the provision of international public goods as a lever, comprehensively promote the development and strengthening of the international united front in the New Era. An important issue in the united front is to properly handle the relationship between uniformity and diversity, which is particularly evident in the international united front. To effectively overcome differences, disagreements, and even contradictions and conflicts among international actors, it is necessary to have a “greatest common divisor” that guides all parties to promote dialogue and cooperation. The concept of a community with a shared future for mankind provides an answer to the question of how countries with different geographical regions, historical cultures, social systems, economic sizes and stages of development can cooperate and coexist,[42]42 Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind,” speech at the United Nations Office at Geneva, January 18, 2017. providing ideological guidance for building an international united front in the New Era. It can be said that the international united front in the New Era is the strategic deployment for realizing a community with a shared future for mankind, while a community with a shared future for mankind is the conceptual guidance and goal of the international united front in the New Era.[43]43 See Wang Lian, “The International United Front in the New Era: Connotation, Characteristics and Tasks,” Journal of the Central Institute of Socialism, no. 1 (2023), p. 52. At the present stage, China has joined hands with multiple countries and international organizations to jointly build diverse communities, such as building communities with a shared future with Pakistan, Laos, Kazakhstan, Thailand and other countries at the bilateral level, and establishing multilateral communities with a shared future such as the China-Africa community with a shared future, the China-Latin America community with a shared future, the China-Arab community with a shared future, and the China-Pacific Island Countries community with a shared future at the regional level. These successful practices have laid a solid foundation for establishing and consolidating the international united front. As the initiator and promoter of the international united front in the New Era, China should adhere to the unity of uniformity and diversity in international affairs, build a new type of international relations featuring mutual respect, fairness and justice, and win-win cooperation, promote high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative, adhere to the distinctive Chinese concept of global governance featuring extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, establish a new security concept of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, take the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative and the Global Governance Initiative as focal points, provide more international public goods at the conceptual, institutional, rule and practical levels, advocate an equal and orderly multipolar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, and rely on the international united front to jointly build a community with a shared future for mankind.
第一,以携手构建人类命运共同体为目标,以提供国际公共产品为抓手,全面推动新时代国际统一战线的发展壮大。统一战线中的一个重要问题就是要处理好一致性与多样性之间的关系,这在国际统一战线中体现得尤为明显。要有效克服国际行为体之间的差异、分歧甚至是矛盾和冲突,就需要有引导各方的“最大公约数”来推进对话合作,人类命运共同体理念对不同地理区域、历史文化、社会制度、经济体量和发展阶段的国家如何合作共存的问题给出了答案 ,为构建新时代国际统一战线提供了思想引领。可以说,新时代国际统一战线是实现人类命运共同体的战略部署,人类命运共同体则是新时代国际统一战线的理念指导和目标所在 。现阶段,中国携手多个国家和国际组织共同构建了多样态共同体,如在双边层面与巴基斯坦、老挝、哈萨克斯坦、泰国等多个国家共同打造命运共同体,在地区层面建立了中非命运共同体、中拉命运共同体、中阿命运共同体、中国—太平洋岛国命运共同体等多边命运共同体。这些成功实践为建立和巩固国际统一战线打下了坚实基础。作为新时代国际统一战线的倡议者和推动者,中国在国际事务中应坚持一致性和多样性统一,建设相互尊重、公平正义、合作共赢的新型国际关系,推动高质量共建“一带一路”,坚持共商共建共享的中国特色全球治理观,树立共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观,以全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议和全球治理倡议为着力点,从观念、制度、规则和实践层面提供更多的国际公共产品,倡导平等有序的世界多极化和普惠包容的经济全球化,以国际统一战线为依托合力构建人类命运共同体。
Second, take Global South countries as the main targets of the united front work, and strengthen the composition of forces of the international united front. “A front is directed against certain subjects, while the construction of a community takes the contradictions between subjects as its object.” [44]44 Wang Xinying and Zhang Xianyan, “The Historical Process, Basic Experience and Practical Path of the CPC in Promoting the Building of an International United Front,” *Journal of the Central Institute of Socialism*, no. 6 (2024): 5-16. The quotation is from an internal source. The key to a united front lies in uniting the majority, and the building of an international united front must also grasp the majority among international actors. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the international balance of power has undergone revolutionary changes. The traditional “the West is strong, the East is weak” structure of international forces has shown a new trend of “the East is rising, the West is declining.” The growth and development of the Global South is the most distinctive sign of the times. This has promoted the growth of forces for peace and development worldwide, and has also provided a realistic basis for building an international united front for peaceful development. The status and role of Global South countries in international affairs have significantly improved, greatly promoting the process of multipolarity in the world and also facilitating the development and transformation of the global governance system. They are an important constituent subject of the international united front in the New Era. Whether it is responding to the threat of hegemonism and power politics represented by the United States, or achieving the Sustainable Development Goals on schedule, the participation of Global South countries is indispensable. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “The common march of ‘Global South’ countries toward modernization is a major event in world history and an unprecedented feat in the process of human civilization.” [45]45 Xi Jinping, “Joining Hands to Advance Modernization and Create a Bright Future Together,” keynote speech at the “BRICS Plus” Dialogue, August 24, 2023. As a natural member of the Global South, China should advance hand in hand with Global South countries, becoming a stable force for maintaining peace, a backbone force for common development, a constructive force for global governance, and a promoting force for mutual learning among civilizations. Efforts should be made to enhance the representation and voice of Global South countries in international affairs, and to gather a powerful joint force against hegemonism and for upholding international fairness and justice through channels such as reforming mechanisms and rules and strengthening institutional cooperation. Realizing modernization is the common goal and aspiration of the people of all countries. The CPC “will always link its own destiny closely with the destiny of the people of all countries, strive to use the new achievements of Chinese-path modernization to provide new opportunities for world development, provide new impetus for humanity’s exploration of the path to modernization, and make new contributions to the innovation of the theory and practice of human social modernization.” [46]46 Xi Jinping, “Holding High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Striving in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects,” report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, October 16, 2022. This provides a solid realistic foundation and broad space for cooperation for China and Global South countries to engage in exchanges and mutual learning on modernization and to walk the path of modernization together. In addition, China should also expand the composition of forces of the international united front by developing major-country partnerships and good-neighborly relations with surrounding countries, uniting and mobilizing the broadest possible international forces to participate in the united front.
第二,以全球南方国家为主要统战对象,壮大国际统一战线的力量构成。“战线是以某些主体作为针对对象的,而共同体的构建是以主体间的矛盾为对象的。” 统一战线的关键在于团结大多数,国际统一战线的构建也必须抓住国际行为体中的大多数。进入21世纪以来,国际力量对比出现了革命性变化,传统的“西强东弱”国际力量结构呈现出“东升西降”的新趋势,全球南方的发展壮大是最鲜明的时代标志,这推动了世界范围内和平与发展力量的壮大,也为构建和平发展的国际统一战线提供了现实基础。全球南方国家在国际事务中的地位作用显著提升,极大推动了世界多极化进程,也促进了全球治理体系的发展变革,是新时代国际统一战线的重要构成主体。无论是应对以美国为代表的霸权主义和强权政治威胁,还是如期实现可持续发展目标,都离不开全球南方国家的参与。正如习近平总书记指出的那样:“‘全球南方’国家共同迈向现代化是世界历史上一件大事,也是人类文明进程中史无前例的壮举。” 作为全球南方的天然成员,中国应与全球南方国家携手并进,成为维护和平的稳定力量、共同发展的中坚力量、全球治理的建设力量和文明互鉴的促进力量,着力提升全球南方国家在国际事务中的代表性和话语权,通过机制规则改革、加强制度性合作等渠道汇聚起反对霸权主义、维护国际公平正义的强大合力。实现现代化是世界各国人民的共同目标和诉求,中国共产党“将始终把自身命运同各国人民的命运紧紧联系在一起,努力以中国式现代化新成就为世界发展提供新机遇,为人类对现代化道路的探索提供新助力,为人类社会现代化理论和实践创新作出新贡献” ,这就使中国与全球南方国家开展现代化交流互鉴、携手同行现代化之路具备了坚实的现实基础和广阔的合作空间。此外,中国还应通过发展大国伙伴关系、周边睦邻关系等来扩大国际统一战线的力量构成,尽可能团结调动最广泛的国际力量参与到统一战线中来。
Third, strengthen issue orientation and the setting of issue coalitions, in order to enhance the cohesion and action capability of the international united front in the New Era. Issue coalitions are a common form of international cooperation and are favored by international actors because of their strong targeting and cohesion. Given the widespread diversity and differences among international actors, setting effective cooperation issues on the basis of seeking common ground while reserving differences and thereby establishing issue-based international united fronts is an effective path for building an international united front in the New Era. The issue-setting of the international united front has the characteristics of being multi-field, multi-dimensional, and multi-level. China should start with issues that are representative and can reflect the common demands and goals of the international community. For example, taking the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as a cooperation framework, and taking the promotion and implementation of the Global Development Initiative as the main starting point, China should work with the international community to place development issues at the core of the international agenda, and promote the establishment of an international united front for development by jointly cultivating new drivers of global development and building global development partnerships. Taking the issue of climate change and environmental protection as another example, the international community has established a multilateral cooperation framework under the leadership of the United Nations in response to this common threat and challenge, and has passed a series of agreements such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement, forming a broad international consensus and consolidating international joint efforts for environmental protection. The international united front for environmental protection has thus been deeply developed. This has not only promoted the common will and practical actions of the international community to strengthen environmental protection, but has also provided an important institutional platform for relevant parties to deepen understanding and enhance mutual trust. Its “spillover effect” can promote international cooperation in other fields. In response to the current complex situation in Sino-US relations, China should focus on responding to the US strategic competition with China to build an international united front for the New Era. [47]47 The authors refer here to the strategic competition initiated by the United States against China, including trade, technology, and geopolitical pressures. This requires both expanding the “circle of friends” and building global partnerships through concrete measures to effectively alleviate the international pressure brought by the US competitive strategy towards China, and also recognizing that although there are clear differences in Sino-US relations, there is still realistic demand and broad space for cooperation between the two sides in areas such as addressing global climate change and resolving major geopolitical crises. Accordingly, efforts should be made to promote dialogue and cooperation between China and the US in these areas, and to work together to forge a new international united front around focal issues of common concern to both sides.
第三,加强议题导向和议题联盟设置,以提升新时代国际统一战线的凝聚力和行动力。议题联盟(issue coalition)是国际合作中的一种常见形式,并因其针对性和凝聚性强而受到国际行为体的青睐。鉴于国际行为体之间普遍存在的多样性和差异性,在求同存异基础上设定有效的合作议题进而建立议题性国际统一战线,是构建新时代国际统一战线的有效路径。国际统一战线的议题设置具有多领域、多维度、多层次的特点,中国应从具有代表性、能够反映国际社会共性诉求和目标的议题入手,如以联合国2030年可持续发展议程为合作框架,以全球发展倡议的推进落实为主要抓手,与国际社会共同将发展议题置于国际议程的核心位置,并通过共同培育全球发展新动能、打造全球发展伙伴关系等方式来推动建立国际发展统一战线。再以气候变化和环境保护议题为例,国际社会针对这一共同威胁挑战确立了联合国主导下的多边合作框架,通过了《联合国气候变化框架公约》《京都议定书》《巴黎协定》等系列协议,形成了广泛的国际共识、凝聚了环境保护的国际合力,国际环境保护统一战线也因此得到了深入发展。这不仅推动了国际社会加强环境保护的共同意愿和实际行动,而且为相关各方加深了解、增进互信提供了重要的机制平台,其“外溢效应”能够对其他领域的国际合作起到推进作用。针对当前中美关系出现的复杂态势,中国应以应对美国对华战略博弈为焦点来构建新时代中国国际统一战线 ,既要通过切实举措扩大“朋友圈”、打造全球伙伴关系来有效缓解美国对华竞争战略所带来的国际压力,也要意识到中美关系尽管存在明显分歧,但双方在应对全球气候变化、解决重大地缘政治危机等领域依然具有开展合作的现实需求和广阔空间,据此着力促进中美在上述领域的对话合作,并围绕双方共同关注的焦点议题协力打造新的国际统一战线。
Fourth, strengthen the shaping, presentation and dissemination of China’s national image, to consolidate cognitive and emotional consensus for building an international united front in the New Era. In recent years, China has contributed a series of proposals and ideas to deepen international cooperation and address global challenges. However, this has triggered so-called strong concerns, criticism and accusations from some Western countries, which have concocted a series of false narratives that deliberately smear China’s image and exaggerate the “China threat.” This not only damages China’s international image, but is also detrimental to consolidating the strategic consensus for building an international united front. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party emphasized the need to “accelerate the construction of a Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system, and comprehensively enhance the effectiveness of international communication.” [48]48 “Communiqué of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,” July 18, 2024. This also puts forward new requirements for the work of the international united front in the New Era. To this end, we should base ourselves on the great practice of Chinese-path modernization, comprehensively and accurately present and disseminate the path, concepts, achievements and experience contributions of Chinese-path modernization to the world, and vigorously enhance the influence of international communication, the appeal of Chinese culture, the affinity of China’s image, the persuasiveness of Chinese discourse, and the guiding power of international public opinion. In the process of shaping and disseminating the national image, efforts should be made to realize a paradigm shift from “unilateral narration” to “co-narration,” so that the world can understand a true, multi-dimensional and comprehensive China, understand the humanistic feelings and global responsibility of the CPC as a responsible major party, gradually accept and recognize a credible, lovable and respectable image of China, and then build a broad international united front on the basis of mutual trust and mutual benefit.
第四,加强中国国家形象的塑造展示和传播,为构建新时代国际统一战线凝聚认知和情感共识。近年来,中国为深化国际合作、应对全球挑战贡献了系列方案主张,但这引发了部分西方国家的所谓强烈担忧、批评和指责,并炮制出一系列刻意抹黑中国形象、渲染中国威胁的不实论调。这既损害了中国的国际形象,也不利于凝聚构建国际统一战线的战略共识。党的二十届三中全会强调要“加快构建中国话语和中国叙事体系,全面提升国际传播效能” ,这也对新时代的国际统一战线工作提出了新要求。为此,应立足中国式现代化的伟大实践,将中国式现代化的道路、理念、成就和经验贡献全面准确地展示给世界,大力提高国际传播影响力、中华文化感召力、中国形象亲和力、中国话语说服力、国际舆论引导力。在国家形象塑造传播过程中,要着力实现从“单方讲述”向“共同叙事”的理念范式转变,让世界了解一个真实、立体、全面的中国,了解中国共产党作为负责任大党的人类情怀和世界担当,逐步接受认可一个可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象,进而在互信互利的基础上构建起广泛的国际统一战线。
Facing unprecedented changes of a kind not seen in a century in the world, in the times, and in history, China should give full play to the unique advantages of the united front as a magic weapon in international affairs, inherit and carry forward the historical experience and fine traditions of the CPC in promoting the building of an international united front, actively promote the deepening and innovation of the international united front in the New Era, create a favorable international environment for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and make greater Chinese contributions to maintaining world peace and development and jointly building a community with a shared future for mankind.
面对前所未有的世界之变、时代之变、历史之变,中国应在国际事务中充分发挥统一战线这一法宝的独特优势,传承弘扬中国共产党推动构建国际统一战线的历史经验和优良传统,积极推动新时代国际统一战线的深化创新,为实现中华民族伟大复兴营造良好国际环境,也为维护世界和平与发展、携手构建人类命运共同体作出更大的中国贡献。
Notes
- Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 6 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1976), p. 502. ↩
- Karl Marx, *General Rules of the International Working Men's Association*, in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1985), p. 14. ↩
- Mao Zedong, "Why Is It That Red Political Power Can Exist in China?" (October 5, 1928), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 65. ↩
- The September 18th Incident (1931) was a staged event used by the Japanese Kwantung Army as a pretext to invade and occupy Northeast China. ↩
- Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism" (December 27, 1935), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 155. ↩
- Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism," p. 164. ↩
- Mao Zedong, "On the Tactics of Fighting Japanese Imperialism," p. 166. ↩
- Mao Zedong, "Interview with Edgar Snow" (July 16, 1936), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, Vol. I (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 101. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Commemorative Meeting Marking the 70th Anniversary of the Victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War” (September 3, 2015). ↩
- “CPC Central Committee Decision on the International United Front” (June 23, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 157. ↩
- “CPC Central Committee Decision on the International United Front” (June 23, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 157. ↩
- “CPC Central Committee Directive on the Pacific Anti-Japanese United Front” (December 9, 1941), in *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 13, p. 264. ↩
- “Striking a new stove” meant not recognizing the diplomatic relations and treaties of the old government and establishing new ones; “cleaning the house before inviting guests” meant clearing out imperialist influence before establishing diplomatic relations with Western countries; “leaning to one side” meant allying with the Soviet-led socialist camp. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Address to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Conference” (June 15, 1949), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1466. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Eighth National Congress of the CPC” (September 15, 1956), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 5, p. 322. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” (February 27, 1957), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 5, p. 398. ↩
- “One line” referred to a strategic line linking China, the United States, Japan, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Europe to counter Soviet expansion; “one large area” referred to the vast region of developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong” (August 1946), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1193. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Talk with a Delegation from the Japanese Socialist Party” (January 1964), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 8, p. 378. ↩
- Deng Xiaoping, “Maintaining World Peace and Promoting Economic Development” (May 29, 1984), in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3, p. 56. ↩
- Deng Xiaoping, “Peace and Development Are the Two Major Issues in the World Today,” March 4, 1985, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 127. ↩
- Deng Xiaoping, “Speech at the Opening Ceremony of the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” September 1, 1982, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 3. ↩
- The phrase “China dimension” and “world dimension” here refers to a shift in the focus of the united front work from primarily serving China’s domestic goals to also serving international objectives. ↩
- “The Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference Held in Beijing,” *People’s Daily*, August 24, 2006. ↩
- “One line, one large area” (一条线、一大片) was a strategic concept proposed by Mao Zedong in the 1970s, referring to a line of countries from the United States to Japan, China, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Europe, and a large area encompassing countries around this line, aimed at countering Soviet hegemonism. ↩
- Jiang Zemin, “Report to the Fourteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 12, 1992, in *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2006), p. 241. ↩
- Jiang Zemin, “Report to the Sixteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” November 8, 2002, in *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2006), p. 567. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind,” January 18, 2017, speech at the United Nations Office at Geneva. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the Policy of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1473. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s speech expressing China’s determination for self-reliance and independence. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s argument on the necessity of international support for revolutionary struggles. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4, p. 1474. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s emphasis on the importance of international assistance. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the New Stage,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 586. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s characterization of the global nature of the war against Japan. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the Tactics of the Anti-Japanese National United Front,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1, p. 155. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s analysis of the basis for the united front strategy. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On the New Stage,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 586. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s description of Japan as a common enemy. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Yan’an Anti-Aggression Conference,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, p. 130. [n] This is a reference to Mao’s proposal of three united fronts against aggression. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects – Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. ↩
- “Two overall situations” (两个大局) refers to the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era – Report to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 18, 2017. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “On Policy,” in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 763. ↩
- “Decision on the Current Situation and the Party’s Tasks,” in Selected Documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Vol. 14 (Beijing: Party History Publishing House, 2011), p. 598. ↩
- Mao Zedong, “Talk with a Delegation of the African People’s Congress,” in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 383. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind,” speech at the United Nations Office at Geneva, January 18, 2017. ↩
- See Wang Lian, “The International United Front in the New Era: Connotation, Characteristics and Tasks,” Journal of the Central Institute of Socialism, no. 1 (2023), p. 52. ↩
- Wang Xinying and Zhang Xianyan, “The Historical Process, Basic Experience and Practical Path of the CPC in Promoting the Building of an International United Front,” *Journal of the Central Institute of Socialism*, no. 6 (2024): 5-16. The quotation is from an internal source. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Joining Hands to Advance Modernization and Create a Bright Future Together,” keynote speech at the “BRICS Plus” Dialogue, August 24, 2023. ↩
- Xi Jinping, “Holding High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Striving in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects,” report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, October 16, 2022. ↩
- The authors refer here to the strategic competition initiated by the United States against China, including trade, technology, and geopolitical pressures. ↩
- “Communiqué of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,” July 18, 2024. ↩