Marxism in the Course of the African Socialist Movement

Since its birth, Marxism has been entrusted with a great historical mission. Adhering to the lofty purport of "the emancipation of all humanity," it has spread and developed widely across the world. Looking back on the dissemination of Marxism, it is not difficult to see that it has left its unique imprint in various countries, giving rise to diverse forms of Marxism, such as Soviet Marxism represented by Leninism, the Sinicization of Marxism proposed by Mao Zedong and the subsequent theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and Latin American Marxism represented by Castro in Cuba and Mariátegui in Peru. It can be seen that the process of Marxism's dissemination in different countries and regions is a process of interaction between Marxism and local practice. Although the influence of dogmatic Marxism existed in practice, most countries ultimately reached a consensus on the localization of Marxism in their vision of developing socialism. On the African continent, the dissemination and development of Marxism are closely integrated with the African socialist movement, or rather, Marxism plays an important role in the African socialist movement. Along with the ups and downs of the development of African socialism, Marxism in Africa has also gone through three stages: introduction and rise, prosperity and development, and decline and low ebb, presenting different forms and characteristics at each stage.

马克思主义自诞生之际便被赋予伟大的历史使命，其秉承“全人类解放”的崇高旨趣，在世界范围内广泛传播与发展。回溯马克思主义的传播历程，不难发现，它在世界各国都刻下了独有印迹，形成各式各样的马克思主义，如以列宁主义为代表的前苏联马克思主义，毛泽东提出将马克思主义民族化与随后形成的中国特色社会主义理论体系，以及以古巴的卡斯特罗、秘鲁的马里亚特吉为代表的拉美化马克思主义等等。可以看出，马克思主义在不同国家和地区传播的过程，就是马克思主义与当地实践互动的历程。尽管在实践中存在教条式马克思主义的影响，但多数国家在发展社会主义的愿景上最终都达成了马克思主义本土化的共识。在非洲大陆，马克思主义的传播和发展是与非洲社会主义运动密切结合的，或者说，马克思主义在非洲社会主义运动中扮演重要角色。伴随着非洲社会主义发展的起伏，马克思主义在非洲也历经传入兴起、繁荣发展以及衰退低潮三个阶段，并在各个阶段呈现出不同的形态与特征。

I. Marxism and the Rise of the African Socialist Movement

一、马克思主义与非洲社会主义运动的兴起

The October Revolution in Russia not only brought Marxism to China but also had a profound impact on oppressed nations and countries worldwide. Since the 1920s, the specter of Marxism began to roam the African continent. Before African countries achieved independence and liberation, Marxism had already begun to spread in areas where the working class was relatively concentrated. In some regions, Marxist-Leninist communist groups, associations, and organizations emerged, and even the earliest Marxist political parties on the African continent were born in South Africa and Egypt. Under the leadership of organizations and parties of a Marxist-Leninist nature, the workers' movement in these areas began to rise, directly targeting colonialism and gradually moving towards a liberation struggle for national independence. Therefore, the rise of the African socialist movement is closely related to the spread of Marxism in Africa.

俄国十月革命不仅为中国送来了马克思主义，而且也在全世界范围内对被压迫民族和国家产生了深远影响。20世纪20年代以来，马克思主义的幽灵开始在非洲大陆游荡，在非洲国家未取得独立解放胜利之前，马克思主义就已经开始在工人阶级较为集中的地区传播，部分地区产生了马克思列宁主义的共产小组、社团以及组织，甚至在南非、埃及诞生了非洲大陆最早的马克思主义政党。在具有马列性质的组织和政党领导下，这些地区的工人运动开始兴起，目标直指殖民主义，逐步走向为争取民族独立的解放斗争。因此，非洲社会主义运动的兴起与马克思主义在非洲的传播有着密切关联。

First, the international communist camp, especially the Communist International (Comintern), was the engine for the spread of Marxism in Africa. In July 1921, the earliest Marxist-Leninist party in Africa, the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), was founded under the guidance of the Comintern. At the same time, a large workers' organization dominated by whites, the International Socialist League, was formed in South Africa, which provided favorable conditions for South Africa to be the first to access the latest developments of the European socialist movement. "The International, published by the International Socialists, began reporting on the development of the Russian Revolution from February 1917." [i] Subsequently, the news of the victory of the October Revolution in Russia greatly inspired the South African working class and strengthened their determination to establish their own "Soviet" power. On July 29, 1921, major revolutionary groups represented by the left wing of the South African Labour Party held a meeting in Cape Town, decided to establish the Communist Party of South Africa, and joined the Comintern. For a period thereafter, the CPSA dialectically implemented the policies issued by the Comintern, and even refused to implement some policies that did not conform to South Africa's national conditions. For example, "from 1924 to 1929, the Comintern required the CPSA to adopt a non-white nationalist policy and abandon the South African nationalist policy. Many party members refused to execute this instruction from Moscow, which did not conform to South Africa's national conditions." [ii] The South African communists dared to reject Soviet dogmatic Marxism-Leninism and still made tremendous contributions in the struggle for black equality and economic and political rights. As an autonomous part of the Comintern, the Marxist atmosphere in South Africa was relatively strong, and the diversity of organizations promoted debates among intellectuals and the spread of Marxism among the people.

第一，国际共产主义阵营尤其共产国际是马克思主义在非洲的传播的引擎。1921年7月，非洲最早的马列主义政党——“南非共产党”在共产国际的指导下成立。与此同时，南非形

At the same time, the socialist movement flourished in other parts of Africa. As early as May 1922, the Comintern published the "International Communist Action Program for the Liberation of Algeria and Tunisia," calling for the liberation of Algeria and Tunisia. The Comintern recognized the dangers posed by violent repression and urged the French working class to support the struggles of North African workers and French soldiers. Thus, the French working class could assist the revolution in the colonial countries while resisting imperialism at home. It was not until 1936 that the Algerian Communist Party was established with the influence and support of the French Communist Party. Subsequently, the Algerian Communist Party occupied all the political space of the anti-colonial socialist left and engaged in heated debates with Algerian nationalists on issues of the state and land. Although the initial dependence of the Algerian Communist Party on the French Communist Party hindered their theoretical work, the growth of the Algerian communist faction and the rapidly changing conditions during the war of independence forced Algerian Marxists to adopt a unique stance. Furthermore, the Comintern was also active in countries such as Ethiopia and Somalia, sending teachers and Marxists to these countries, promoting the spread of Marxist-Leninist thought in these regions. Thus, the international communist camp made significant contributions to the spread of Marxism in Africa.

成了一个庞大的以白人为主体的工人组织——国际社会主义者联盟，这为南非第一时间接触欧洲社会主义运动的最新动态提供了有利条件。“国际社会主义者出版的《国际报》从1917年2月起就开始报道俄国革命发展的消息。”[i]随后，俄国十月革命胜利的消息传来，极大地鼓舞了南非工人阶级，并坚定其建立南非自己的“苏维埃”政权。1921年7月29日，以南非工党左翼为代表的各大革命团体在开普敦召开会议，决定成立南非共产党，并加入共产国际。在此后的一段时间，南非共产党辩证地执行共产国际下达的政策，乃至拒绝执行部分与南非国情不相符的政策。例如，“1924-1929年，共产国际要求南非共产党采取非白人民族主义政策，放弃南非民族主义政策，许多党员拒绝执行莫斯科这一不符合南非国情的指示。”[ii]南非共产党人敢于拒绝苏联教条式马列主义，在争取黑人平等和经济政治权利方面依然作出了巨大贡献。作为共产国际的一个自治部分，南非的马克思主义氛围较为浓烈，组织的多元化促进了知识分子的辩论，促进了马克思主义在民间的传播。

At the same time, the socialist movement flourished in other regions of Africa. As early as May 1922, the Communist International published the *International Communist Action Programme for the Liberation of Algeria and Tunisia*, calling for the liberation of Algeria and Tunisia. The Comintern noted the dangers posed by violent repression and urged the French working class to support the struggles of North African workers and French soldiers. Thus, the French working class could resist imperialism at home while simultaneously assisting revolution in the colonial countries. It was not until 1936 that the Algerian Communist Party was established under the influence and support of the French Communist Party. Subsequently, the Algerian Communist Party occupied all the political space of the anti-colonial socialist left and engaged in fierce debates with Algerian nationalists over issues of the nation and the land. Although the Algerian Communist Party's initial dependence on the French Communist Party hindered their theoretical work, the growth of the Algerian communist faction and the rapidly changing conditions during the war of independence forced Algerian Marxists to adopt a unique stance. Furthermore, the Comintern was also active in countries such as Ethiopia and Somalia, sending teachers and Marxists to these countries, thereby advancing the spread of Marxist-Leninist thought in these regions. Thus, it can be seen that the international communist camp made an important contribution to the dissemination of Marxism in Africa.

与此同时，社会主义运动在非洲其它地区蓬勃兴起。早在1922年5月，共产国际出版了《解放阿尔及利亚和突尼斯国际共产主义行动纲领》，呼吁解放阿尔及利亚和突尼斯。共产国际注意到暴力镇压造成的危险，敦促法国工人阶级支持北非工人和法国士兵的斗争。于是，法国工人阶级就可以在国内反抗帝国主义的同时协助殖民地国家的革命。直到1936年，阿尔及利亚共产党在法国共产党的影响与支持下成立。随后，阿尔及利亚共产党占据了反殖民社会主义左翼的所有政治空间，和阿尔及利亚民族主义者就国家和土地问题进行了激烈辩论。尽管最初阿尔及利亚共产党对法国共产党的依赖阻碍了他们的理论工作，但阿尔及利亚共产主义分子阵营的壮大和独立战争期间迅速变化的条件迫使阿尔及利亚马克思主义者承担独有的立场。此外，共产国际的身影还活跃在埃塞俄比亚、索马里等国家，为这些国家输送教师与马克思主义者，推进了马克思列宁思想在这些地区的传播。由此可见，国际共产主义阵营对马克思主义在非洲的传播作出重要贡献。

Second, the personal influence of colonialism and of intellectuals in immigrant cities was the main pathway for the spread of Marxism in Africa. The history of colonialism can be traced back to the opening of new sea routes, and by the twentieth century, colonialism assumed new forms, infringing on the sovereignty of colonized territories, seizing land, and plundering wealth. The colonial expansion of the bourgeoisie caused incalculable destruction to colonized regions, and for Africa in particular, it constitutes a history of blood and tears. Yet, as Marx stated: “The bourgeoisie has played a most revolutionary role in history.”[iii] It “has drawn all nations, even the most barbarian, into civilization.”[iv] It can be said that colonialism, to a certain extent, accelerated the enlightenment and civilization of backward nations, incorporating barbaric civilizations into world history. Thus, Marxist currents of thought, accompanying the colonial movement, were able to spread in the colonized countries of Africa. In Senegal, a French colony, the French Socialist Party had already begun activities there shortly after the end of World War I. A large number of Socialist Party members and teachers were sent to Senegal to serve as colonial officials or to teach, “beginning to vigorously spread the social democratic ideas of the early Socialist Party leaders Jaurès and Blum, and also spreading Marxist-Leninist doctrine.”[v] In Guinea, also a French colony, Sékou Touré maintained close ties with the French Communist Party, began to accept Marxist-Leninist viewpoints, established communist study groups, and supported the liberation struggle of the colonies. In Sudan, “some British communists held positions in the colonial administration; they actively propagated Marxism among Sudanese intellectuals and students.”[vi] Influenced by this, some students and people of insight joined the “Sudanese National Liberation Movement” (the predecessor of the Sudanese Communist Party) and actively participated in the struggle against British colonialism. On the other hand, Marxism’s influence in Africa also spread from coastal areas through ports, cities, and railways, such as Cape Town and the Witwatersrand in South Africa, Brazzaville in the Congo, Bissau in Guinea-Bissau, and the Angolan capital Luanda. The spread of Marxism in these central cities was often accompanied by the cultural activities of immigrant intellectuals. Its influence as a theory and a political movement was mainly manifested in immigrant societies with an urban proletariat, especially in countries like South Africa and Algeria, which were colonized by the British and French empires respectively. In South Africa, due to its relatively relaxed political environment and immigration policies, various currents of thought were brought in by immigrants from around the world. Cape Town, then the capital of South Africa, had already become a veritable ideological melting pot. “During periods of social and political upheaval, exiles from Eastern Europe, British immigrants, and South African intellectuals, both black and white, met and connected with each other.”[vii] These immigrants generally possessed a high level of cultural attainment and were capable of spreading the latest ideas generated by European revolutions, including Marxism-Leninism. In Cape Town, immigrant intellectuals and local residents interacted through leftist clubs, cultural salons, and regular Trotskyist discussion groups. These cultural activities had a significant impact on South African society; for example, the formation of the South African Workers’ Party and the later “Non-European Unity Movement” both had deep roots in these activities.

第二，殖民主义和移民城市的知识分子的个人影响是马克思主义在非洲传播的主要路径。殖民主义的历史最早可以追溯到新航路的开辟，而到20世纪，殖民主义以新的形式对殖民地进行主权侵犯、土地侵占以及财富掠夺等。资产阶级的殖民扩张对被殖民地区造成不可估量的破坏，尤其对于非洲来说，更是一部血泪史。然而，正如马克思所言：“资产阶级在历史上曾经起过非常革命的作用。”[iii]它“把一切民族甚至最野蛮的民族都卷到文明中来了。”[iv]可以说，殖民主义在某种程度上加速了落后民族的开化与启蒙，将野蛮文明纳入世界历史。由此，马克思主义思潮伴随着殖民主义运动得以在非洲被殖民国家传播。在塞内加尔，作为法国的殖民地，法国社会党早在一战结束便在当地开始活动，大量的社会党人士和教师被派往塞内加尔就任殖民官员或任教，“开始大力传播社会党早期领导人饶勒斯和勃鲁姆的社会民主主义思想，也传播了马列主义学说。”[v]在几内亚，同样作为法属殖民地，赛克·杜尔同法国共产党密切联系，开始接受马列主义的观点，成立共产主义学习小组，支持殖民地的解放运动斗争。在苏丹，“一些英国共产党在殖民当局任职，他们在苏丹的知识分子和学生之间积极宣称马克思主义，”[vi]受其影响，一些学生和有识之士加入“苏丹民族解放运动”（苏丹共产党的前身），并积极参与反对英殖民主义的斗争。另一方面，马克思主义在非洲的影响力也通过港口、城市和铁路从沿海地区扩散开来，如南非开普敦和威特沃斯特兰德、刚果布拉柴维尔、几内亚比绍以及安哥拉首府罗安达等。这些中心城市的马克思主义传播，往往伴随着移民知识分子的文化活动，它作为一种理论和一种政治运动的影响主要体现在拥有城市无产阶级的移民社会，尤其是在分别被英法帝国殖民的南非和阿尔及利亚等国家。在南非，由于其宽松的政治环境与移民政策，各种思潮伴随着世界各地的移民传入南非，尤其是当时南非的首都开普敦，已经成为一个名副其实的意识形态熔炉。“在社会和政治动荡时期，来自东欧的流亡者、英国移民和南非知识分子，无论是黑人还是白人，相遇并相互联系在一起”。[vii]这类移民普遍具有较高的文化素养，有能力传播彼时欧洲革命产生的最新思想，其中就包括马克思列宁主义。在开普敦，移民知识分子与当地居民通过左翼俱乐部、文化沙龙和定期举行的托洛茨基讨论小组进行交流，这些文化活动对南非社会产生重大影响，如南非工人党的成立以及后来的“非欧统一运动”都与之存在颇深渊源。

Third, the Pan-Africanist movement was the main platform for Marxism to become popular and exert influence in Africa. Due to Africa’s tragic historical experience, it has been called the “Crying Continent.” Africa yearned to unite, to bring together all Black forces to strive for national independence. Based on these demands and aspirations, the African “Pan-Africanist” current of thought began to rise. As early as February 1919, the first Pan-African Congress issued an “Appeal to the Nations of the World,” pointing out the justice of the Pan-Africanist cause. From then on, Pan-Africanist thought resonated strongly in the Black world. In 1944, the Pan-African Federation (the predecessor of the African Union), led by the International African Service Bureau under George Padmore, was established and defined its struggle objectives, summarized as: enhancing the welfare and unity of African peoples worldwide; African nations striving for national independence and liberation; upholding equal rights for African peoples and abolishing all forms of racial discrimination; and promoting cooperation between African peoples and nations worldwide sharing common visions.[viii] Subsequently, in October 1945, Padmore, together with Nkrumah, Kenyatta, and others, promoted the convening of the Fifth Pan-African Congress. This congress was a major victory for Pan-Africanism and made an indelible and immense contribution to the subsequent African national liberation movements. During this phase, major African leaders such as Nkrumah of Ghana, Nyerere of Tanzania, Kaunda of Zambia, and Sékou Touré of Guinea were all active advocates and promoters of Pan-Africanism. Nkrumah drafted the “Declaration to the Colonial Peoples” for the Fifth Pan-African Congress. The declaration concluded with the slogan “Colonial and subject peoples of the world, unite!”[ix] which became the most resounding slogan of Pan-Africanism. Moreover, at the open sessions of the Pan-African Congress, Nkrumah pointed out the view that “adopted Marxist socialism as its philosophy.”[x] It can be seen that Marxism and Pan-Africanism played a guiding role in coordination. Furthermore, this period also saw the emergence of a number of influential Pan-Africanists, such as W.E.B. Du Bois of the United States, George Padmore of Trinidad, Frantz Fanon of France, and Amílcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau. Their writings and ideas had a profound impact on the Black world, striving to incorporate African history into the category of world history and actively awakening the lofty consciousness of Black people to restore their “human dignity.” In summary, during the rising phase of the socialist movement, Pan-Africanism, as a nationalist current of thought, adhering to the lofty principle of “Black unity and solidarity,” had a major impact on Africa’s independence and liberation movements. During this period, the propagation of Marxism by European communist parties was intermittent, and at certain points even played a completely negative role. In this regard, the French Communist Party was particularly conspicuous. During the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria, it had major disagreements with the Algerian Communist Party and opposed the Algerian independence movement. It was not until the eve of independence that the French Communist Party began to support the Algerian National Liberation Front. The Algerian Communist Party, affected by this, suffered major setbacks in its confrontations with Algerian nationalists. This well explains why some early African leaders publicly declared their rejection of Marxism-Leninism. As Padmore indicated in his book *Pan-Africanism or Communism*: “Why the African Communist parties lacked influence, both politically and ideologically, on the liberation movements of the fifties and sixties.”[xi] At the same time, due to the immature class conditions on the African continent and the significant differences in development conditions between regions, the spread and development of Marxism in Africa was extremely uneven. Therefore, it can be said that during the rising phase of the African socialist movement, African Marxism only functioned as one element within Pan-Africanism.

第三，泛非主义运动是马克思主义在非洲流行并产生影响的主要平台。由于历史上非洲遭遇的悲惨历史，被称为“哭泣的大陆”，非洲渴望联合起来，团结一切黑人力量，以争取民族独立。基于以上诉求与愿景，非洲“泛非主义”思潮开始兴起。早在1919年2月，第一次泛非会议就发布了《致世界各国呼吁书》，并指出泛非主义事业的正义性，由此，泛非主义思潮在黑人世界引起强烈共鸣。1944年，以乔治·帕德摩尔领导的国际非洲服务局为核心的泛非合众国（非盟前身）成立，并确定了其斗争目标，概括为：增进全世界非洲各族人民的福祉与团结；非洲国家争取民族独立与解放；维护非洲人民权利平等，废除一切形式的种族歧视；促进非洲各族人民与全球具有共同愿景的民族合作。[viii]随后于1945年10月，帕德摩尔与恩克鲁玛、肯雅塔等共同推动召开了第五次泛非主义大会。此次会议是泛非主义的重大胜利，为随后的非洲民族解放运动作出不可磨灭的巨大贡献。在该阶段，非洲的主要领导人如加纳的恩克鲁玛，坦桑尼亚的尼雷尔，赞比亚的卡翁达以及几内亚的赛克·杜尔等，他们都是泛非主义的积极拥护者与号召者。恩克鲁玛为第五次泛非主义大会起草了《告殖民地人民书》，宣言最后指出“全世界殖民地和附属国的人民，联合起来”[ix]成为泛非主义最响亮的口号。并且在泛非主义公开的会议上，恩克鲁玛指出“采纳了马克思主义的社会主义作为它的哲学”[x]的观点，可以看出，马克思主义与泛非主义是协同发挥指导作用的。此外，该时期还涌现出一批颇具影响力的泛非主义者，如美国的W·E·B·杜波依斯，特立尼达的乔治·帕德摩尔，法国的弗朗茨·法农以及几内亚（比绍）的卡布拉尔等等，他们的著作与思想在黑人世界中产生深远的影响并且努力将非洲历史纳入世界历史范畴以及积极唤醒黑人恢复“人的尊严”的崇高意识。总之，在社会主义运动兴起阶段，泛非主义作为一种民族主义思潮，在秉承“黑人团结统一”的崇高旨趣下，对非洲的独立解放运动产生重大影响。而在该时期欧洲共产党传播马克思主义断断续续，甚至在某个时间节点完全起到消极的作用。在这方面，法国共产党表现尤甚。在阿尔及利亚进行反殖民斗争时，它与阿尔及利亚共产党产生巨大的分歧，反对阿尔及利亚的独立运动。直到独立前夕，法共才开始对阿尔及利亚民族解放阵线予以支持，而阿尔及利亚共产党受此波及，在与阿尔及利亚民族主义者的交锋中遭遇重大挫折。这就很好地解释了为什么早期部分非洲领导人公开宣称拒斥马克思列宁主义。正如帕德摩尔在《泛非主义还是共产主义》一书所表明的“为什么非洲共产党对五十年代和六十年代的解放运动的政治和思想都缺乏影响。”[xi]同时，由于非洲大陆不成熟的阶级状况以及地区间发展条件差异较大，马克思主义在非洲的传播与发展极为不平衡，因此可以说在非洲社会主义运动的兴起阶段，非洲马克思主义仅仅作为泛非主义其中的一个元素发挥作用。

II. Marxism and the Flourishing of the African Socialist Movement

二、马克思主义与非洲社会主义运动的繁荣

In the 1920s, as the prospects for revolution in Europe dimmed, the Communist International placed greater emphasis on anti-colonial and national liberation struggles, viewing them as a means to weaken imperialism. The Sixth Congress of the Communist International in 1928 held that "the struggle of the peasants may shake imperialism until the contradictions of capitalism lead to its collapse." [xii] Consequently, the Third International actively supported socialist movements worldwide, establishing branches of the Communist International in some countries and dispatching representatives to provide theoretical and practical guidance. At the international level, semi-colonial countries such as China, Vietnam, and Korea achieved national independence, which greatly inspired the socialist movement in Africa. Additionally, Third World countries had long suffered colonial rule by capitalist powers, so subjectively they harbored extreme hatred and even enmity toward capitalist states. Against this backdrop, African countries successively won their liberation struggles, moved toward independence, and embarked on the socialist path. Marxism gradually became the mainstream ideology in Africa, giving rise to a powerful tide of socialist movement.

20世纪20年代，随着欧洲革命前景的黯淡，共产国际更加重视反殖民和民族解放斗争，认为这是削弱帝国主义的手段。共产国际1928年第六次代表大会认为，“农民的斗争可能动摇帝国主义，直到资本主义的矛盾导致其崩溃”。[xii]因此，第三国际积极支持世界范围内的社会主义运动，在一些国家成立共产国际支部，派驻共产国际代表进行理论与实践上的指导。国际层面上，半殖民地国家，如中国、越南、朝鲜等取得国家独立，极大地鼓舞了非洲的社会主义运动。另外，长期以来，第三世界国家一直遭受资本主义列强的殖民统治，因此主观上，他们极其痛恨甚至仇视资本主义国家。在上述背景下，非洲各国先后取得解放斗争的胜利，迈向独立并走上社会主义道路，马克思主义在非洲逐步成为主流意识形态，掀起强烈的社会主义运动潮流。

First, Marxism, as a source of thought, influenced the first wave of the African socialist movement. Admittedly, the first high tide of the African socialist movement was dominated by "village socialism" and "democratic socialism." In terms of theoretical guidance, ideas originating from Africa's indigenous ancient village communities, Western democratic socialist thought, and Pan-Africanism all played very important roles. Moreover, the leaders of countries in the first wave of the socialist movement generally regarded Marxism as a foreign ideology. Nevertheless, Marxism still had a presence in the socialist movements of these countries, and its influence during this wave was not negligible. Due to Africa's specific historical conditions, the leaders of African countries played a decisive role in promoting the African socialist movement. Influenced by colonialism, a group of early African intellectuals were able to study in the colonial metropoles, thereby coming into contact with the more advanced currents of thought of the time. Representative figures include Senegal's Senghor, who, after graduating from the University of Paris, joined the French Socialist Party in 1936. During this period, he devoted himself to the study of French utopian socialism and also read extensively the classic works of Marx and Engels. Another example is Ghana's Nkrumah, who went to study in the United States in 1935. During this time, he widely read the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and had close contacts with the American Communist Party and Trotskyist groups, leading him to declare that "Marx and Lenin have influenced me particularly deeply." [xiii] "The young intellectuals of British African colonies mostly went to study in Britain and the United States, and were mainly influenced by British Fabian socialism and Marxist thought, thereby generating the idea of African socialism," [xiv] such as Tanzania's founding father Nyerere, who traveled to the University of Edinburgh in the UK for further study in 1949. During this period, Nyerere actively studied classic Marxist-Leninist works and maintained close ties with the British Labour Party. These intellectuals returned to Africa with the ideal of how to change their societies and end colonial rule. They generally encountered the most cutting-edge dynamic currents of thought through European revolutions, or came into contact with concepts such as social equality, mutual respect, and shared labor within socialist thought through the works of theorists like Marx and Lenin. They successively became leaders of various African countries, thereby greatly promoting the socialist movements in those countries, and thus contributed to the first wave of African socialism.

第一，马克思主义作为思想来源，影响非洲第一次社会主义运动浪潮。诚然，非洲社会主义运动的第一次高潮以“村社社会主义”和“民主社会主义”为主。在理论指导方面，源于非洲本土的古老村社思想、西方的民主社会主义思想以及泛非主义思想都起到非常重要的作用，并且，第一次社会主义运动国家的领导人普遍将马克思主义视为外来的意识形态。然而，在这些国家的社会主义运动中依旧存在马克思主义的身影，且其在此次浪潮中也产生不可忽视的影响。由于非洲特殊的历史条件，非洲国家的领导人对于非洲社会主义运动的推动有着举足轻重的作用。受殖民主义影响，早期非洲一批有识之士得以到殖民宗主国留学，由此接触到当时较为前沿的思潮。其中，具有代表性的如塞内加尔的桑戈尔，从巴黎大学毕业后，于1936年加入法国社会党，在此期间，他致力于对法国空想社会主义的研究，同时也研读了大量马克思恩格斯的经典著作。又如加纳的恩克鲁玛，1935年赴美留学，在此期间，他广泛阅读马克思、恩格斯以及列宁的著作，并且与美国共产党与托洛茨基小组有着密切来往，由此他发出了“马克思和列宁对我的影响特别深”[xiii]的声音。而“英属非洲殖民地的青年知识分子，大多到英、美留学，主要受英国费边社会主义和马克思主义等思想影响，进而产生非洲社会主义的思想，”[xiv]如坦桑尼亚国父尼雷尔，于1949年远赴英国爱丁堡大学深造，在此期间，尼雷尔积极研读马列经典著作并且与英国工党保持密切联系。这些有识之士带着如何改变自己的社会和结束殖民统治的理想回到非洲。他们普遍在欧洲革命中接触到最前沿的动态思潮，或者通过马克思和列宁等理论家的著作接触到社会主义思想中社会平等、相互尊重和劳动共享等概念，并且先后成为非洲各个国家的领导人，由此对这些国家的社会主义运动产生巨大推动作用，因此也促成了非洲社会主义的第一次浪潮。

Second, Africa's main ideology shifted from Pan-Africanism to Marxism. Pan-Africanism played a very critical role in African history. During the period of African countries' struggle for national independence, Pan-Africanism united Black people worldwide, dedicated to reshaping the history of Black civilization. Under the guidance of Pan-Africanism, nearly half of African countries achieved victory in their colonial liberation struggles in the 1960s. However, "at its greatest moment of triumph, classical Pan-Africanism suffered a fatal defeat." [xv] Replacing the former direct, naked form of colonial rule, neocolonialism eroded the African continent in a more covert, indirect manner. Relying on its strong economic power, it carried out economic harvesting and cultural aggression against the colonial countries. Consequently, the newly established socialist regimes suffered a devastating blow. After Pan-Africanism had fulfilled its historical mission—defeating old colonialism and achieving national independence—African countries encountered the situation that classical Marxism was intended to counter, namely, neocolonialism. In 1961, a political crisis erupted in the Congo. Prime Minister Lumumba was killed by rebel forces after a military coup in Brazzaville. Subsequently, a Marxist-Leninist party, the Congolese Party of Labour, was established in the Congo, and it launched the "August Revolution" [xvi] proclaiming scientific socialism as its guiding principle. In 1966, taking advantage of Nkrumah's absence on a state visit abroad, a military coup broke out in Ghana, overthrowing the newly established socialist regime and completely negating Nkrumah's reform measures. Thereafter, Nkrumah's political stance underwent a major transformation, "resolutely abandoning non-violence and village socialism, and advocating violent revolution and scientific socialism." [xvii] As D. Glaser stated, "Marxism is an element of Pan-Africanism, but its role has been to transform thinkers and transcend eras." [xviii] Nkrumah's 1964 work *Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism* not only announced that African history had entered a new historical stage but also indicated the infeasibility of classical Pan-Africanism in this new historical stage. Pan-Africanism still has historical significance in maintaining the spiritual unity of the Black world. However, in the face of neocolonialist encroachment, some countries turned their gaze toward classical Marxism. The fundamental reason for the setbacks they encountered was the lack of economic progress or slow development, resulting in a lack of sense of gain among the lower classes.

第二，非洲主要意识形态由泛非主义转向马克思主义。泛非主义在非洲历史上起到非常关键的作用，在非洲国家争取民族独立斗争时期，泛非主义团结全世界的黑人民众，致力于重塑黑人文明历史。在泛非主义引领下，1960年代，近半数非洲国家取得殖民解放斗争的胜利。然而，“在其最伟大的胜利时刻，古典泛非主义却遭受了致命的失败”。[xv]代替了从前直接的、赤裸裸的殖民统治形式，新殖民主义以更为隐蔽的、间接的方式侵蚀着非洲大陆。其依靠强大的经济实力，对殖民地国家实施经济收割，文化侵略，因此，新兴的社会主义政权遭遇致命打击。而在泛非主义完成其历史使命即击败旧殖民主义实现国家独立后，非洲国家遭遇了经典马克思主义以期对抗新殖民主义的境况。1961年，刚果爆发了政权危机，总理卢蒙巴在布拉柴维尔发生的军事政变后被叛军杀害。随后，刚果成立了马克思列宁主义政党——刚果劳动党，并发动“八月革命”[xvi]并且宣称以科学社会主义为指导原则。1966年，乘恩克鲁玛出国访问之机，加纳国内爆发了军事政变，一举推翻了刚刚建立不久的社会主义政权，并全盘否定恩克鲁玛的改革措施。之后，恩克鲁玛的政治主张发生巨大变化，“毅然抛弃非暴力主义和村社社会主义，主张暴力革命和科学社会主义”[xvii]。正如D·格拉泽所言“马克思主义是一个泛非主义的元素，但是，其角色却是改变了思想家们并跨越了时代”。[xviii]恩克鲁玛1964年出版的《帝国主义的最后阶段》，不仅宣布了非洲历史步入新的历史阶段，而且还表明古典泛非主义在新的历史阶段的不可行性。泛非主义依然在维系黑人世界精神统一具有历史意义。然而，面对新殖民主义侵蚀，部分国家将目光转向经典马克思主义。而之所以遭受挫折的根本原因在于经济发展的没有起色，或发展不快，下层百姓缺乏获得感。

Third, “African scientific socialism” under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. In the late 1960s, a group of countries emerged on the African continent that professed orthodox Marxism, i.e., “scientific socialism.” They unanimously held that “Marxism-Leninism is the only ‘true’ socialism”[xix] and that the greatness of Marxism lies in its applicability to all situations, the African continent being no exception. In Somalia and Ethiopia, local intellectuals introduced Marxism-Leninism to their respective countries and pushed those in power to adopt it as the official ideology. In countries such as Congo, Benin, and Madagascar, the personal beliefs of leaders or military government officials prompted these countries’ turn toward Marxism-Leninism. In practice, these leaders attempted to integrate the universal principles of Marxism with their own national conditions, thereby propelling the second wave of the African socialist movement. The first to put forward this theoretical program was Congolese leader Marien Ngouabi. In 1969, Congo declared itself a “People’s Republic” and claimed to be guided by Marxism-Leninism. Shortly thereafter, several armed seizures of power occurred, leaving a deep imprint on the Marxist-Leninist footprint in Africa. These ranged from the regime of Siad Barre in Somalia in 1969 to that of Mathieu Kérékou in Benin in 1974, the short-lived “People’s Democratic Revolution” in Burkina Faso in 1983, and the representative cases of Ethiopia, the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola, and the Mozambique Liberation Front. All these regimes regarded Marxism-Leninism as their guiding ideology and carefully designed different forms of social organization. Consequently, these countries bore certain traces of orthodox Marxism in their state-building: first, the establishment of a revolutionary vanguard party. The Marxist-Leninist parties born in this wave of the socialist movement included the Congolese Party of Labour, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Benin, the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia, the Zimbabwe African National Union, and the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, among others. Second, the universal recognition of class struggle. Ngouabi pointed out that classes had already existed in Congo before it became a colony. On the one hand, colonial rule reduced the masses to the proletariat; on the other hand, those who enriched themselves through political activities became the bourgeoisie or a comprador-type privileged class. The bourgeoisie exploited the proletariat, and the two were antagonistic. Samora Machel, founder of the Mozambique Liberation Front, stated: “Marxism-Leninism is the basic tool for social analysis, the greatest tool for understanding class struggle.”[xx] As long as classes exist, class struggle will not disappear quickly. Similarly, Angolan former president Agostinho Neto said: “We intend to realize the genius of Marxist-Leninist doctrine in accordance with the specific conditions of our country’s class struggle.”[xxi] Third, the universal advocacy of a planned economy and the development of state-owned enterprises. In Mozambique, Ethiopia, Congo, and other countries, measures of agricultural collectivization and industrial nationalization were widely implemented, on the grounds that establishing a public ownership economy and a collective economy was simultaneously a process of eliminating exploitation and abolishing private ownership. However, these regimes were also fraught with many controversies. To some extent, they all deviated from the orthodox Marxist path to power and were markedly eclectic in their policies. For instance, in Madagascar, Benin, Congo (Brazzaville), and Zimbabwe, the leaders of independent regimes merely claimed to be Marxists-Leninists, without usually formulating a strictly Marxist ideological system or consistent socialist policies. Yet it is evident that the period from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s can be regarded as the era of Marxist ideological dominance on the African continent.

第三，马列主义指导下的“非洲科学社会主义”。60 年代末期，在非洲大陆涌现一批信奉正统马克思主义即“科学社会主义”的国家，他们一致认为：“马克思列宁主义是唯一‘真正的’社会主义”[xix]，马克思主义的伟大之处在于它能运用于各种情况，在非洲大陆也不例外。在索马里和埃塞俄比亚，当地知识分子将马列主义介绍到各自的国家，并且推动当权者将马列主义作为官方意识形态，而在刚果、贝宁、马达加斯加等国，领导人或是军政府官员的个人信仰促成了这些国家向马列主义转变。在实践中，这些领导人试图将马克思主义普遍原理与本国实际相结合，由此推动了非洲社会主义运动的第二次浪潮。最早提出这一理论纲领的是刚果领导人恩古瓦比，1969年，刚果对外宣称“人民共和国”，并声称以马列主义为指导。此后不久，又发生了几起武装夺取政权的事件，并在非洲的马克思列宁主义足迹上留下了深刻的印记。从1969年索马里的西亚德·巴雷政权到1974年贝宁的克雷库政权，再到1983年布基纳法索短暂存在的“人民民主革命”，以及具有代表性的埃塞俄比亚、安哥拉人民解放运动和莫桑比克解放阵线。这些政权都将马克思列宁主义视为指导思想并精心设计了不同的社会组织方式，由此，这些国家在国家建设方面都存在某些正统马克思主义的痕迹：其一，成立革命先锋党。此次社会主义运动浪潮诞生的马列主义政党诸如刚果的劳动党，贝宁的人民革命党，埃塞俄比亚工人党，津巴布韦的津非洲民族联盟以及索马里革命社会主义党等等。其二，普遍承认阶级斗争。恩古瓦比指出阶级在刚果沦为殖民地之前已经存在，一方面殖民统治使民众沦为无产阶级，另一方面通过政治活动富起来的群体则成为资产阶级亦或是带有买办性质的特权阶级，资产阶级对无产阶级进行剥削，两者是对立的。莫桑比克解放阵线创始人萨莫拉指出：“马列主义是进行社会分析的基本工具，是理解阶级斗争的最伟大的工具。”[xx]只要存在阶级，阶级斗争就不会很快消失。又如安哥拉前总统内图曾说：“我们打算根据本国阶级斗争的具体条件来实现马列主义的天才学说。”[xxi]其三，普遍主张计划经济与发展国营企业。在莫桑比克、埃塞俄比亚、刚果等国普遍实施农业集体化和工业国有化措施，认为在实行公有制经济和集体经济的同时，也是消灭剥削，消灭私有制的过程。然而，这些政权同时存在着很多争议，某种程度上他们都背离了正统的马克思主义的权力之路，在政策上也明显地折衷。如马达加斯加、贝宁、刚果（布）和津巴布韦，独立政权的领导人只是声称自己是马列主义者，通常没有制定严格意义上的马克思主义意识形态制度与一以贯之的社会主义政策。但显而易见，60年代末到80年代中期可以被视为是马克思主义意识形态在非洲大陆的统治时期。

III. The Low Ebb of Marxism and the African Socialist Movement, and Reflections Thereon

三、马克思主义与非洲社会主义运动的低潮与反思

In the early 1990s, with the change of course of Soviet socialism, the world socialist movement encountered an unprecedented crisis and predicament. On the African continent, socialist countries became synonymous with poverty and backwardness. Coupled with changes in the global situation, countries that had implemented socialism successively declared their abandonment of the socialist road, generally opting for representative politics and trending toward neoliberalism in the economic sphere. It can be seen that the African socialist movement fell into a low ebb along with the decline of the world socialist movement. Globally, only five socialist countries remained: China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos. Apart from China, which stands out as unique, the other four countries generally encountered difficulties in the slow development of modernization. It can be said that the long-term low ebb of world socialist development is an indisputable fact. What is more, there is not a single genuine socialist country on the African continent. The reasons for this are mainly two:

上世纪90年代初，随着苏联社会主义的改弦易帜，世界社会主义运动遭遇前所未有的危机与困境。在非洲大陆，社会主义国家成了贫穷、落后的代名词，加之世界局势的变化，实行社会主义的国家先后宣称放弃社会主义道路，政治上普遍选择代议制，经济上则趋向新自由主义。可以看出，非洲的社会主义运动随着世界社会主义运动的衰退而陷入低潮期。全球仅存中国、古巴、朝鲜、越南以及老挝五个社会主义国家，除中国独树一帜之外，其它四个国家普遍遭遇现代化发展缓慢的难题。可以说，世界社会主义发展已长期处于低潮阶段是一个不争的事实。更有甚者，在非洲大陆则不存在一个真正的社会主义国家。究其原因主要是两个：

First, the low ebb of the world socialist movement and the setback of Marxism in Africa. When the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union came to an end, the international communist camp led by the Soviet Union suffered a devastating blow, and Marxism experienced its most grievous defeat. On the African continent, whether “African-style socialist countries” or those adhering to Marxist-Leninist thought, they all abandoned the banner of socialism and defected to the capitalist camp. Apart from their own internal factors, why was the decline of the African socialist movement so heavily influenced by the world socialist movement? It is necessary to trace the imprint of the international socialist camp in the African Marxist movement.

第一，世界社会主义运动的低潮与非洲马克思主义的挫折。当美苏冷战落下帷幕的时刻，以苏联为首的国际共产主义阵营遭受毁灭性的打击，马克思主义遭遇最惨痛的失利。在非洲大陆，无论是“非洲式社会主义国家”抑或是坚持马列思想的社会主义国家，纷纷放弃社会主义旗帜，倒向资本主义阵营。非洲社会主义运动的衰退，除自身因素外，为何受世界社会主义运动影响如此之大？追溯国际社会主义阵营在非洲马克思主义运动中的痕迹是有必要的。

The vigorous development of the Marxist movement on the African continent coincided with the beginning of the Cold War. The two opposing camps led by the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in ideological and strategic competition for African client states. Therefore, the superpowers exerted a significant influence on the Marxist-Leninist tendency within the African socialist movement. Kwame Nkrumah, who later converted to Marxism-Leninism, pointed out: “The world is mainly divided into socialist and capitalist countries, imperialist and anti-imperialist countries.”[xxii] Consequently, socialist countries should naturally become the “natural allies” of African countries. Although African countries were committed to the Non-Aligned Movement, for Marxists-Leninists, the Non-Aligned Movement meant opposing capitalism, imperialism, and both old and new colonialism. More importantly, the Marxist-Leninist regime countries regarded the African Marxist movement as part of the world socialist movement. According to the official wording of the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola, “a revolutionary process of world-historical significance is underway, which is the transition from capitalism to socialism worldwide, beginning with the Great October Socialist Revolution.”[xxiii] At the same time, Mozambique regarded the Eastern socialist countries as “our natural allies,” while Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia viewed his country’s socialist movement as “a component part of the socialist commonwealth.” From the perspective of “proletarian internationalism,” the Marxist-Leninist regime countries in Africa called for the unity and enhanced cooperation of world socialist forces. In practice, the Soviet Union, Cuba, and Eastern European countries provided necessary material aid and military support to the Marxist-Leninist regime countries in Africa. Therefore, the inclination of African Marxist-Leninist regime countries toward the Soviet socialist camp was, in a more significant sense, a search for Soviet protection and assistance to counter the potential harm from Western capitalist countries. The aid provided by the international communist camp led by the Soviet Union to the African Marxist-Leninist regime countries was also based on the imperative of promoting the development of the world socialist movement and the practical need to unite the socialist camp against the capitalist camp. When the banner of Soviet socialism finally fell, the Marxist-Leninist regimes in Africa were also submerged by the tide of history. Thus, excessive reliance on the Soviet Union, learning only from the Soviet socialist model without reforming it according to the actual national conditions, was the main root cause of the failure of African socialism.

非洲大陆的马克思主义运动的蓬勃发展恰逢冷战的开始，以美国和苏联为首的两大对立阵营为争夺非洲附庸国而展开的意识形态和战略竞争。因此，超级大国对非洲社会主义运动中的马列主义倾向起到重要影响。后期转为马列主义者的恩克鲁玛指出：“世界主要分为社会主义和资本主义国家，帝国主义和反帝国主义国家”[xxii]。因此，社会主义国家理应成为非洲国家的“天然盟友”。虽然非洲国家致力于不结盟运动，但对于马列主义者而言，不结盟运动意味着反对资本主义、帝国主义以及新老殖民主义。更为重要的是，马列政权国家将非洲的马克思主义运动视为世界社会主义运动的一部分，依据安哥拉“人民解放运动”官方的措辞，“一场具有世界历史意义的革命进程正在进行，这是从伟大的十月社会主义革命开始的全世界资本主义向社会主义过渡阶段。[xxiii]与此同时，莫桑比克将东方社会主义国家视为“我们的天然盟友”，而埃塞俄比亚的门格图斯则将本国的社会主义运动看作是“社会主义共同体的组成部分”。基于“无产阶级国际主义”视角，非洲的马列政权国家呼吁世界社会主义力量应该团结起来，增进合作。而在实践中，苏联、古巴以及东欧国家对非洲马列政权国家提供了必要的物质援助和军事支持。因此，非洲马列政权国家倾向于苏联社会主义阵营，更多意义上是寻求苏联的保护和援助，以此来对抗潜在的西方资本主义国家的危害。而以苏联为首的国际共产主义阵营对非洲马列政权国家的援助也是基于推动世界社会主义运动发展的高度，以及联合社会主义阵营对抗资本阵营的现实需要。而当有一天，苏联这面社会主义的旗帜倒下之后，非洲的马列政权也随之被历史洪流淹没。由此可见，过分依赖于苏联，只学习苏联社会主义模式而未能针对本国实际情况加以改革，是导致非洲社会主义失败的主要根源。

Second, the paradox of the universality and particularity of Marxism in Africa. After the African socialist movement and African Marxism fell into a low tide, some scholars began to reflect on the paradox between the universal principles of Marxism and the specific national conditions of countries on the African continent. In the view of early African leaders, the path they chose was a third road between capitalism and scientific socialism. While emphasizing a development path of independence and self-reliance, they highlighted the African indigenous implications of these countries’ modernization paths. In the late 1960s, a group of countries claiming to believe in scientific socialism ascended the historical stage and publicly declared that they would integrate Marxism with their own national practices. It can be seen that, whether for countries that styled themselves as orthodox Marxist regimes or for “African socialist countries,” how to resolve the contradiction between the universality of Marxist principles and the particularity of the African continent has always been a contemporary issue requiring reflection in the development of the socialist path.

第二，马克思主义在非洲的普遍性与特殊性之悖论。非洲社会主义运动和非洲马克思主义陷入低潮后，部分学者开始反思马克思主义普遍原理与非洲大陆国家特殊国情之悖论。在非洲早期领导人看来，他们所选择的道路是介于资本主义和科学社会主义之间的第三条道路，在强调独立自主和自力更生发展道路的同时，凸显了这些国家现代化道路的非洲本土意蕴。在60年代末，一批自称信奉科学社会主义的国家登上历史舞台，并且对外宣称要将马克思主义与本国实践相结合。可以看出，无论是以正统马克思主义政权自居的国家还是“非洲的社会主义国家”，如何解决马克思主义原理的普遍性与非洲大陆特殊性的矛盾，一直是发展社会主义道路需要思考的时代课题。

However, the Marxist-Leninist regime countries fell into a predicament in the process of Africanizing Marxism. The vision of integrating Marxism with African practice ran aground in practice due to a tendency toward dogmatism and mechanization. The leaders of Marxist-Leninist parties repeatedly emphasized the integration of scientific socialism with their own national conditions and used this as a propaganda slogan to rally popular forces. Yet “integration” does not stop at slogans; it needs to be implemented in concrete policy practice. First, understanding what genuine socialism is, and second, clearly recognizing one’s own national conditions—both are tortuous and protracted processes that require continuous testing, reform, and improvement in practice. These Marxist-Leninist leaders neither fully recognized that the conditions for advancing the socialist movement in their countries were not yet mature, nor did they adequately grasp the essence of dialectical materialism. The vision of indigenizing Marxism could only manifest in practice as a scene of bookishness and dogmatism. As we see it today, the socialist explorations of Africa’s Marxist-Leninist regimes were undoubtedly failures. If they have any value at all, it lies only in providing lessons for subsequent backward countries developing a socialist path: that is, to develop a socialist path, one must not only deeply understand the universal principles of Marxism and take them as guidance in a methodological sense, but, more importantly, adapt measures to local conditions and to the times in practice, systematically and closely integrating the universality of Marxist theory with the particularity of African national conditions.

然而，马列政权国家在马克思主义非洲化的进程中陷入了困境，马克思主义与非洲实践相结合的愿景在实践中由于产生教条化、机械化倾向而搁浅。马列政党的领导人屡次强调科学社会主义与本国国情相结合，并以此作为宣传口号凝聚民众力量。然而，“结合”并非停留在口号上，需要落实到具体的政策实践中去。首先理解什么是真正的社会主义，其次清晰认识本国国情，这两者都是曲折而漫长的过程，需要在实践中不断检验、改革与完善。这些马列主义的领导人，既没有充分认识本国推进社会主义运动的条件还未成熟，又未能充分把握辩证唯物主义的精髓，马克思主义本土化的愿景在实践中只能是本本主义和教条主义的景象了。而今看来，非洲马列政权的社会主义探索毫无疑问是失败的，若其存在一定的价值，也仅仅体现在为后续落后国家发展社会主义道路提供经验教训，即发展社会主义道路，不仅要深刻认识马克思主义普遍原理，将其作为方法论意义上的指导，更为重要的是在实践中因地制宜、因时制宜，系统地把马克思主义理论的普遍性与非洲国情的特殊性密切结合起来。

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, how should African countries develop? This is the most urgent question for all nations across the African region to consider.

苏联解体后，非洲国家如何发展？这是整个非洲地区各民族最需要思考的问题。

First, the failure of Africa’s three-decade trend toward neoliberal practice is an important reason for the rekindling of Marxism in Africa. On the African continent, countries that pursued neoliberalism after 1990 have basically failed to escape the crisis of economic underdevelopment. Poverty persists, and social contradictions frequently come to the fore. Therefore, the question of which development path African countries should choose remains an urgent practical issue. The most effective means of understanding the current situation in Africa lies in grasping the penetration trajectory of the logic of capital on the African continent. Marx’s historical materialist theory explains why capital is necessarily expansionary; why the plunder of Africa was part of the primitive accumulation process of Western capitalist countries; and why European industrialization required the exploitation of African human resources and the encroachment on African natural resources. Looking back at the colonization and expansion of capitalist countries on the African continent, it is not difficult to see that the root cause of the widespread poverty of the African people is colonialism. Through naked resource plunder and cultural invasion, the metropolitan states continuously ravaged the productive forces of the colonized regions. In the neoliberal context, colonialism has returned in new forms. While Africa is incorporated into the global market, it inevitably suffers exploitation and harvesting by developed capitalist countries. “Due to unfair trade schemes and terms of trade as well as protectionist tendencies, most sub-Saharan African countries face poor terms of trade with developed capitalist countries and are forced to accept neoliberalism.”[xxiv] The economic lifelines of African countries are strangled by Western countries, and they have yet to form their own national economic systems. “The mode of economic operation in Africa remains one of exporting energy and importing goods,”[xxv] thereby causing perpetual poverty and weakness on the African continent.

其一，非洲30年来趋向新自由主义的实践的失败，是非洲重新燃起马克思主义的重要原因。在非洲大陆，自1990年后奉行新自由主义的国家，基本上都未能摆脱经济欠发达的危机，贫穷依旧，社会矛盾频繁凸显。因此，非洲各国选择何种发展道路依旧是迫切的现实问题。了解非洲现状的最有效手段在于理解资本逻辑在非洲大陆的渗透脉络。马克思的历史唯物主义理论解释了为什么资本必然是扩张性的；为什么对非洲的掠夺是西方资本主义国家的原始积累过程；为什么欧洲工业化需要剥削非洲人力资源与侵占非洲自然资源。回溯资本主义国家在非洲大陆的殖民与扩张，不难发现造成非洲人民大规模贫困的根源就是殖民主义，通过赤裸裸的资源掠夺和文化入侵，宗主国持续摧残殖民地区的生产力。而在新自由主义语境下，殖民主义以新的形式卷土重来，非洲被纳入全球市场的同时，避免不了被发达资本主义国家的剥削与收割。“由于不公平的贸易方案与贸易条件以及保护主义者的倾向，撒哈拉以南的大多数非洲国家面临着与发达资本主义国家的贸易条件差，被迫接受新自由主义。”[xxiv]非洲国家的经济命脉被西方国家所扼制，至今仍未形成自己的国民经济体系，“非洲经济运行模式依然是出口能源和进口商品”[xxv]，由此造成非洲大陆永续的贫困与羸弱。

Since the beginning of the new century, especially after the severe financial crisis that broke out in the capitalist world in 2008, neoliberalism has faced sustained criticism and questioning. Marxism has regained attention worldwide, with international Marxist seminars and commemorative activities held frequently. On the occasion of Marx’s birth, “from April 20, 2018, to May 20, 2018, within that one month, 2,431 foreign newspapers and 11 major news agencies, including the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters, and Agence France-Presse, published a total of 929 reports on the 200th anniversary of Marx’s birth.”[xxvi] This shows that Marxism’s global influence remains strong. On the African continent, in the “post-apartheid era,” the political demands of African countries still focus on striving for social justice in areas such as healthcare, education, and public welfare. In the economic sphere, African countries are working hard to achieve meaningful development. Through continuous economic adjustment, African economic development has shown a positive trend. In the East, the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, formed in the process of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, is guiding the Chinese nation toward the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In this process, the Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions condensed in the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics have provided experience and reference for the modernization process of underdeveloped countries. For example, the Belt and Road Initiative advocated by China has had a significant impact on the African continent, driving the orderly development of Africa’s local economy. Relying on “unique advantages such as natural resources, human resources, and cultural resources, Africa’s future development is full of hope; if it can seize opportunities and meet challenges well, the 21st century could become the ‘African Century.’”[xxvii] In summary, reality has proven that the practice of neoliberalism on the African continent has also been a failure, while the practice of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics demonstrates the possibility of backward countries achieving modernization in the Marxist sense. Therefore, Marxism remains a potential alternative solution for African countries to achieve meaningful development.

新世纪以来，尤其是2008年资本主义世界爆发了严重的金融危机，新自由主义遭遇持续的批判与质疑。马克思主义在世界范围内重新获得关注，国际层面的马克思主义研讨会以及纪念活动频繁举行。在马克思诞辰之际，“2018年4月20日到2018年5月20日这一个月内，国外2431家报纸及美联社、合众社、路透社、法新社等11家重要通讯社共发表929篇有关马克思诞辰200周年的报道。”[xxvi]由此可见，马克思主义在全球的影响力仍然坚挺。在非洲大陆，“后隔离时代”非洲各国的政治诉求依旧聚焦于争取如在医疗、教育以及公共福利等领域的社会公正。而在经济领域非洲大陆则为谋求有意义的发展而努力，经过不断的经济调整，非洲经济发展已有向好的趋势。在东方，马克思主义中国化进程中形成的中国特色社会主义理论体系思想，正引导中华民族向伟大复兴迈进。在这一过程中，中国特色社会主义道路所凝结的中国智慧和中国方案，为欠发达国家的现代化进程提供了经验与借鉴。例如，中国倡导的“一带一路”政策在非洲大陆产生重大的影响，带动了非洲本土经济的有序发展。非洲大陆依托“自然资源、人力资源、文化资源等独特优势，非洲未来的发展充满希望；如能很好把握机遇和应对挑战, 21世纪有可能成为‘非洲的世纪’。”[xxvii]总而言之，现实证明新自由主义在非洲大陆的实践亦是失败的，而中国特色社会主义道路的实践力证在马克思主义意义上落后国家走向现代化的可能。因此，马克思主义依然是非洲国家实现有意义发展的潜在替代性方案。

Second, continuing to disseminate and deeply understand Marxism, and studying the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, is an excellent opportunity for Africa to find a new development path. Prostrating oneself at the feet of the capitalist powers will inevitably lead to becoming an appendage and colony of the capitalist countries. Like Africa’s obscure and brief socialist history, Marxism in Africa is equally mysterious and short-lived. Because Africa faces widespread poverty, the proportion of intellectuals is not high, and the understanding and acceptance of Marxist theory, in particular, remain at a relatively low level. Marxism has not developed fully on the African continent and has not formed a relatively systematic theoretical system, while the socialist movements led by Marxist-Leninist parties on the African continent have generally encountered the predicament of failure. Since the 1990s, in the nearly 30 years of choosing neoliberalism, African countries have not shed the labels of poverty and backwardness. Acute problems such as colonialism, religious factors, and racism continue to plague the African continent.

其二，继续传播和深入理解马克思主义，学习中国特色社会主义理论体系，是非洲寻找新的发展道路的尚佳契机。拜倒在资本主义列强的脚下，必定会沦为资本主义国家的附庸和殖民地。如同非洲隐秘而短暂的社会主义历史，马克思主义在非洲同样神秘和短暂。由于非洲面临普遍的贫困，知识分子的比例不高，特别是对马克思主义理论的理解和接受都还处于较低水平。马克思主义在非洲大陆发展不充分，未形成较为系统的理论体系，而非洲大陆马列主义政党领导下的社会主义运动普遍遭遇失败的窘境。自上世纪90年代起，选择新自由主义的近30年来，非洲各个国家并未摆脱贫穷、落后的标签，殖民主义、宗教因素以及种族主义等尖锐问题依旧困扰着非洲大陆。

On the other hand, socialism represented by China has demonstrated strong vitality and unprecedented global influence, and the unity of third-world countries, marked by peaceful development and shared benefits through win-win cooperation, is unstoppable. Comrade Xi Jinping’s concept of a community with a shared future for mankind has stimulated the participation of third-world countries, especially African nations, and has also pointed the direction for Africa’s future development. In the context of a community with a shared future for mankind, the practice and impact of a China-Africa community with a shared future will have a significant influence on Africa’s future development. On the one hand, the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind is the latest achievement of scientific socialism in practice on the Chinese mainland and a model of the localization of Marxism in practice, which provides a useful reference for the development of African countries. On the other hand, in the context of a community with a shared future for mankind, China upholds the position of South-South cooperation and third-world unity, increases investment and aid to Africa, and the Belt and Road Initiative benefits African countries along its routes, driving their economic development. At the same time, China has long stationed peacekeeping troops to maintain peace in the African region, and in addition, under the COVID-19 pandemic, China’s medical aid to Africa and sharing of anti-epidemic experience have made tremendous contributions to the African continent. Recently, South Africa’s second-largest website published an article titled “Can China Show South Africa the Way Out of Poverty?”, which pointed out: “South Africa and other African countries can learn from China’s experience, by actively intervening through government, formulating sound policies and regulations, and strengthening guidance for enterprises, thereby promoting economic development and helping people escape poverty.” [xxviii] Therefore, when the African people draw on the experience of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and gradually recognize the laws of the localization of socialism and the nationalization of Marxism, it will surely guide the African people towards new development.

另一方面，以中国为代表的社会主义则表现出强大的生命力和前所未有的世界影响力，以和平发展、共建共赢为标志的第三世界国家的团结，势不可挡。习近平同志的人类命运共同体思想的提出，激发了第三世界特别是非洲各国的参与度，也为非洲今后的发展指明了方向。人类命运共同体语境下，中非命运共同体的实践与影响，将对非洲未来发展产生重大影响。一方面，人类命运共同体思想是科学社会主义在中国大陆实践的最新成果，是马克思主义本土化实践的典范，这为非洲国家发展提供了有益借鉴。另一方面，人类命运共同体语境下，中国秉持南南合作与第三世界团结的立场，加大对非洲的投资与援助，“一带一路”政策惠及非洲沿线国家，带动了这些国家的经济发展。与此同时，中国长期以来派驻维和部队以维系非洲地区的和平，加之而新冠疫情下，中国对非洲的医疗援助与抗疫经验分享都为非洲大陆作出巨大贡献。近日，南非第二大网站刊登《中国能否为南非摆脱贫困指明道路？》一文，文章指出：“南非和其他非洲国家可以借鉴中国经验，通过政府积极介入干预，制定健全政策法规，加强对企业指导，从而推动经济发展，帮助人民摆脱贫困”。[xxviii]因此，当非洲人民借鉴中国特色社会主义道路经验并逐步认识到社会主义本土化、马克思主义民族化的规律之后，必定会指引非洲人民走向新的发展。

Third, vigorously developing the productive forces and raising the economic level of African countries is a necessary material condition for Marxism’s return to the African continent. Admittedly, the first practice of socialism or Marxism in Africa was a failure; we need only look at the history of poverty and hunger in Africa in the latter half of the last century to understand this. In fact, that was based on a dogmatic understanding of Marxism; in practice, the socialism of African countries had already devolved into egalitarianism with low productive forces. Clearly, this has violated the original intention of socialism in the Marxist sense. When we turn our gaze to the first practice of the localization of Marxism, that is, the process of localization of Marxism in the former Soviet Union guided by Leninism, it seems to offer ideas with great reference significance. Lenin pointed out: “State monopoly capitalism is the most complete material preparation for socialism, the anteroom of socialism.” [xxix] Here, Lenin regarded state monopoly capitalism as a “transitional stage” towards socialism, in which the most important goal is to develop the productive forces and create the necessary material foundation for socialism. Therefore, African countries must raise the level of their productive forces to make possible the return of Marxism in Africa. Domestically, African countries must absorb the positive elements of neoliberalism and vigorously develop the productive forces. Today, the vast majority of African countries remain trapped within the neoliberal framework. Although neoliberalism has not changed the generally backward appearance of African countries, and has even brought negative effects such as widening the gap between rich and poor, its important role in promoting socio-economic development cannot be denied. Neoliberalism advocates a laissez-faire economy, opposes excessive government regulation, and aims to solve the problems of inefficient resource allocation and widespread corruption. African countries must absorb the positive side of neoliberalism, allowing the market to fully play its role in resource allocation, in order to maximize the tension of capital and further promote the development of the productive forces. Of course, African countries must realize that the primary purpose of borrowing the neoliberal model is to develop the productive forces and raise the level of the national economy. Thus, in this process, efforts should be made to avoid or resolve the negative impacts of neoliberalism. At the international level, African countries must dialectically accept humanitarian aid. The history of the African continent receiving humanitarian aid is long-standing. In the past, whether from Western capitalist countries or the international communist camp, aid to African countries played a positive role at certain historical junctures, promoting the phased economic development of the recipient countries. However, in the process of humanitarian aid, the economies of African countries gradually became dependent on the donor countries; even more, the economic lifelines of some countries came under the control of these donor countries. Today, African countries face increasingly severe economic crises, especially the continuously growing debt burden, which provides opportunities for Western capitalist countries and international financial institutions to promote Western ideology in African countries under the guise of humanitarian aid. Moreover, accompanying humanitarian aid and loans from international financial institutions are a series of unequal terms. The result is that the African continent can only become a source of raw materials and a dumping ground for products for Western countries. Therefore, while accepting foreign aid, African countries must consider their own long-term interests, dialectically accept humanitarian aid, and avoid falling into the economic traps of Western countries.

其三，大力发展生产力，提高非洲国家的经济水平，是马克思主义回归非洲大陆的必要物质条件。诚然，社会主义亦或是马克思主义在非洲的首次实践是失败的，我们只需看看上世纪下半叶非洲大陆贫困、饥饿的历史就明白了。实际上，那是基于对马克思主义教条化的理解，在实践中，非洲国家的社会主义已经走向低生产力的平均主义。显然，这已经违背马克思主义意义上社会主义的初衷，当我们将目光转向马克思主义第一次本土化实践，即以列宁主义指导的前苏联马克思主义本土化进程时，似乎给出了具有极大借鉴意义的思路。列宁指出：“国家垄断资本主义是社会主义的最充分的物质准备，是社会主义的前阶。”[xxix]在这里，列宁将国家垄断资本主义视为转向社会主义的“过渡阶段”，在该阶段，最重要的目的就是发展生产力，为社会主义作必要的物质基础。因此，非洲国家必须提高生产力水平，才能为马克思主义在非洲的复归提供可能。于国内，非洲国家须汲取新自由主义的积极元素，大力发展生产力。现今，绝大多数非洲国家依旧羁绊于新自由主义框架之中，尽管新自由主义并未改变非洲国家普遍落后的面貌，甚至带来贫富差距拉大的负面效果，但依旧不能否认它对推动社会经济发展的重要作用。新自由主义主张自由放任的经济，反对政府的过度监管，旨在破解资源分配效率低下以及普遍腐败的难题。非洲各国须吸收新自由主义的积极一面，让市场充分发挥资源配置的作用，才能极大发挥资本的张力，才能进一步促进生产力的发展。当然，非洲国家必须意识到，借用新自由主义模式的首要目的在于发展生产力，提高国民经济水平。由此，在这一过程中应着力规避亦或是化解新自由主义带来的负面影响。在国际层面上，非洲国家须辩证接受人道主义援助。非洲大陆接受人道主义援助的历史由来已久，过去，无论是西方资本主义国家亦或是国际共产主义阵营对非洲国家的援助，在某个历史节点上都发挥了积极作用，推动了被援助国家经济的阶段性发展。然而，在人道主义援助过程中，非洲国家的经济逐渐对援助国产生了依赖，更甚者，部分国家的经济命脉都受制于这些援助国家。现今，非洲各国面临日益加剧的经济危机，特别是持续增长的债务负担，为西方资本主义国家和国际金融机构借以人道主义援助的幌子向非洲国家推行西方意识形态提供了机会。并且，伴随人道主义援助和国际金融机构贷款而来的还有一系列不平等条款。结果是，非洲大陆只能成为西方国家的原料供给和产品倾销地。因此，非洲国家接受外来援助的同时，必须考虑本国的长远利益，辩证接受人道主义援助，避免陷入西方国家的经济陷阱。

Finally, we must recognize that the return of Marxism to the African continent is a tortuous and lengthy process. At present, neoliberalism remains the mainstream ideology believed in by most African countries. Although Africa has experienced turbulent political situations and persistent economic underdevelopment crises, with various ideological currents surging beneath the surface, “it is still far from the time to declare the end of neoliberalism; what is important is for us to recognize that neoliberalism is merely a model imposed on African countries, turning Africa into a space with a series of generic ‘problems’ and ‘solutions’.” [xxx] Only when neoliberalism proves unable to resolve the crises and problems commonly faced by the African continent will it be the moment for neoliberalism to exit the historical stage of Africa. Today, Marxism remains an effective theoretical tool for understanding social change and social injustice in Africa. At the same time, in the context of a community with a shared future for mankind, China’s role in Africa is becoming increasingly important. Therefore, based on the internal demands of the African continent and the guidance of the Chinese-style modernization path of Marxism, we must say that the possibility exists for the return of Marxism in Africa, but this process is tortuous and lengthy. Marx pointed out: “A new revolution is possible only in consequence of a new crisis. It is, however, just as certain as the new crisis.” [xxxi] Currently, the world is experiencing severe challenges brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic. Whether Marxism can return to the African continent in the post-pandemic era and whether a socialist movement might erupt again still warrants our continued attention.

最后，我们必须认识到马克思主义回归非洲大陆是一个曲折和漫长的过程。现时期，新自由主义依旧是非洲大多数国家信奉的主流思潮。尽管非洲遭遇动荡的政局和持续的经济欠发达危机，各种思潮暗流涌动，然而，“现在还远远没到可以宣布新自由主义寿终正寝的时候，重要的是我们要认识到，新自由主义只不过是强加给非洲国家的一个样板，它使非洲成为一个具有一系列通用“问题”和“解决方案”的空间。”[xxx]只有新自由主义无力解决非洲大陆普遍面临的危机与问题，那时就是新自由主义退出非洲历史舞台的时刻。现今，马克思主义仍然是理解非洲社会变革与社会不公的有效理论工具，与此同时，人类命运共同体语境下，中国对于非洲的角色愈发重要。因此，基于非洲大陆的内在诉求与中国特色马克思主义现代化道路的指引，我们必须说，马克思主义在非洲复归存在可能，只是这一进程是曲折和漫长的。马克思指出：“新的革命，只有在新的危机之后才可能发生。但新的革命正如新的危机一样肯定会来临。”[xxxi]当前，全世界正经历新冠疫情带来的严峻挑战，马克思主义在后疫情时代能否在非洲大陆复归以及是否可能重新爆发社会主义运动仍值得我们持续关注。

[i] Cheng Guangde, *New Explorations of Socialism by the South African Communist Party after the Abolition of the Apartheid System*, China Social Sciences Press, 2013, p. 14.

[i] 程光德：《种族主义制度废除后南非共产党对社会主义的新探索》，中国社会科学出版社，2013年版第14页。

[ii] Cheng Guangde, “South African Communist Party: ‘Coalition Government’ – Biding Time or Conserving Strength?”, *Contemporary World*, Issue 6, 2014.

[ii] 程光德：《南非共产党:“联合执政”是委曲求全还是养精蓄锐?》，《当代世界》 2014年第6期。

[iii] *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, Volume 1, 2012 edition, p. 402.

[iii] 《马克思恩格斯选集》第一卷，2012年版第402页。

[iv] *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, Volume 1, 2012 edition, p. 404.

[iv] 《马克思恩格斯选集》第一卷，2012年版第404页。

[v] Tang Dadun et al., *African Socialism: History, Theory, Practice*, World Affairs Press, 1988, p. 200.

[v] 唐大盾等：《非洲社会主义：历史·理论·实践》，世界知识出版社，1988年版第200页。

[vi] Wang Lisha, *A Study of the Sudanese Communist Party (1924-1985)*, Northwest University, 2018.

[vi] 王丽莎：《苏丹共产党研究（1924-1985）》，西北大学 2018年。

[vii] Sandwith C., “Dora Taylor: South African Marxist”, *English in Africa*, 2002, 29(2): 5-27.

[vii] Sandwith C . Dora Taylor: South African Marxist[J]. English in Africa, 2002, 29(2):5-27.。

[viii] See Tang Dadun, *Selected Works on Pan-Africanism and the Organization of African Unity*, East China Normal University Press, 1995, p. 39.

[viii] 参见唐大盾：《泛非主义与非洲统一组织文选》，华东师范大学出版社，1995年版第39页。

[ix] Tang Dadun: *Pan-Africanism and the Organization of African Unity: Selected Works*, East China Normal University Press, 1995, p. 44.

[ix] 唐大盾：《泛非主义与非洲统一组织文选》，华东师范大学出版社，1995年版第44页。

[x] Tang Dadun, Xu Jiming, Chen Gongyuan: *New Essays on African Socialism*, Education Science Press, 1994, p. 45.

[x] 唐大盾 徐济明 陈公元《非洲社会主义新论》，教育科学出版社，1994年版第45页。

[xi] David Ottaway, Marina Ottaway: *African Communism*, trans. Wei Peizhong, Ai Ping, Xiao Yuanchao, Wang Ping, Oriental Press, 1986, p. 51.

[xi] 戴维·奥塔韦 玛丽娜·奥塔韦：《非洲共产主义》 魏培忠 艾平 肖援朝 王平译， 东方出版社1986年版第51页。

[xii] Allison Drew: "Marxist theory in African settler societies: Algeria and South Africa," https://www.uct.ac.za/.../Drew-Marxism-African.pdf, 2018.

[xii] Allison Drew：Marxist theory in African settler societies:Algeria and South Africa https://www.uct.ac.za/.../Drew-Marxism-African.pdf,2018.

[xiii] Tang Dadun et al.: *African Socialism: History, Theory, Practice*, World Affairs Press, 1988, p. 225.

[xiii] 唐大盾等：《非洲社会主义：历史·理论·实践》，世界知识出版社，1988年版第225页。

[xiv] Tang Dadun, Xu Jiming, Chen Gongyuan: *New Essays on African Socialism*, Education Science Press, 1994, p. 43.

[xiv] 唐大盾 徐济明 陈公元《非洲社会主义新论》，教育科学出版社，1994年版第43页。

[xv] Ntongela Masilela: "PAN-AFRICANISM OR CLASSICAL AFRICAN MARXISM?" pzacad.pitzer.edu/NAM/general/essays/africanism.pdf, 2009.

[xv] Ntongela Masilela：PAN-AFRICANISM OR CLASSICAL AFRICAN MARXISM? pzacad.pitzer.edu/NAM/general/essays/africanism.pdf,2009.

[xvi] Note: The "August Revolution" was the first revolution of a "popular uprising nature" to occur after the independence of a Black African country; it is known in Congolese history as the "Glorious Three Days."

[xvi] 注：“八月革命”是黑非洲国家独立后发生的第一次具有“人民起义性质的革命”，在刚果历史上被称为“光荣的三天”。

[xvii] Tang Dadun et al.: *African Socialism: History, Theory, Practice*, World Affairs Press, 1988, p. 241.

[xvii] 唐大盾等：《非洲社会主义：历史·理论·实践》，世界知识出版社，1988年版第241页。

[xviii] D. Glaser: "Marxist Movements in Africa," trans. Zheng Xiangfu, Chen Chaochao, *Marxism & Reality*, No. 4, 2014.

[xviii] D·格拉泽：《非洲的马克思主义运动》，郑祥福 陈超超译 《马克思主义与现实》2014年第4期。

[xix] David Ottaway, Marina Ottaway: *African Communism*, trans. Wei Peizhong, Ai Ping, Xiao Yuanchao, Wang Ping, Oriental Press, 1986, p. 40.

[xix] 戴维·奥塔韦 玛丽娜·奥塔韦：《非洲共产主义》 魏培忠 艾平 肖援朝 王平译， 东方出版社1986年版第40页。

[xx] Lan Ying: *A Small Dictionary of African Socialism*, East China Normal University Press, 1992, p. 43.

[xx] 蓝瑛：《非洲社会主义小词典》华东师范大学出版社，1992年版第43页。

[xxi] Tang Dadun et al.: *African Socialism: History, Theory, Practice*, World Affairs Press, 1988, p. 57.

[xxi] 唐大盾等：《非洲社会主义：历史·理论·实践》，世界知识出版社，1988年版第57页。

[xxii] David Ottaway, Marina Ottaway: *African Communism*, trans. Wei Peizhong, Ai Ping, Xiao Yuanchao, Wang Ping, Oriental Press, 1986, p. 47.

[xxii] 戴维·奥塔韦 玛丽娜·奥塔韦：《非洲共产主义》 魏培忠 艾平 肖援朝 王平译， 东方出版社1986年版第47页。

[xxiii] David Ottaway, Marina Ottaway: *African Communism*, trans. Wei Peizhong, Ai Ping, Xiao Yuanchao, Wang Ping, Oriental Press, 1986, p. 268.

[xxiii] 戴维·奥塔韦 玛丽娜·奥塔韦：《非洲共产主义》 魏培忠 艾平 肖援朝 王平译， 东方出版社1986年版第268页。

[xxiv] Neo Simutanyi: "Neo-Liberalism and the Relevance of Marxism to Africa: The Case of Zambia," the 3rd International Conference on 'The Works of Karl Marx and the Challenges of the 21st Century', Havana, Cuba, 3-6 May, 2006. https://www.nodo50.org/cubasigloXXI/congreso06/conf3_simutanyi.pdf

[xxiv] Neo Simutanyi：Neo-Liberalism and the Relevance of Marxism to Africa: The Case of Zambia, the 3rd International Conference on ‘The Works of Karl Marx and the Challenges of the 21st Century’, Havana, Cuba, 3-6 May, 2006. https://www.nodo50.org/cubasigloXXI/congreso06/conf3_simutanyi.pdf

[xxv] Jiang Hui: "Contemporary African Society and Classes," *Reading*, No. 12, 2019.

[xxv] 蒋晖:《当代非洲的社会和阶级》，《读书》2019年第12期。

[xxvi] Tong Jianjun: "Analysis of Foreign News Media Reports on the 200th Anniversary of Marx's Birth," *Studies on Marxism*, No. 11, 2018.

[xxvi] 童建军：《国外新闻媒体关于马克思诞辰200周年的报道分榭》，《马克思主义研究》2018年第11期。

[xxvii] Ali Moussa Iye: "Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance: Will the 21st Century Be Africa's Century?" comp. Li Zhen, *West Asia and Africa*, No. 1, 2017.

[xxvii] 阿里•穆萨•以耶：《泛非主义与非洲复兴：21世纪会成为非洲的时代吗？》，李臻编译,《西亚非洲》,2017年第1期。

[xxviii] See Paul Tembe: "Can China show the way to deliver South Africa from poverty," Jul 28, 2020. https://www.iol.co.za/news/opinion/can-china-show-the-way-to-deliver-south-africa-from-poverty-a0488356-d4c3-402d-9285-7c1aebfc2456

[xxviii]参见Paul Tembe ：Can China show the way to deliverSouth Africa from poverty , Jul28,2020. https://www.iol.co.za/news/opinion/can-china-show-the-way-to-deliver-south-africa-from-poverty-a0488356-d4c3-402d-9285-7c1aebfc2456

[xxix] *Selected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 3, People's Publishing House, 2012, p. 528.

[xxix] 《列宁选集》第三卷，人民出版社2012年版，第528页。

[xxx] Harrison Graham: *Neoliberal Africa*, Zed Books, 2010. Quoted in Lin Zisai, Lai Xiaobiao: "The Development Process, Experiences, and Lessons of Marxism in Africa," *Study & Exploration*, No. 6, 2019.

[xxx] Harrison Graham ：Neoliberal Africa ,Zed Books ,2010. 转引自林子赛，赖晓彪：《马克思主义在非洲的发展历程、经验和教训》，《学习与探索》，2019年第6期。

[xxxi] *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 2, People's Publishing House, 2009, p. 176.

[xxxi] 《马克思恩格斯文集》第2卷，人民出版社，2009年版第176页。

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