The 30th Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall — Reflections and Discussions of the Western Left

As a landmark event on the watershed of world socialist development in the 20th century, the fall of the Berlin Wall holds an important historical status due to its political symbolic significance. Western left-wing political parties, think tanks, newspapers, websites, and some independent leftist scholars have focused on this major historical event, offering explanations and analyses surrounding its causes and consequences. The contemporary Western left is complex in composition and diverse in its components, with differing understandings and views on specific related issues. However, it exhibits certain similarities and common characteristics in defending socialist values and principles and insisting on the future direction of socialism. On the 30th anniversary of the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Western left’s review, reflection, and forward-looking perspective on this major event that changed the course of world history can help us explore historical truth from multiple perspectives and dimensions, gain a more comprehensive understanding of the successes and failures of socialist construction in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, draw lessons from the setbacks suffered by socialism, and better explore the path for socialism to move from a low ebb toward revival.

作为20世纪世界社会主义发展分水岭上的标志性事件,柏林墙倒塌因其政治象征意义而具有重要的历史地位。西方左翼政党、智库、报刊、网站以及一些独立左派学者,聚焦这一重大历史事件,围绕其前因后果进行了阐释和评析。当代西方左翼构成复杂、成分多元,对相关具体问题的认识和看法不尽相同,但在捍卫社会主义价值理念、坚持社会主义的未来发展方向上表现出一些相似性和共同特征。在东欧剧变、苏联解体30年之际,西方左翼对改变世界历史进程的重大事件进行回顾、反思与前瞻,有助于我们多视角、多维度地探究历史真相,更加全面地认识苏东社会主义建设的成败得失,汲取社会主义遭受挫折的经验教训,更好地探索社会主义从低谷走向复兴的道路。

I. The Construction of the Berlin Wall Was the Result of the Development of the Objective Situation

一、修建柏林墙是客观形势发展的结果

On the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, an important topic sparked the Western left’s defense of socialism, namely, why exactly did the German Democratic Republic (GDR) build the Berlin Wall? In 2019, a large amount of propaganda and reporting in mainstream Western media attributed the main reasons to “preventing the outflow of people from the eastern communist region to the more prosperous western German region” and “preventing the large-scale emigration of the GDR’s population to the democratic enclave of West Berlin” [1]1 The “democratic enclave of West Berlin” refers to West Berlin, which, although located deep inside East German territory, was under the control of the Western Allied powers (the United States, Britain, and France) and politically and economically integrated with West Germany.. Consequently, the Berlin Wall was also portrayed as an “obstacle to freedom” for the people of the GDR and a symbol of socialist “dictatorship,” “tyranny,” and “oppression.”

柏林墙倒塌30周年之际,一个重要话题引发西方左派的社会主义辩护,即民主德国到底因何修建柏林墙 2019年西方主流媒体的大量宣传报道将主要原因归结为“阻止东部共产主义地区向更繁荣的西德地区人员外流”“防止民主德国人口大量移民到西柏林的民主飞地”1,因而柏林墙也被渲染为民主德国人民通向“自由的阻碍”,是社会主义“独裁”“暴政”“压迫”的象征。

The Western left opposes this narrow-minded attribution of blame and condemnation of GDR socialism. The Communist Party of Italy criticized Western media for neither conducting any analysis nor examining history, directly equating socialism with terror and darkness, polarizing the Berlin Wall into a symbol of “evil socialism,” and attempting to construct a false mass consciousness throughout Europe and the West [2]2 The Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI) was a major communist party in Western Europe, dissolved in 1991. The reference here likely refers to one of its successor formations or a related contemporary group.. The criticism from the Communist Party of Greece was more direct and vehement, denouncing it as an “imperialist lie” and a typical erroneous viewpoint of bourgeois propaganda. It argued that for 30 years, bourgeois historiography and media have been waging a distorted war on the history of the Berlin Wall within an anti-communist framework, aiming to denigrate the GDR and the achievements of socialist construction, attempting to manipulate public opinion, especially targeting the younger generation [3]3 The Communist Party of Greece (Kommounistikó Kómma Elládas, KKE) is a Marxist-Leninist party..

西方左派反对这种偏狭地归咎和指责民主德国社会主义的立场。意大利共产党批评西方媒体既不做任何分析,也不考察历史,直接把社会主义等同于恐怖和黑暗,将柏林墙极化为“邪恶社会主义”的象征,企图在整个欧洲和西方构建一种虚假的大众意识。2希腊共产党的批判更加直接激烈,斥责其为“帝国主义谎言”,是资产阶级宣传的典型错误观点,认为30年来资产阶级史学和媒体一直在反共框架内对柏林墙历史进行一场扭曲的战争,目的是诋毁民主德国和社会主义建设的成就,企图操纵舆论,尤其是针对青年一代。3

On this issue, the majority of the Western left tends toward a more comprehensive consideration, emphasizing that the Berlin Wall was “by no means merely a pillar of totalitarianism trotted out at every anniversary to prove the supposed superiority of capitalism over socialism.” Its construction was the result of prolonged developmental difficulties faced by the GDR due to the international and domestic situation after the Cold War. John Woksey, an American communist, published an article on the Communist Party USA website “People’s World,” proposing that the GDR faced nine major unfavorable factors at the time, including a weak economic base, external political and economic blockades, tense international relations, a brain drain of experienced talent, unfair trade competition relations, and an inequitable exchange rate system. He thus emphasized that building the Berlin Wall was a measure taken by GDR socialism to cope with these difficult circumstances [4]4 “People’s World” is a news website associated with the Communist Party USA.. Victor Grossman, a firsthand witness of GDR socialism and an influential researcher of GDR history within the Western left, presented a main argument in his 2019 book *Socialist Defector: From Harvard to Marx-A*: after the 1950s, the United States and West Germany adopted various strategies to undermine the GDR’s economic development and improvement of living standards, and factors such as heightened US-Soviet military tensions ultimately led the GDR to build the Berlin Wall in 1961 to save the country from collapse [5]5 Victor Grossman is the pen name of Stephen Wechsler, an American who defected to the GDR in the 1950s and became a journalist and author..

在这个问题上,多数西方左派倾向于进行更具综合性的考量,强调柏林墙“决非只是每到周年纪念游行时为证明资本主义相对于社会主义所谓优越性的极权主义支柱”,其修建是冷战后国际国内形势导致民主德国长期发展困难的结果。美国共产党人约翰·沃克西在美共网站“人民世界”刊发文章提出,民主德国当时面临九大不利因素,包括经济基础薄弱、外部政治和经济封锁、国际局势紧张、富有经验的人才外流、不公正的贸易竞争关系、不公平的汇率体系等,因而强调修建柏林墙是民主德国社会主义应对这些困难局面的举措。4维克多·克罗斯曼是民主德国社会主义的亲历者,也是西方左派中有影响的民主德国历史研究者,他在2019年出版的《社会主义叛逃者:从哈佛到马克思》一书中的主要观点是,20世纪50年代后美国和西德采取多种策略破坏民主德国经济发展和生活水平提高,以及美苏军事紧张关系加剧等因素,最终导致民主德国在1961年修建柏林墙以拯救国家免于崩溃。5

Furthermore, many on the Western left, adopting a stance of defending GDR socialism, uphold the “anti-fascist barrier theory” and the positive consequences of building the Berlin Wall. For instance, the Portuguese Communist Party and the Communist Party of Ireland both emphasized that building the Berlin Wall was an act of security and sovereignty, a defensive measure by the GDR against the aggressive policies of the West, and an effort to ensure socialist security [6]6 The Portuguese Communist Party (Partido Comunista Português, PCP) and the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) are Marxist-Leninist parties.. The British Communist Party’s *Morning Star* also published an article arguing that the internal German border was a dangerous flashpoint in the Cold War. Regulating the border (building the Berlin Wall) not only stabilized the political system but also served as the foundation for the GDR’s miraculous economic recovery [7]7 The *Morning Star* is a daily newspaper in the United Kingdom, associated with the Communist Party of Britain..

还有不少西方左派站在维护民主德国社会主义的立场,捍卫“反法西斯屏障论”以及修建柏林墙的积极后果。如葡萄牙共产党和爱尔兰共产党都强调,修建柏林墙是安全和主权行为,是民主德国针对西方进攻政策的防御性措施,是为确保社会主义安全所做的努力。6英国共产党《晨星报》也刊文认为,德国的内部边界是冷战中一个危险的引爆点,规范边界(修建柏林墙)既稳定了政治体制,又是民主德国经济奇迹般复苏的基础。7

II. The Status and Nature of the Fall of the Berlin Wall within the Drastic Changes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union

二、柏林墙倒塌在苏东剧变中的地位及其性质

How to understand the fall of the Berlin Wall? This is another issue on which the Western left has focused its attention. Currently, most of the Western left acknowledges the ideological importance of the Berlin Wall, viewing it as an iconic barrier between two completely opposing social systems. They emphasize that the fall of the Berlin Wall played a key role in the entire drastic changes in Eastern Europe, triggering the only major change in the post-war European geographical landscape. It is seen as a microcosm of the series of events that occurred throughout Eastern Europe in 1989, marking the beginning of the end of socialism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as the conclusion of the Cold War between East and West, among other things.

如何认识柏林墙倒塌?这是西方左派集中关注的另一个问题。当前西方左派大都认同柏林墙在意识形态上的重要性,认为它是两种完全对立的社会制度之间的标志性屏障,并强调柏林墙倒塌在整个东欧剧变中具有关键作用,引发了战后欧洲地理版图的唯一重大改变,是1989年发生在整个东欧的一系列事件的缩影,是东欧和苏联社会主义终结以及东西方冷战结束的开始,等等。

Regarding the nature of the drastic changes in Eastern European countries, represented by the fall of the Berlin Wall, there are differing views within the Western left. The “revolution theory” and the “counter-revolution theory” are two perspectives that currently diverge.

在以柏林墙倒塌为代表的东欧各国剧变的性质问题上,西方左派内部有不同看法,“革命论”与“反革命论”是目前存在分歧的两种观点。

The proponents of the “revolution theory” are mainly radical Trotskyist socialists from the Fourth International. However, unlike mainstream Western opinion, which promotes the “peaceful revolution,” the “true revolution,” and the “great victory of the ideals of freedom and peace” as the only way out for the capitalist system, Trotskyist socialists fundamentally deny the socialist nature of the original Eastern European countries and thus oppose the theory of socialist failure. For example, the Trotskyist organization, the German Socialist Equality Party, pointed out at a commemorative meeting held in Berlin on November 12, 2019, that the drastic changes in Eastern Europe were merely the failure of Stalinism or the Soviet model, not the failure of socialism [8]8 The German Socialist Equality Party (Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei, SGP) is a Trotskyist party, the German section of the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI).. Marie Frederiksen, editor of the Danish Trotskyist newspaper *Revolution*, also published an article arguing that the fall of the Berlin Wall showed that “what collapsed was not real communism, but a grotesque caricature of communism that had been stifled or suffocated by the growth of a vast bureaucratic apparatus” [9]9 The Fourth International is a Trotskyist international organization founded by Leon Trotsky in 1938 as a rival to the Stalinist-influenced Communist International.. Therefore, Trotskyist socialists refer to the series of events in Eastern Europe in 1989 as “revolutionary movements with counter-revolutionary consequences” [10]10 “Stalinism” here refers to the political and economic system and ideology associated with Joseph Stalin’s rule in the Soviet Union, often used critically by Trotskyists and others to denote a bureaucratic deformation of socialism., “the reversal of a mass revolutionary movement for genuine socialism” [11]11 The “Stalinist or Soviet model” refers to the specific form of socialism implemented in the Soviet Union under Stalin, characterized by a centrally planned economy, one-party rule, and state ownership of the means of production., and so on.

持“革命论”的主要是第四国际激进的托派社会主义者。但与西方主流舆论宣扬资本主义制度是唯一出路的“和平革命”“真正的革命”“自由与和平理想伟大胜利”等论调不同,托派社会主义者在根本上否认原东欧各国的社会主义性质,因而反对社会主义失败说。比如托派组织德国社会主义平等党于2019年11月12日在柏林举行的纪念会议上指出,东欧剧变只是斯大林主义或苏联模式的失败,而非社会主义的失败。8丹麦托派报纸《革命》编辑玛丽·弗雷德里克森也刊文认为,柏林墙倒塌表明“崩溃的不是真正的共产主义,而是被庞大的官僚机构增长所扼杀或窒息的共产主义畸形漫画”。9因此,托派社会主义者将1989年东欧发生的系列事件称为“具有反革命后果的革命运动”10“争取真正社会主义的群众性革命运动的逆转”11,等等。

The Communist Parties of Portugal, Ireland, the United States, Greece, Italy, Britain, Turkey, Sweden, and other countries are firm supporters of the “counter-revolution theory,” emphasizing that if revolution means a fundamental change in the mode of social organization, then the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 was a thoroughgoing counter-revolution. For instance, the Communist Party of Ireland criticized the “peaceful revolution theory” as a completely deceptive description, arguing that the disintegration of GDR socialism was the result of a counter-revolutionary movement launched by West Germany through the media and its sympathizers in the GDR after the opening of the borders. The unification of Germany was, in essence, West Germany taking over the GDR [12]. The Communist Party of Greece proposed that the fall of the Berlin Wall marked the subversion of GDR socialism and the restoration of capitalism, because behind the “victory of the democratic and free world” lay the beginning of an unprecedented “plunder” of the GDR’s public property. Its main manifestations included massive privatization, unemployment for millions of GDR citizens, privatization of public hospitals, and the spread of corruption between West German political parties and German multinational corporations [13].

葡萄牙、爱尔兰、美国、希腊、意大利、英国、土耳其、瑞典等多国共产党是“反革命论”的坚定支持者,强调如果革命意味着社会组织方式的根本改变,那么1989年柏林墙倒塌就是一场彻底的反革命。比如爱尔兰共产党批判“和平革命论”完全是一种欺骗性描述,认为民主德国社会主义的解体是在开放边界后西德通过媒体及其在民主德国的同情者发动反革命运动的结果,而两德统一实质上是西德接管了民主德国。12希腊共产党提出,柏林墙倒塌标志着民主德国社会主义被颠覆以及资本主义的复辟,因为“民主与自由世界胜利”的背后是对民主德国公共财产空前“掠夺”的开始,其主要表现就是大量私有化、数百万民主德国人失业、公立医院私有化以及西德政党和德国跨国公司之间的腐败蔓延。13

Anders Karlsson, former chairman of the Communist Party of Sweden, is also a supporter of the “counter-revolution theory.” In his new book *Revolution is a Journey into the Unknown World*, he argues that the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s was a “counter-revolution” launched from above by a small group within Soviet society, aimed at restoring capitalism. In this book, Karlsson also responds to views from Trotskyist socialists and others who deny the socialist character of the former Soviet and Eastern European countries, pointing out that the crux of the disagreement lies in how to define “socialism.” In his view, socialism is a transitional process, and the core issue is whether the socialist regime in question has already abolished the constituent elements of capitalism, such as private property, market relations, and the profit system. In this sense, although the former Soviet and Eastern European countries had many problems, they were undoubtedly socialist. At the same time, Karlsson also opposes some Western leftists who characterize the former Soviet and Eastern European countries as “state socialism,” emphasizing that socialism does not mean implementing purely decentralized workers’ self-management; socialist planned economy must be centralized and must be managed by a central planning body; otherwise, there would be no central planning. [14]14 Anders Karlsson (b. 1945), former chairman of the Communist Party of Sweden (2004–2013).

瑞典共产党前主席安德斯·卡尔森也是“反革命论”的支持者。他在新著《革命是一场通往未知世界的旅程》中提出,20世纪80年代末90年代初的苏联解体是苏联社会中的一小撮人从上层发动的一场“反革命”,旨在恢复资本主义。卡尔森在该书中还对托派社会主义者等否定原苏东国家社会主义性质的观点进行了回应,指出分歧的关键是如何界定“社会主义”。在他看来,社会主义是一个过渡过程,其核心问题在于所讨论的社会主义政权是否已经废除了资本主义的构成要素,如私有财产、市场关系和利润制度。在这一意义上,原苏东国家尽管存在很多问题,但无疑是社会主义。同时,卡尔森也反对一些西方左派将原苏东国家定性为“国家社会主义”,强调社会主义不意味着实行纯粹分散化的工人自治,社会主义计划经济必须是中央集权的,必须由中央计划机构负责管理,否则就不会有中央计划。14

In discussions surrounding the nature of the 1989 Eastern European events, including the fall of the Berlin Wall, many Western leftists have, without prior coordination, pointed to an important fact selectively ignored by mainstream Western society: at the outset of the events, the protesting masses were not demanding a turn towards capitalism or Western political models, but rather sought to improve the socialist system, reform the bureaucracy, restore the socialist principles of popular participation and economic democracy, and deepen the connection between socialism, democracy, and the rule of law. However, later on, “illusions” about capitalism dominated the movement, leading to a disastrous turn for socialism. Dagmar Enkelmann, Chair of the Executive Board of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation in Germany, argued that the 1989 protest movement in Berlin was an attempt to reform socialism, which once opened a brief window of opportunity for another, democratic and ecological socialist German Democratic Republic, but ultimately failed to succeed. [15]15 The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation is a German political foundation associated with the Left Party (Die Linke). French radical left economist Catherine Samary also believes that the historical transformation that ended the “bipolar world” in 1989 was ambiguous, because the protest movement opposed both the commandism of the ruling party and the major economic and social changes introduced after 1989. Therefore, it was closer to the 1968 autumn movement in Prague against Soviet occupation than to neoliberal “shock therapy.” However, this germ of a third path was obscured by the Cold War concept and the subsequent capitalist transformation. [16]16 Catherine Samary (b. 1942), French economist and Trotskyist activist. Czech scholar Ladislav Zemánek, citing opinion poll data from late 1989 regarding the Czech events, pointed out that at that time only 3% of respondents favored a transition to capitalism, while 92% favored maintaining the socialist system or a mixed system. He emphasized that the current Western political and media spheres avoid touching upon such issues because such dissenting voices would disrupt the mainstream narrative of the “Velvet Revolution.” [17]17 The “Velvet Revolution” is the term commonly used in the West for the non-violent transition of power in Czechoslovakia in late 1989.

在围绕柏林墙倒塌等1989年东欧事件性质问题的探讨中,不少西方左派都不约而同地指出了被西方主流社会选择性忽略的一个重要事实,即事件之初,抗议民众并非要求转向资本主义或西方政治模式,而是希望完善社会主义制度,改革官僚制,恢复社会主义的人民参与原则和经济民主,加深社会主义、民主和法治的联系,但后来对资本主义的“幻想”主导了运动,导致社会主义发生了灾难性转向。德国罗莎·卢森堡基金会执委会主席达格玛·恩格尔曼提出,1989年柏林的抗议运动是改革社会主义的尝试,曾经为另一个民主和生态社会主义的民主德国开启过短暂的机会之窗,但却未能走向成功。15法国激进左派经济学家凯瑟琳·萨马丽也认为,1989年终结“两极世界”的历史转型具有模糊性,因为抗议运动既反对执政党的命令主义,也不赞成1989年后引入的主要经济社会变革,因此更接近1968年秋季布拉格反对苏联占领的运动,而非新自由主义“休克疗法”,但这种走第三条道路的萌芽被冷战概念及随后的资本主义转型所掩盖。16捷克学者拉吉斯拉夫·泽曼内克则援引1989年年底关于捷克事件的民测数据,指出当时只有3%的受访者倾向于向资本主义过渡,92%的受访者倾向于坚持社会主义制度或混合制度。他强调,当前西方政治和媒体之所以不去触及这类问题,是因为这类反调会扰乱“天鹅绒革命”的主流舆论。17

III. Reasons for and Lessons from the Failure of Soviet and Eastern European Socialism

三、苏东社会主义失败的原因与启示

On the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Western left has profoundly reflected on the reasons for the failure of socialism. Most of them do not shy away from the problems that existed within the former Soviet and Eastern European socialist countries, such as bureaucracy and lack of democracy, and they also put forward the following representative viewpoints.

在柏林墙倒塌30周年之际,西方左派对社会主义失败的原因进行了深刻反思。他们大都不讳言原苏东社会主义国家内部存在的问题,比如官僚主义、民主缺乏等,同时还提出了以下具有代表性的观点。

First, the external cause theory.

一是外因论。

This viewpoint focuses on the role of external factors in the drastic changes in Eastern European countries, emphasizing the important part played by changes in US-Soviet relations in this process. For example, Constantin Crețu, Chairman of the 21st Century Communist Party of Romania, when discussing the Romanian events of 30 years ago, pointed out that what happened in Romania in 1989 was not a revolution, but a counter-revolutionary military coup. The fundamental reason was that Gorbachev traded ideological security for economic security, pursued the Sinatra Doctrine, and destroyed the socialist system throughout Europe. Therefore, the Romanian military coup was the result of a “hybrid war” led by both East and West. [18]18 The Sinatra Doctrine was a Soviet foreign policy under Gorbachev allowing Eastern Bloc states to determine their own internal affairs, named after the Frank Sinatra song “My Way.” Zemánek also analyzed an important viewpoint within the Czech Republic, namely that the 1989 Czech events were not a revolution in the broad sense, but a transfer of power from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the main reason being the consensus reached between the US and the Soviet Union and Gorbachev’s pursuit of Soviet interests, with popular protest playing no substantive role. [19]19 Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ), the ruling party of Czechoslovakia from 1948 to 1989.

这种观点关注东欧国家剧变中外部因素的作用,强调美苏关系变化在这一过程中扮演的重要角色。比如罗马尼亚21世纪共产党主席康斯坦丁·克雷图在谈到30年前的罗马尼亚事件时指出,1989年罗马尼亚发生的不是革命,而是一场反革命的军事政变,根本原因是戈尔巴乔夫以意识形态安全换取经济安全,奉行辛纳屈主义,摧毁了整个欧洲的社会主义体制,因此罗马尼亚军事政变是东西方领导的“混合战争”的结果。18泽曼内克也分析了捷克国内的一个重要观点,即1989年捷克事件不是一场广义的革命,而是从捷共手中移交政权,其主要原因是美苏达成共识、戈尔巴乔夫谋求苏联利益,民众抗议在其中并没有发挥实质性作用。19

Second, the dual factor theory.

二是双重因素论。

This viewpoint, starting from classical Marxist arguments, critically analyzes the problems in the development practice of Soviet socialism, proposing that the failure of Soviet socialism was the result of a combination of objective immaturity and subjective incapacitation. The renowned French Marxist philosopher and former member of the French Communist Party, Lucien Sève, in his 2019 book *Communism? Thinking with Marx Today*, pointed out that the October Revolution marked the beginning of the communist era. After the Civil War, Lenin recognized that the Soviet Union could not transition to socialism in the short term, and therefore, through the New Economic Policy, he worked to achieve the material and cultural prerequisites for a genuine transition to socialism. However, subsequent Soviet leaders did not continue along this path; instead, they practiced a “nation-statism” contrary to the Marxist communist goal. He believes that the objective conditions for revolution in materially and culturally underdeveloped countries were immature, and coupled with the subjective failure of communists in socialist practice to truly learn to use Marxist thinking, this created a “dramatic illusion” of building communism. Therefore, the system that died under the misleading name of “communism” at the end of the 20th century was not truly Marxist communism, and this is precisely the reason for its death. [20]20 Lucien Sève (1926–2020), prominent French Marxist philosopher.

这种观点从经典马克思主义的论证出发,批判地分析苏联社会主义发展实践中的问题,提出苏联社会主义的失败是客观上不成熟与主观上能力丧失相结合的结果。法国著名马克思主义哲学家、前法国共产党人卢西安·塞夫在2019年出版的《共产主义?今天与马克思一起思考》一书中指出,十月革命标志着共产主义时代的开启。列宁在国内战争后认识到苏联不可能在短期内过渡到社会主义,因而通过新经济政策致力于实现向社会主义真正过渡的物质和文化前提,但后来的苏联领导人却没有沿着这条道路继续走下去,而是践行了与马克思主义的共产主义目标相悖的“民族-国家主义”。他认为,物质文化不发达国家发生革命的客观条件不成熟,加之社会主义实践中共产党人在主观上没有真正学会运用马克思主义思考问题,造成了建设共产主义的“戏剧性假象”。因此,20世纪末以误导性“共产主义”名称死亡的制度不是真正马克思主义意义上的共产主义,而这恰恰也是其死亡的原因。20

Third, the multiple factor theory.

三是多重因素论。

This viewpoint emphasizes that socialist development is not a linear process, and therefore the failure of Eastern European socialism was not caused by a single factor but by multiple factors. Victor Grossman and Hans Modrow, the last Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic, adhere to this perspective. When analyzing the reasons for the failure of the German Democratic Republic, both discussed the Western threats, lack of foreign aid, Soviet constraints, and economic pressures they faced at the time, particularly emphasizing the impact of the economic difficulties exacerbated by reforms after the 1980s. Grossman believes this led to a rise in popular discontent, increased pressure on the legitimacy of the GDR government, and thus formed an irreversible “negative spiral.” [21]21 Victor Grossman (b. 1928), American-born writer and journalist who defected to the GDR. Modrow, on the other hand, argued that the reforms of the 1980s were not a genuine economic reform plan, but originated from Gorbachev’s so-called “more democracy equals more socialism” plan, which paid little attention to economic issues themselves, leading the economy in an increasingly decentralized manner. This caused a gradual increase in popular distrust of the Party’s leading role, leading to instability in Party-mass relations, and ultimately, as events unfolded, an implosion occurred. [22]22 Hans Modrow (1928–2023), last communist Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic (1989–1990).

这种观点强调社会主义发展不是一种线性过程,因此导致东欧社会主义失败的并非单一因素而是多种因素。维克多·克罗斯曼和民主德国最后一任总理汉斯·莫德罗坚持这样一种认识视角。在分析民主德国失败的原因时,他们都谈到了当时所面临的西方威胁、缺乏外援、苏联的限制、经济压力等方面的问题,尤其强调20世纪80年代后因改革而加剧的经济困难的影响。克罗斯曼认为,这造成了人们不满情绪上升,增加了民主德国政府合法性的压力,从而形成了难以逆转的“负螺旋”。21莫德罗则认为,20世纪80年代的改革不是真正的经济改革计划,而是源于戈尔巴乔夫所谓“更多民主等于更多社会主义”的计划,没有太多关注经济问题本身,从而使经济以一种越来越分散的方式领导,这导致民众对党的领导作用的不信任逐渐增加,导致党和群众关系不稳定,最终随着事态发展形成了内爆。22

When discussing the lessons and experiences of socialist development in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Western leftists mostly affirm that socialist construction achieved great successes, while also pointing out that the era of "actually existing socialism" has provided profound inspiration for 21st-century socialism. John Bachtell, former chair of the Communist Party USA, comprehensively summarized these inspirations into nine aspects, including: adhering to the diversity of paths of socialist development; meeting the needs of the people, economic and political democracy, and ensuring environmental sustainability; a vibrant civic culture and collective and individual rights; maintaining reflection and flexibility and carrying out necessary reforms; insisting that socialism is a long-term historical process; ensuring peace both within and outside socialism; upholding economic openness; actively responding to the new challenges of the mass communication revolution; and persisting in discussion, debate, and education to win people's hearts. [23]23 John Bachtell, "The Lessons of the 20th Century and the Future of Socialism," *World Marxist Review*, No. 1, 2019. Among these, the conclusion that socialist countries should follow their own development paths is one that Western leftists have generally drawn from their in-depth reflections. Gyula Thürmer, chair of the Hungarian Workers' Party, profoundly pointed out that the painful lesson of the former Eastern European communist parties losing state power and the drastic changes in socialist countries is that these parties and countries failed to find good methods suited to their own national traditions, customs, and characteristics. He emphasized that there are no common rules or standards for socialist construction. Communist and workers' parties also have no common ideological and political program, but rather possess broad ideological and political diversity. Each country and each party should determine its development path and methods based on its own national characteristics; copying the models of other countries leads nowhere. [24]24 Gyula Thürmer, "The Lessons of the 20th Century and the Future of Socialism," *World Marxist Review*, No. 1, 2019.

在探讨苏东社会主义发展的经验教训时,西方左派大多肯定社会主义建设取得了巨大成就,同时也指出“真实存在的社会主义”时代给21世纪社会主义提供了深刻的启示。美国共产党前主席约翰·巴切特尔将这些启示全面总结为九个方面,包括坚持社会主义发展道路的多样性;满足人民需要、经济和政治民主以及保证环境可持续性;充满活力的公民文化以及集体和个人权利;保持反思和灵活性以及进行必要的改革;坚持社会主义是一个长期的历史过程;保证社会主义内部与外部和平;坚持经济开放性;积极应对大众传播革命的新挑战;坚持讨论、辩论和教育以赢得人心。23其中,社会主义国家应该走自己的发展道路,是西方左派在深入反思中普遍得出的一个重要结论。匈牙利工人党主席蒂尔默·久洛深刻指出,前东欧共产党丧失政权和社会主义国家发生剧变的惨痛教训,就是这些党和国家没有能够找到符合本民族传统、习惯和特色的好办法。他强调,社会主义建设没有共同的规则和标准。共产党和工人党也没有共同的思想政治纲领,而具有广泛的思想和政治多样性。各国、各党应该根据本国本民族的特点来决定其发展道路和方法,照搬其他国家的模式没有出路。24

IV. The State of Economic and Social Development in the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe 30 Years after the Transition

四、转轨30年原苏东地区经济社会发展状况

In 1990, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl promised the people of East Germany a prospect of "general prosperity." He said: "No one will be worse off than before, and for many people things will be much better." [25]25 Helmut Kohl, "Television Address on the State of the Nation," July 1, 1990. So, did the 30 years of transition bring a "better future"? Western leftists have expressed differing views on this.

1990年,西德总理科尔曾经向东德人民许诺了一个“普遍繁荣”的发展前景。他说:“没有人会比以前更糟,对许多人来说情况会好很多。”25那么,转轨30年是否带来了一个“更加美好的未来”呢?西方左派对此表达了不同看法。

First, the coexistence of two worlds is a distinctive feature of development in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

第一,二元世界并存是原苏东地区发展的显著特征。

Kristen Ghodsee, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania and a renowned expert on Russian and Eastern European studies, and others, in their research on the 30 years of transition, found that the consequence of the events of 1989 was the formation of a situation where two worlds coexist. On the one hand, compared with the scarcity and isolation of the socialist period, societies in Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia now have more opportunities, which has indeed brought positive changes for a minority. On the other hand, however, it has also subjected the majority to an economic catastrophe, leaving deep fissures in the collective psyche of the "post-communist" world. By comparing the scale of the transitional recession in the former Soviet and Eastern European countries over 30 years with the Great Depression in the United States, she divided the region into three types: the most successful countries experienced a recession similar to the Great Depression (a 30% drop in per capita GDP); the median countries had their economies destroyed, exceeding the depth of the Great Depression (a 40% drop in per capita GDP lasting 17 years); and the hardest-hit countries and regions, such as Moldova, Georgia, Kosovo, Serbia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine, have never achieved economic recovery, with per capita GDP still lower than in the late socialist period. She pointed out that for these countries, the transition brought unprecedented economic pain, and except for a small elite, the gains for the majority were minimal. The post-communist economic disaster caused millions of excess deaths, mass migration, and social ills unheard of during the communist era, such as unemployment, organized crime, and the intensification of income polarization masked by total GDP figures. Due to rising mortality rates, falling birth rates, and a surge in emigration, these countries have become the fastest-shrinking countries in the world. She therefore concluded, "The new pain caused by the transitional recession is a new memory that will influence the political and economic choices of the region for decades to come." [26]26 Kristen Ghodsee and Mitchell Orenstein, *Taking Stock of Shock: Social Consequences of the 1989 Revolutions* (Oxford University Press, 2021), p. 45.

美国宾夕法尼亚大学教授、著名俄罗斯和东欧问题研究专家克里斯汀·戈德等对转轨30年进行研究发现,1989年事件的后果是两个世界并存的局面形成。一方面,与社会主义时期的稀缺性和孤立状态相比,现在的中东欧、中亚社会拥有更多的机遇,确实给少数人带来了积极的变化,但另一方面也使大多数人遭受了一场经济劫难,给“后共产主义”世界的集体心理留下了深深的裂痕。她通过对30年间原苏东国家的过渡性衰退规模与美国大萧条时期进行比较,将该地区划分为三种类型:最成功的国家与大萧条时期类似(人均GDP下降30%);中位国家摧毁了经济,超过了大萧条的深度(人均GDP下降40%,长达17年);受打击最严重的国家和地区,比如摩尔多瓦、格鲁吉亚、科索沃、塞尔维亚、塔吉克斯坦和乌克兰等国家从未实现经济复苏,人均GDP仍然低于社会主义晚期时的水平。她指出,对这些国家来说,转轨带来了史无前例的经济痛苦,除少数精英外,多数人的收益微乎其微。后共产主义经济灾难造成了数百万计的超额死亡、大规模移民、共产主义时期闻所未闻的社会弊病,如失业、组织化犯罪以及被GDP总量所掩盖的收入两极分化的加剧。由于死亡率上升、生育率下降、移民激增,这些国家成为世界上萎缩最快的国家。她因而得出结论,“过渡性衰退造成的新的痛苦是一种新的记忆,将在未来几十年影响该地区的政治和经济选择”。26

Second, the gap between East and West Germany is difficult to bridge.

第二,德国东西部差距难以弥合。

Many Western leftists have discussed the development difficulties of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) region after German reunification. In their view, German reunification was not a process of mutual integration, but an annexation of East Germany by West Germany, a German version of "shock therapy" – that is, the rapid and brutal introduction of capitalism, which triggered the largest and fastest industrial collapse in history. This has resulted in Germany still being a divided country 30 years after reunification. Economically, the per capita GDP of the eastern region is 20% lower than that of West Germany, the same as 15 years ago; wage levels are generally lower; and the population is also declining: it was 16.4 million in 1989, is currently 13.6 million, and is projected to fall by a further 25% by 2035. [27]27 German Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy, *Annual Report on the State of German Unity 2019*. At the same time, the psychological gap for Easterners is also significant. Although Easterners account for 17% of Germany's total population, they hold only 1.7% of senior positions in business, the military, the judiciary, and politics. A 2019 opinion poll showed that only 38% of Easterners considered reunification successful, and 57% of Easterners felt like second-class citizens. [28]28 Infratest dimap, "ARD Germany Trend: 30 Years of the Peaceful Revolution," October 2019. Furthermore, more people hold pessimistic views about the future prospects of the eastern region. In April 2019, the German Ifo Institute for Economic Research interviewed 136 economics professors at German universities; 69% of the respondents believed that it is impossible for the economic development levels of the eastern and western regions to converge in the coming years or decades. [29]29 Ifo Institute, "Ifo Economic Survey: East-West Economic Convergence Unlikely," *Ifo Schnelldienst*, April 2019.

不少西方左派都谈到德国统一后原民主德国地区的发展困境。在他们看来,两德统一本身就不是相互接纳的融合过程,而是西德对东德的吞并,是德国版的“休克疗法”,即资本主义迅速而残酷地引入,从而引发了有史以来规模最大、速度最快的工业崩溃。这导致德国在统一30年后实际上仍然是一个分裂的国家。在经济方面,东部地区人均GDP比西德低20%,与15年前持平,工资水平普遍较低,人口规模也在不断下降:1989年是1640万人,目前是1360万人,而预计到2035年还将下降25%。27同时,东部人的心理落差也很显著。虽然东部人口占德国总人口的17%,但其在商业、军事、司法和政治领域的高层职位只占1.7%。2019年的民调显示,只有38%的东部人认为统一是成功的,57%的东部人有二等公民之感。28此外,也有更多人对东部地区的未来前景持悲观看法。2019年4月,德国Ifo经济研究所对德国大学的136位经济学教授进行采访,其中69%的被访者认为未来几年或几十年内东西部地区的经济发展水平不可能趋于一致。29

Third, the growth of nostalgia and the "fertile ground" for the rise of populism.

第三,怀旧情绪增长与民粹主义滋生的“沃土”。

When analyzing the socio-psychological changes among the people of this region over the 30 years, Western leftists more or less mention "nostalgia for the communist past" or "nostalgia syndrome." [30]30 The term "Ostalgie" (a portmanteau of *Ost* for East and *Nostalgie* for nostalgia) is commonly used in German to describe this phenomenon. Western leftists believe that the emergence of this nostalgia is closely related to the state of economic development. By comparing statistical data from polling institutions like Pew over the past 30 years, they found that during the financial crisis around 2010, nostalgia surged significantly or remained at high levels in some countries facing severe economic problems. [31]31 Pew Research Center, "European Unity on the Rocks: Greeks and Germans at Polar Opposites," 2012. Kristen Ghodsee and others pointed out that it was the increasing economic pressure that fueled social distrust, leading to growing popular nostalgia for the security and stability of life during the socialist period. [32]32 Ghodsee and Orenstein, *Taking Stock of Shock*, p. 78. Economic hardship also brought another chain of consequences: it provided fertile ground for populists to exploit popular discontent and rise on a large scale. Especially in Germany, differences in economic levels have further developed into political divisions. Some Western leftists point out that Easterners oppose German support for Syrian refugees more strongly than Westerners and show greater enthusiasm for the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD). [33]33 Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a right-wing populist and Eurosceptic political party in Germany, founded in 2013.

在分析30年间该地区民众的社会心理变化时,西方左派或多或少会提及“对共产主义过去的怀旧情绪”(Nostagia for communist past)或“怀旧综合症”(Nostagia Syndrome)。30西方左派认为这种怀旧情绪的出现与经济发展状况密切相关。他们通过比较皮尤等民调机构在过去30年的统计数据发现,2010年前后的金融危机期间,一些面临严峻经济问题的国家怀旧情绪大幅度攀升或一直保持在较高水平。31克里斯汀·戈德等指出,正是越来越大的经济压力助长了人们对社会的不信任,从而导致民众对社会主义时期安全和稳定生活的怀念情绪不断增长。32经济困难也带来了另外一个连锁性后果,即为民粹主义者利用民众不满情绪而大规模崛起提供了肥沃土壤。尤其在德国,经济水平差异进一步发展成为政治分歧。有西方左派指出,东部人比西部人更强烈地反对德国对叙利亚难民的支持,并对右翼民粹主义政党“新选择党”表现出更大程度的热情。33

Fourth, historical revisionism impacts left-wing socialist forces.

第四,历史修正主义冲击左翼社会主义力量。

An important feature of political development in the former Soviet and Eastern European region is that “some state institutions and international institutions have repeatedly used or even abused history to achieve political-ideological purposes,” a tendency that the Western left calls “historical revisionism.” [34]34 The term “historical revisionism” is used here by the authors to denote the politically motivated distortion of history, particularly regarding the role of the USSR in WWII and the equation of communism with fascism, not the academic practice of revising historical interpretations based on new evidence. In the 30 years since the transition, historical revisionism has been rampant in the region. Through the constant tampering with, falsification of, and revision of the history of the Second World War, it denies the Soviet Union’s role in the anti-fascist struggle, equates communism with fascism, revives anti-communism in the historical ruins of the post-Second World War period, and has even gradually developed into an institutionalized phenomenon. For example, in many former Soviet and Eastern European countries, communist names and symbols are legally prohibited, and communist parties have been declared illegal. In an atmosphere where the communist and socialist past has been long distorted and demonized, radical anti-capitalist left-wing forces have suffered a devastating impact. This region, which once established and long maintained socialist political power, has become one of the weakest areas in the development of the world socialist movement today. Serbian scholar Svetlana Slapšak summarizes the current state of development of left-wing forces in the “post-socialist” world of Eastern Europe since 1989 in three characteristics: first, no universally accepted, reliable left-wing ideology has emerged, because this was the main target of the anti-communist wave; second, some leftists have adopted avoidance mechanisms, confining Marxism to a safe intellectual and academic space to ensure it serves as a necessary objective method and to prevent political vulgarization; third, young leftists either indulge in radical thinking or merge into anarchist, environmentalist, and feminist groups. [35]35 Svetlana Slapšak is a Serbian anthropologist and classical philologist known for her critical analyses of post-socialist nationalism and gender politics.

原苏东地区政治发展的一个重要特征是,“一些国家机构和国际机构多次利用甚至滥用历史来实现政治—意识形态目的”,这种倾向被西方左派称为“历史修正主义”。34转轨30年间,历史修正主义在该地区大行其道,通过不断篡改、伪造、修正第二次世界大战历史,否定苏联在反法西斯斗争中的作用,将共产主义与法西斯主义并列,使反共主义在第二次世界大战后的历史废墟中复活,甚至逐渐发展成为一种制度化现象,如在诸多原苏东国家,共产主义名称和标志被法律禁止、共产党被宣布为非法等。在共产主义和社会主义的过去被长期扭曲、妖魔化的氛围中,激进的反资本主义左翼力量受到颠覆性冲击,这个曾经建立并长期存在过社会主义政权的地方,成为当今世界社会主义运动发展最为薄弱的地区之一。塞尔维亚学者斯维特拉娜·斯拉普萨克将1989年东欧“后社会主义”世界中的左派力量的发展现状归结为三个特点:一是没有普遍接受的、可靠的左翼意识形态出现,因为这是反共浪潮的主要攻击目标;二是一些左派采用规避机制,将马克思主义拘囿在安全的知识与学术空间,以确保其作为必要的客观方法和防止政治庸俗化;三是青年左派或沉溺于激进思维,或融入无政府主义、环保主义和女权主义团体。35

V. The Validity and Future Prospects of Socialism

五、社会主义的有效性与未来前景

Looking back on the past and looking forward to the future, the Western left firmly opposes the notion that the fall of the Berlin Wall signifies the end of socialist ideals and value systems, and insists on the practical validity of socialism, the diversity of paths to its realization, and its future development prospects.

回首过去、展望未来,西方左派坚决反对柏林墙倒塌意味着社会主义理想和价值体系的终结,坚持社会主义的现实有效性、实现道路多样性及其未来发展前景。

First, the end of socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe did not change the nature of capitalism; on the contrary, the political and social ecology of capitalism has increasingly deteriorated. Francis Wurtz, a member of the Central Committee of the French Communist Party, believes that an important lesson drawn from the development of the past 30 years is that it proves that the history of capitalism is far from “ended”; rather, it is experiencing a survival crisis. Explosive inequality and social disintegration, ecological crises threatening human security, intensifying unilateralism, and the illusory obsession with the hegemony of liberal democracy all indicate that capitalism is self-destructing. [36]36 Francis Wurtz was a long-serving French MEP and leading figure in the French Communist Party (PCF). In a reflective article, Avelino Nunes, a member of the Central Committee of the Portuguese Communist Party, also proposed that the world today remains in a state of unease and danger, the most direct cause of which still bears the imprint of the “fall of the Berlin Wall,” namely, the disappearance of socialism as a world system and the global expansion of imperialist rule. Its most fundamental cause is the deepening structural crisis of capitalism, where the most reactionary ruling classes attempt to find a way out of their insoluble contradictions through exploitation, fascism, and war. The evolution of the international situation over the past 30 years not only proves the delusional nature of the “end of class struggle” and the “death of communism,” but also shows that socialism is more important and necessary than ever before. [37]37 Avelino Nunes is a prominent intellectual and central committee member of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP).

首先,苏东社会主义的结束没有改变资本主义的本质,资本主义政治社会生态反而愈益恶化。法共中央委员弗朗西斯·沃茨认为,总结过去30年发展的一个重要教训,就是证明资本主义的历史远未“终结”,而是在经历一场生存危机。爆炸性的不平等和社会瓦解、威胁人类安全的生态危机、单边主义加剧、对自由民主霸权的虚幻迷恋,表明资本主义正在自我毁灭。36葡萄牙共产党中央委员艾尔诺·努内斯在反思性文章中也提出,当今世界仍然处于不安和危险之中,其最直接的原因仍然带有“柏林墙倒塌”的印记,即作为世界体系的社会主义的消失以及帝国主义统治在全球的扩张。其最根本的原因是资本主义结构性危机的加深,是最反动的统治阶级试图通过剥削、法西斯主义和战争来为其不可解决的矛盾寻找出路。过去30年国际局势的演变不仅证明“阶级斗争终结”和“共产主义死亡”的妄想性,而且表明社会主义比以往任何时候都更加重要和必要。37

Second, construct a new left-wing strategy and explore diverse new forms of socialism that are more adaptable to the actual development of capitalism today. The Western left proposes conducting an in-depth reflection on the history of socialism, rather than indulging in nostalgia for the socialism of the past. It emphasizes that the progress of socialism can only be achieved by focusing on resolving the actual contradictions of capitalism under new conditions and formulating new struggle strategies. [38]38 This refers to the general strategic reorientation advocated by many Western left parties and thinkers after 1989-1991, moving away from models based on the Soviet experience. Slapšak believes that the left should combine its protest actions with community-centered activities, knowledge production, and ideological work, focusing on reimagining concepts of work organization, class struggle, and political power, to create conditions for the resurgence of a new progressive left. [39]39 This refers to the general strategic reorientation advocated by many Western left parties and thinkers after 1989-1991, moving away from models based on the Soviet experience. Bachtell raises the possibility of countries opening a path to socialism based on their respective political and social realities, history, and democratic traditions under current conditions, pointing out that humanity today is at a crossroads, facing unprecedented existential threats. The rise of modern socialism is rooted in humanity’s response to these urgent, global challenges. For the Communist Party USA, through struggles to expand economic and political democracy and workers’ rights, overcome social, racial, and gender inequality, pursue a sustainable development path, and demilitarize the economy and society, broad prospects will be opened for building a green, peaceful, and democratic socialism. [40]40 John Bachtell was the National Chair of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) from 2014 to 2019.

其次,构建左翼新战略,探索更加适应当今资本主义现实发展的多样化社会主义新形式。西方左派提出要对社会主义的历史进行深入反思,而不能沉溺于对过去社会主义的怀旧情绪,强调社会主义的进步只能着眼于解决新条件下资本主义实际存在的矛盾,制定新的斗争战略。38斯拉普萨克认为,左派应将其抗议行动与以社区为中心的活动、知识生产和意识形态工作结合起来,重点是重新设想工作组织、阶级斗争和政治权力的概念,为新的进步左派的重新崛起创造条件。39巴切特尔提出了当前条件下各国根据各自政治和社会现实、历史和民主传统开辟通向社会主义道路的可能性,指出当前人类正处在十字路口,面临着前所未有的生存威胁,现代社会主义的崛起植根于人类对这些紧迫性、全球性挑战的回应。对美共而言,通过进行扩大经济和政治民主、工人权利的斗争,克服社会、种族和性别不平等,追求可持续的发展道路,使经济和社会非军事化等,将为构建绿色、和平、民主的社会主义开辟广阔前景。40

Finally, the failure of socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is merely an episode in the historical process of socialism; socialism still marks the direction of human social development and progress. This is a common belief and firm ideal of the Western left. The Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist), in its outlook on the future of the working class and human development, makes a particularly representative assertion. It states: once the specter of socialism is let out of the bottle, it will never go back. No matter how tortuous the path, history always has its way forward; temporary failure is not the end of the road, but only a setback encountered on humanity’s long march towards the freedom of communism. The world’s working class will eventually establish a socialist society. In a socialist society, they can fully display their talents and, through collective labor, rationally plan a sustainable human lifestyle full of light and hope. [41]41 The Communist Party of Britain (Marxist-Leninist) is a small, Maoist-oriented political party in the United Kingdom.

最后,苏东社会主义的失败只是社会主义历史进程中的插曲,社会主义仍然标定着人类社会的发展和前进方向。这是西方左派的共同信念和坚定理想。英国共产党(马列)在展望工人阶级和人类发展未来时的论断尤其具有代表性,它这样指出:一旦社会主义的幽灵从瓶子里被放出,就绝不会再回去。无论如何曲折,历史总有其前进道路;暂时的失败不是道路的尽头,只是人类通向共产主义自由之长征路上遭遇的一次挫折。世界工人阶级终将建立社会主义社会。在社会主义社会中,他们能够各展其能,通过集体劳动理性地规划一种充满光明和希望、具有可持续性的人类生活方式。41

VI. Conclusion

六、结 语

2019 marked the 30th anniversary of the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and 2021 marked the 30th anniversary of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Important historical junctures often evoke people’s memories and reflections on history. Overall, the reflections and discussions of the Western left constitute a continuous process, characterized by distinctive features that reflect their identity, such as a greater focus on the conflicts and contradictions of transitional societies, defending the interests of the working masses, upholding the legitimacy of socialist values, and adhering to socialist beliefs and the direction of development. At the same time, the relevant understanding of the Western left is also a process of deepening. With the sedimentation of time and the increasing manifestation of the dilemmas of social transformation, their thinking and observations on major historical and contemporary issues of socialism, as well as the social fragmentation and anxiety in transitional countries, have become increasingly profound, thorough, and comprehensive.

2019年是东欧剧变30年,2021年是苏联解体30年。重要的时间节点往往更能勾起人们对历史的回忆和反思。总体看,西方左派的反思和讨论是一个连续性过程,具有体现其身份特征的鲜明特点,比如更关注转轨社会的矛盾冲突、捍卫劳动群众利益、维护社会主义价值理念正当性、坚持社会主义信念和发展方向等。同时,西方左派的相关认识也是一个愈益深化的过程,随着时间的沉淀以及社会转型困境的更多呈现,其在对社会主义重大历史和现实、转轨国家的社会撕裂和焦虑等问题上的思考与观察越来越深入、透彻和全面。

These reflections and discussions of the Western left have a dual significance. On the one hand, with their characteristic critical spirit and spirit of resistance, the Western left actively speaks out on major historical and practical issues, refutes fallacies, and engages in discursive struggle against the anti-communist, anti-socialist, and history-negating and -nihilistic rhetoric of mainstream Western public opinion. This helps guide public opinion to distinguish truth from falsehood, clear the ideological fog of the “post-communist” world, and clarify the various distortions of communism. On the other hand, the more important role of the Western left’s retrospection and commemoration of history lies in, on the basis of profoundly summarizing the historical lessons of socialism, gaining insight into and grasping the laws of socialist construction and development, thereby providing more experience and inspiration for the practice of socialism as a system and movement under new historical conditions. For the world’s left-wing and socialist forces, only by clearly recognizing the path they have come from can they find the way forward, thereby expanding the space and dimensions of socialist action, increasing the influence of socialism, and promoting the world socialist movement from a low ebb towards revitalization.

西方左派的这些反思和探讨具有双重意义。一方面,西方左派以其特有的批判性和反抗精神,围绕重大历史和现实问题积极发声、批驳谬误,与西方主流舆论反共反社会主义以及否定与虚无历史的论调进行话语抗争,有助于引导舆论辨真去伪、廓清“后共产主义”世界的思想迷雾、澄清对共产主义的种种歪曲;另一方面,西方左派回溯和缅怀历史的更重要的作用,是在深刻总结社会主义历史教训的基础上,透视和把握社会主义建设与发展规律,为新的历史条件下作为制度和运动的社会主义实践提供更多经验和启示。对世界左翼和社会主义力量来说,只有认清来路,才能找到出路,进而拓展社会主义的行动空间和维度,扩大社会主义的影响力,推动世界社会主义从低潮走向振兴。

The discussions of the Western left also centrally reflect a long-standing and intractable problem in the left-wing and socialist movements, namely, the differences or splits within the left. The splits within the Western left have their historical causes, and in terms of ideological theory, they are rooted in differing perceptions of Marxism and socialism. This leads the Western left to have different understandings of socialist history and different judgments on the nature of the former Soviet and Eastern European countries, which in turn extends to current divergent evaluations of the theory and practice of socialist countries, including China, as well as differing perceptions and even heated debates over the strategies, tactics, means, and methods for achieving socialism. Historically, pluralism and diversity are the norm in the development of left-wing and socialist movements, but in the face of the current united offensive of international capital, leftist parties in various countries also need to unite in order to mount a more powerful and effective response. Standing at the starting point of the third decade of the 21st century, the international political and economic landscape is undergoing tremendous changes and reshaping, which will inevitably have a profound impact on the development of the world left-wing and socialist movements. Under this new historical opportunity, leftists and socialists urgently need to construct new strategies and explore new directions for development. This especially requires them to be able to consciously abandon differences, bridge rifts, resist splits, seek unity and cooperation, and build consensus and win-win outcomes with a more open perspective, dialectical thinking, and long-term vision, so as to better explore the path toward the revival of world socialism.

西方左派的讨论也集中反映了左翼和社会主义运动中长期难解的一个突出问题,即左翼内部的分歧或分裂。西方左派的分裂有其历史缘由,思想理论上则根源于对马克思主义和社会主义的认知差异。这导致西方左派对社会主义历史有不同理解、对原苏东国家的性质有不同判断,进而延伸到当前对包括中国在内的社会主义国家理论和实践的不同评价,以及实现社会主义的战略策略、方式手段的认识分歧甚至激烈争论。历史地看,多元化、多样性是左翼和社会主义运动发展的常态,但在当前国际资本的联合攻势面前,各国左派同样需要联合起来才能进行更加有力、有效的应对。站在21世纪第三个十年的起点上,国际政治经济格局正在经历着巨变和重塑,必将对世界左翼和社会主义运动的发展带来深远影响。在这一新的历史机遇下,左翼和社会主义者亟需构建新的战略、探寻新的发展方向。这尤其需要其能够以更具开放性的视野、辩证的思维、长远的眼光,自觉摒弃分歧、弥合裂痕、抵抗分裂,谋求团结合作、筑就共识共赢,从而更好地探索世界社会主义走向复兴之路。

Notes

注释

1Kate Conolly, “Whatever Happened to the Berlin Wall”, Nov. 4, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/nov/04/whatever-happened-to-the-berlin-wall.

1Kate Conolly,“Whatever Happened to the Berlin Wall”,Nov.4,2019,https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/nov/04/whatever-happened-to-the-berlin-wall.

2di Fosco Giannini, “I giorni violenti della menzogna”, Nov. 11, 2019, https://www.ilpartitocomunistaitaliano.it/2019/11/11/i-giorni-violenti-della-menzogna/.

2di Fosco Giannini,“I giorni violenti della menzogna”,Nov.11,2019,https://www.ilpartitocomunistaitaliano.it/2019/11/11/i-giorni-violenti-della-menzogna/.

3Nikos Mottas, “The Berlin Wall: Exposing the Lies of Imperialism”, Nov. 9, 2019, http://www.idcommunism.com/2019/11/the-berlin-wall-and-imperialist-propaganda.html.

3Nikos Mottas,“The Berlin Wall:Exposing the Lies of Imperlialism”,Nov.9,2019,http://www.idcommunism.com/2019/11/the-berlin-wall-and-imperialist-propaganda.html.

4John Wojcik, “Thoughts on the Berlin Wall 30 Years after Its Demise”, Nov. 8, 2019, https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/thoughts-on-the-berlin-wall-30-years-after-its-demise/.

4John Wojcik,“Thoughts on the Berlin Wall 30 Years after Its Demise”,Nov.8,2019,https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/thoughts-on-the-berlin-wall-30-years-after-its-demise/.

5Victor Grossman, A Socialist Defector: from Harvard to Karl-Marx-Allee, Monthly Review Press, 2019.

5Victor Grossman,A Socialist Defector:from Harvard to Karl-Marx-Allee,Monthly Review Press,2019.

6Albano Nunes, “30 anos após a «queda do muro de Berlim» — A verdade é revolucionária”, Omilitante, EDIÇÃO No 363, NOV/DEZ 2019; Graham Harrington, “The Berlin Wall, thirty years later”, Mar. 7, 2019, https://socialistvoice.ie/2019/03/the-berlin-wall-thirty-years-later/.

6Albano Nunes,“30 anos após a 《queda do muro de Berlim》—A verdade é revolucionária”,Omilitante,EDIÇÃO No 363,NOV/DEZ 2019;Graham Harrington,“The Berlin Wall,thirty years later”,Mar.7,2019,https://socialistvoice.ie/2019/03/the-berlin-wall-thirty-years-later/.

7Nick Wright, “Berlin Wall: 30 Years Since the Collapse of Working-Class Power”, Nov. 13, 2019, https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/f/berlin-wall-30-years-collapse-working-class-power.

7Nick Wright,“Berlin Wall:30 Years Since the Collapse of Working-Class Power”,Nov.13,2019,https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/f/berlin-wall-30-years-collapse-working-class-power.

8“Socialist Equality Party (Germany) Holds Meeting on Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall”, Nov. 12, 2019, https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2019/11/12/wall-n12.html.

8“Socialist Equality Party (Germany) Holds Meeting on Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall”,Nov.12,2019,https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2019/11/12/wall-n12.html.

9Marie Frederiksen, “30 Years on: The Fall of the Berlin Wall and the Collapse of Stalinism”, Nov. 8, 2019, https://www.socialist.net/30-years-on-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-and-the-collapse-of-stalinism.htm.

9Marie Frederiksen,“30 Years on:The Fall of the Berlin Wall and the Collapse of Stalinism”,Nov.8,2019,https://www.socialist.net/30-years-on-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-and-the-collapse-of-stalinism.htm.

10Rob Jones, “Collapse of the Soviet Bloc 1989”, Oct. 2, 2019, https://www.socialistalternative.org/2019/10/02/collapse-of-the-soviet-bloc-1989/.

10Rob Jones,“Collapse of the Soviet Bloc 1989”,Oct.2,2019,https://www.socialistalternative.org/2019/10/02/collapse-of-the-soviet-bloc-1989/.

11Robert Becher, “30 Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall: How a Mass Revolutionary Movement for Genuine Socialism was Diverted”, The Socialist newspaper, Nov. 6, 2019, https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/29815/06-11-2019/30-years-after-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-how-a-mass-revolutionary-movement-for-genuine-socialism-was-diverted.

11Robert Becher,“30 Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall:How a Mass Revolutionary Movement for Genuine Socialism was Diverted”,The Socialist newspaper,Nov.6,2019,https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/29815/06-11-2019/30-years-after-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-how-a-mass-revolutionary-movement-for-genuine-socialism-was-diverted.

12Jerry Farrell, “The Return of the ‘German Spirit’”, Nov. 1, 2019, https://socialistvoice.ie/2019/11/the-return-of-the-german-spirit/.

12Jerry Farrell,“The Return of the ‘ German Spirit”,Nov.1,2019,https://socialistvoice.ie/2019/11/the-return-of-the-german-spirit/.

13Nikos Mottas, “The Berlin Wall: Exposing the Lies of Imperialism”, Nov. 9, 2019, http://www.idcommunism.com/2019/11/the-berlin-wall-and-imperialist-propaganda.html.

13Nikos Mottas,“The Berlin Wall:Exposing the Lies of Imperlialism”,Nov.9,2019,http://www.idcommunism.com/2019/11/the-berlin-wall-and-imperialist-propaganda.html.

14Anders Carlsson, “Revolutionen Var En Resa In I Det Okända”, Feb. 1, 2019, http://proletaren.se/artikel/revolutionen-var-en-resa-i-det-okanda.

14Anders Carlsson,“Revolutionen Var En Resa In I Det Oknäda”,Feb.1,2019,http://proletaren.se/artikel/revolutionen-var-en-resa-i-det-okanda.

15In Conversation with Dagmar Enkelmann, “1989: A Window into Another Society?”, Dec. 13, 2019, https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/41391/1989-a-window-into-another-society/.

15In Conversation with Dagmar Enkelmann,“1989:A Window into Another Society?”,Dec.13,2019,https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/41391/1989-a-window-into-another-society/.

16Catherine Samary, “Eastern Europe: Revisiting the Ambiguous Revolutions of 1989”, Nov. 27, 2019, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article6306.

16Catherine Samary,“Eastern Europe:Revisiting the Ambiguous Revolutions of 1989”,Nov.27,2019,http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article6306.

17Ladislav Zemánek, “30 Years after: How the Czech Republic Commemorated the Anniversary of the ‘Velvet Revolution’”, Dec. 19, 2019, https://china-cee.eu/2019/12/19/czech-republic-social-briefing-30-years-after-how-the-czech-republic-commemorated-the-anniversary-of-the-velvet-revolution/.

17Ladislav Zemánek,“30 Years after:How the Czech Republic Commemorated the Anniversary of the“Velvet Revolution”,Dec.19,2019,https://china-cee.eu/2019/12/19/czech-republic-social-briefing-30-years-after-how-the-czech-republic-commemorated-the-anniversary-of-the-velvet-revolution/.

18Quoted from the email content of an interview conducted by the author with Constantin Crețu, President of the 21st Century Communist Party of Romania, on February 23, 2020, regarding the question of the drastic changes in Eastern Europe.

18引自2020年2月23日罗马尼亚21世纪共产党主席康斯坦丁·克雷图(Constantin Cretu)就东欧剧变问题接受作者访谈的邮件内容。

19Ladislav Zemánek, “30 Years after: How the Czech Republic Commemorated the Anniversary of the ‘Velvet Revolution’”, Dec. 19, 2019, https://china-cee.eu/2019/12/19/czech-republic-social-briefing-30-years-after-how-the-czech-republic-commemorated-the-anniversary-of-the-velvet-revolution/.

19Ladislav Zemánek,“30 Years after:How the Czech Republic Commemorated the Anniversary of the‘Velvet Revolution’”,Dec.19,2019,https://china-cee.eu/2019/12/19/czech-republic-social-briefing-30-years-after-how-the-czech-republic-commemorated-the-anniversary-of-the-velvet-revolution/.

20Lucien Sève, Le communisme ? Penser avec Marx aujourd’hui, La Dispute, 2019.

20Lucien Sève,Le communisme?:Penser avec marx aujourd’hui,La Dispute,2019.

21An Interview with Victor Grossman, “From Harvard to East Berlin”, Aug. 31, 2019, https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/08/victor-grossman-interview-gdr-german-democratic-republic-socialist-defector-from-harvard-to-karl-marx.

21An Interview with Victor Grossman,“From Harvard to East Berlin”,Aug.31,2019,https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/08/victor-grossman-interview-gdr-german-democratic-republic-socialist-defector-from-harvard-to-karl-marx.

22An Interview with Hans Modrow, “I was the Last Communist Premier of East Germany”, Nov. 9, 2019, https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/11/berlin-wall-fall-east-germany-hans-modrow-cold-war.

22An Interview with Hans Modrow,“I was the Last Communist Premier of East Germany”,Nov.9,2019,https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/11/berlin-wall-fall-east-germany-hans-modrow-cold-war.

23John Bachtell, “Lessons Learned 30 Years after the Demise of Socialist Countries”, Apr. 26, 2019, https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/lessons-understood-30-years-after-demise-of-socialist-countries/.

23John Bachtell,“Lessons Learned 30 Years after the Demise of Socialist Countries”,Apr.26,2019,https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/lessons-understood-30-years-after-demise-of-socialist-countries/.

24Quoted from the email content of an interview conducted by the author with Gyula Thürmer, Chairman of the Hungarian Workers’ Party, on October 30, 2019, regarding the question of the experiences and lessons of Hungarian socialist construction.

24引自 2019年10月30日匈牙利工人党主席蒂尔默·久洛就匈牙利社会主义建设的经验教训问题接受作者访谈的邮件内容。

25“Chancellor Kohl’s Television Address on the Day the Currency Union took Effect”, July 1, 1990, http://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3101.

25“Chancellor Kohl’s Television Address on the Day the Currency Union took Effect”,July 1,1990,http://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3101.

26Kristen R. Ghodsee and Mitchell A. Orenstein, “Legacy of ’89: Revolutions for Whom?”, Nov. 6, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2019/11/06/legacy-of-89-revolutions-for-whom/.

26Kristen R.Ghodsee and Mitchell A.Orenstein,“Legacy of ’89:Revolutions for Whom?”,Nov.6,2019,https://balkaninsight.com/2019/11/06/legacy-of-89-revolutions-for-whom/.

27“30 Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall: How a Mass Revolutionary Movement for Genuine Socialism was Diverted”, Nov. 6, 2019, https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/29815/06-11-2019/30-years-after-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-how-a-mass-revolutionary-movement-for-genuine-socialism-was-diverted.

27“30 Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall:How a Mass Revolutionary Movement for Genuine Socialism was Diverted”,Nov.6,2019,https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/29815/06-11-2019/30-years-after-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-how-a-mass-revolutionary-movement-for-genuine-socialism-was-diverted.

28“Why the Gap Between Former East and West Germany is Growing”, Aug. 30, 2019, https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/why-the-gap-between-former-east-and-west-germany-is-growing-29409.

28“Why the Gap Between Former East and West Germany is Growing”,Aug.30,2019,https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/why-the-gap-between-former-east-and-west-germany-is-growing-29409.

29Ökonomenpanel von ifo und FAZ, “Dreißig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall-Wie steht es um das Gefälle zwischen Ost und West”, 9.04.2019, https://www.ifo.de/oekonomenpanel/201904.

29Ökonomenpanel von ifo und FAZ,“Dreißig Jahre nach dem Mauerfall-Wie steht es um das Gefälle zwischen Ost und West”,9.04.2019,https://www.ifo.de/oekonomenpanel/201904.

30In Germany a new word has even been coined — “Ostalgie” (Eastalgia). [42]42 “Ostalgie” is a German portmanteau of “Ost” (East) and “Nostalgie” (nostalgia), referring to a sentimental longing for aspects of life in the former German Democratic Republic (East Germany) after its dissolution in 1990.

30在德国甚至创造了一个新词——“东德情结”(Ostalgie)。

31R. Ahthion, “Communist Nostalgia as the Reality of Bourgeois Democracy hits home in Eastern Europe”, Apr. 28, 2019, https://medium.com/@rsahthion/communist-nostalgia-as-the-reality-of-bourgeois-democracy-hits-home-in-eastern-europe-3960aa341560.

31R.Ahthion,“Communist Nostalgia as the Reality of Bourgeois Democracy hits home in Eastern Europe”,Apr.28,2019,https://medium.com/@rsahthion/communist-nostalgia-as-the-reality-of-bourgeois-democracy-hits-home-in-eastern-europe-3960aa341560.

32Kristen R. Ghodsee and Mitchell A. Orenstein, “Legacy of ’89: Revolutions for Whom?”, Nov. 6, 2019, https://balkaninsight.com/2019/11/06/legacy-of-89-revolutions-for-whom/.

32Kristen R.Ghodsee and Mitchell A.Orenstein,“Legacy of ’89:Revolutions for Whom?”,Nov.6,2019,https://balkaninsight.com/2019/11/06/legacy-of-89-revolutions-for-whom/.

33Cynthia Hooper, “Did the Fall of the Berlin Wall Lead to a Better World”, Nov. 9, 2019, https://vip.politicsmeanspolitics.com/2019/11/09/did-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-lead-to-a-better-world/.

33Cynthia Hooper,“Did the Fall of the Berlin Wall Lead to a Better World”,Nov.9,2019,https://vip.politicsmeanspolitics.com/2019/11/09/did-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-lead-to-a-better-world/.

34Ferenc Laczó, “Revisionism Instead of Reinvention”, Dec. 18, 2019, https://neweasterneurope.eu/2019/12/18/revisionism-instead-of-reinvention/.

34Ferenc Laczó,“Revisionism Instead of Reinvention”,Dec.18,2019,https://neweasterneurope.eu/2019/12/18/revisionism-instead-of-reinvention/.

35Sveltana Slapsak, “What Happened to the Left in Eastern Europe after 1989”, Nov. 10, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/happened-left-eastern-europe-1989-191107212736021.html.

35Sveltana Slapsak,“What Happened to the Left in Eastern Europe after 1989 ”,Nov.10,2019,https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/happened-left-eastern-europe-1989-191107212736021.html.

36Francis Wurtz, “La ‘Fin de L’histoire’ a 30 ans”, 11 novembre, 2019, https://franciswurtz.net/2019/11/11/la-fin-de-lhistoire-a-30-ans/.

36Francis Wurtz,“La ‘Fin de L’histoire’ a 30 ans”,11 novembre,2019,https://franciswurtz.net/2019/11/11/la-fin-de-lhistoire-a-30-ans/.

37Albano Nunes, “30 anos após a ‘queda do muro de Berlim’ — A verdade é revolucionária”, Omilitante, EDIÇÃO No 363, NOV/DEZ 2019.

37Albano Nunes,“30 anos após a 《queda do muro de Berlim》—A verdade é revolucionária”,Omilitante,EDIÇÃO No 363,NOV/DEZ 2019.

38Nick Wright, “Berlin Wall: 30 Years Since the Collapse of Working-class Power”, Nov. 13, 2019, https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/f/berlin-wall-30-years-collapse-working-class-power.

38Nick Wright,“Berlin Wall:30 Years Since the Collapse of Working-class Power”,Nov.13,2019,https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/f/berlin-wall-30-years-collapse-working-class-power.

39Sveltana Slapsak, “What Happened to the Left in Eastern Europe after 1989”, Nov. 10, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/happened-left-eastern-europe-1989-191107212736021.html.

39Sveltana Slapsak,“What Happened to the Left in Eastern Europe after 1989 ”,Nov.10,2019,https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/happened-left-eastern-europe-1989-191107212736021.html.

40John Bachtell, “Lessons Learned 30 Years after the Demise of Socialist Countries”, Apr. 26, 2019, https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/lessons-understood-30-years-after-demise-of-socialist-countries/.

40John Bachtell,“Lessons Learned 30 Years after the Demise of Socialist Countries”,Apr.26,2019,https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/lessons-understood-30-years-after-demise-of-socialist-countries/.

41Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), “Workers in Eastern Europe and Former Soviet States Prefer Socialism”, July 26, 2019, https://thecommunists.org/2019/07/26/news/workers-eastern-europe-former-ussr-prefer-socialism/.

41Communist Party of Great Britain(Marxist-Leninist),“Workers in Eastern Europe and Former Soviet States Prefer Socialism”,July 26,2019,https://thecommunists.org/2019/07/26/news/workers-eastern-europe-former-ussr-prefer-socialism/.

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑