The Development Predicament of the French Communist Party Since the 2008 Economic Crisis

Since 2008, the economic crisis originating in the United States has swept the globe. Europe, as the heartland of capitalism, has suffered deeply. Countries across Europe, especially in Western and Southern Europe, have successively fallen into the quagmire of debt crises, refugee waves, and unemployment. Coupled with the spread of international terrorism and the rise of populist forces, major mainstream ruling parties face multifaceted challenges. The mutual intensification of the economic crisis and social contradictions has led to political crises in some countries, providing an opportunity for the broad left-wing parties that have always aimed to critique and transform capitalism. The French Communist Party (hereinafter referred to as the PCF), as an established left-wing force in Europe, formed a party alliance—the Left Front (Front de gauche)—with the French Left Party at the end of 2008, and absorbed small left-wing parties such as the “Ensemble pour une alternative sociale et écologique,” “Alternatives,” “République et socialisme,” “Gauche unitaire,” “Fusion et alternative,” “Gauche anticapitaliste,” and “Parti communiste des ouvriers de France,” hoping to achieve something. However, over the past decade or more, the PCF’s performance at various levels has been unsatisfactory. Why has the PCF charged left and right but still struggled to make a difference? Based on the PCF’s performance in important domestic and international elections in recent years, this article intends to analyze the practical predicaments it faces in its development from three aspects: the overall environment of European left-wing politics, the PCF’s identity positioning on the political spectrum, and the theoretical construction after the proposal of “New Communism,” in order to provide a rational interpretation of the PCF’s development situation after the economic crisis.

2008年以来，始于美国的经济危机席卷全球，欧洲作为资本主义的中心地带可谓深受其害，欧洲各国尤其是西欧、南欧国家相继陷入债务危机、难民潮和失业潮的泥潭，加之国际恐怖主义蔓延和民粹主义力量抬头，各大主流执政党面临着多方面的挑战。经济危机和社会矛盾的相互激化已使部分国家出现政治危机，这为一向以批判和改造资本主义为宗旨的广大左翼政党提供了契机。法国共产党（以下简称“法共”）作为欧洲老牌左翼力量，于2008年底便与法国左翼党组成政党联盟——左翼阵线（Front de gauche），并吸纳了“争取社会和生态替代联盟”“替代”“共和与社会主义”“联合左翼”“融合与替代”“反资本主义左翼”和“法国工人共产党”等左翼小党，以期有所作为。但近十多年来，法共在各个层面的表现并不理想。法共缘何左冲右突，但是始终难有作为？本文以法共近年来国内外重要选举的成绩为依据，拟从欧洲左翼政治的整体环境、法共在政治光谱中的身份定位和“新共产主义”提出后的理论建设三个方面，具体分析其发展所面临的现实困境，以期对经济危机后法共的发展状况作出理性解读。

I. The Declining Trend in the Development of the French Communist Party Since the 2008 Economic Crisis

一、2008年经济危机以来法国共产党发展的下滑态势

Marx once compared the French proletariat to the “politician” of the European proletariat. As the spokesperson of the French proletariat, the PCF has unique political advantages. After World War II, the PCF was once the largest political party in France, but for more than half a century thereafter, it has been struggling in decline and declining in struggle. Currently, the PCF only governs in the Val-de-Marne department and the two cities of Saint-Denis and Montreuil, each with a population of over 100,000. From the perspective of political elections, after the outbreak of the 2008 economic crisis, the PCF, like other left-wing parties, was held in high expectations by domestic and international public opinion. However, whether in the French National Assembly elections, presidential elections, or European Parliament elections, the results were contrary to expectations, even performing poorly.

马克思曾把法国无产阶级比作欧洲无产阶级的“政治家”，法共作为法国无产阶级的代言人有着得天独厚的政治优势。二战后，法共一度是法国第一大政党，但此后的半个多世纪却一直在挣扎中衰退、在衰退中挣扎。目前，法共仅在在马恩河谷省以及圣但尼和蒙特勒伊两座人口超过10万的城市执政。从政治选举的角度看，2008年经济危机爆发后，法共同其他左翼政党一样，被国内外舆论寄予极高期望，但是，无论是在法国国民议会选举、总统选举中，还是欧洲议会选举中，其结果都事与愿违，甚至表现糟糕。

(1) Declining Voice in the National Assembly

（一）在国民议会中话语权下降

The French National Assembly is an important platform for the activities of French political parties, with its main functions being legislation and oversight of the current government. In France, only the National Assembly can hold the government accountable, that is, by proposing a motion of no confidence to impeach the government. Therefore, election results in the National Assembly are a direct reference for reflecting the influence of French political parties. In 2007, before the economic crisis, the PCF independently obtained 1,115,663 votes (4.29% of the vote) in the National Assembly elections, winning 15 seats (out of a total of 577 seats, accounting for 2.6%). However, in 2012, four years after the economic crisis continued to affect France, the PCF, together with the electoral alliance including other parties of the Left Front, obtained 1,792,923 votes (6.91% of the vote), winning only 10 seats (out of a total of 577 seats, accounting for 1.73%). In 2017, the PCF again independently participated in the National Assembly elections, ultimately obtaining 615,503 votes (2.72% of the vote), winning 10 seats (out of a total of 577 seats, accounting for 1.73%). It is thus not difficult to see that after the economic crisis, the PCF’s voice in the National Assembly has further declined, placing it in a more marginalized state.

法国国民议会是法国政党活动的重要平台，其主要职权在于立法和对现任政府的监督。在法国，唯有国民议会才能对政府进行责任追究，即通过对政府提出不信任案弹劾政府。因此，国民议会的选举成绩是体现法国政党影响力的直接参照。在经济危机爆发前的2007年，法共在国民议会选举中独立获得1115663张选票（得票率4.29%），赢得15个议席（总议席数577，占比2.6%）。但在经济危机持续影响法国4年后的2012年，法共与包括左翼阵线其他政党在内的选举联盟共获得1792923张选票（得票率6.91%），仅赢得10个议席（总议席数577，占比2.6%）。2017年，法共再次独立参加国民议会选举，最终获得615503张选票（得票率2.72%），赢得10个议席（总议席数577，占比1.73%）。由此不难看出，经济危机之后，法共在国民议会的话语权进一步下降，处于更加边缘化的状态。

(2) Facing a Dilemma in Presidential Elections

（二）在总统选举中面临窘境

The French President is the head of state and supreme commander of the armed forces, sharing the highest executive power of France with the cabinet led by the Prime Minister. For political parties, promoting candidates to run for president is the most direct and effective way to realize their political will and propositions. Therefore, every French presidential election has attracted much attention. Since the PCF first participated in the presidential election in 1969, it has either directly run or supported others to run indirectly in each election, showing a high level of activity in the presidential election process. In 2007, PCF National Secretary Marie-George Buffet ran, obtaining 707,268 votes (1.93% of the vote, ranking 7th). In 2012, the PCF supported Left Front leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon in his candidacy, obtaining 3,985,089 votes (11.10% of the vote, ranking 4th). In 2017, the PCF again supported La France insoumise leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon in his candidacy, obtaining 7,059,951 votes (19.58% of the vote, ranking 4th). From the results of these three recent elections, the PCF has increasingly tended to join electoral alliances to support candidates from other parties in running for president, and its vote results have also improved significantly compared to when PFC candidates ran independently. However, this also directly reflects the PCF’s predicament of being unable to field a more attractive candidate on its own, and can only play a “supporting role” or “deputy” in presidential elections.

法国总统是法国的国家元首和武装部队最高司令，与总理领导的内阁共掌法国最高行政权。对于政党而言，通过推举候选人竞选总统是实现自身政治意志和主张最直接、最有效的方式，故法国历届总统选举都备受关注。法共自1969年首次参加总统选举后，每届都直接参选或支持他人间接参选，在总统选举过程中活跃度较高。2007年，法共总书记玛丽-乔治·比费（Marie-George Buffet）参选，获得707268张选票（得票率1.93%，排名第7）。2012年，法共支持左翼阵线领导人让-吕克·梅朗（Jean-Luc Mélenchon））雄参选，获得3985089张选票（得票率11.10%，排名第4）。2017年，法共再次支持不屈法国（La France insoumise）领导人让-吕克·梅朗雄参选，获得7059951张选票（得票率19.58%，排名第4）。从近三次选举情况来看，法共更加趋向于加入选举联盟支持其他党派候选人竞选总统，其得票结果也较法共党内候选人独立参选有较大的提升。但这也直接反映出，法共自身无力推举出更具吸引力的候选人，在总统选举中其只能扮演“配角”或“副手”的窘境。

(3) Sliding Support in the European Parliament

（三）在欧洲议会中支持率滑坡

The European Parliament is an important deliberative body since the establishment of the European Union and a crucial stage for European political parties to exert international influence. It holds elections every five years and is the only directly elected parliamentary institution of the EU, playing an important role in the EU’s legislative, supervisory, and advisory affairs. Its elections are also highly valued by political parties in various countries. In 2004, the PCF independently participated in the sixth European Parliament elections, obtaining 1,009,976 votes (5.88% of the vote), winning 2 seats. In 2009, the PCF participated in the seventh European Parliament elections as a member of the Left Front, obtaining 1,115,021 votes (6.48% of the vote), winning 4 seats (3 of which were held by PCF members). In 2014, the PCF again participated in the eighth European Parliament elections as a member of the Left Front, obtaining 1,252,730 votes (6.61% of the vote), winning 4 seats (1 of which was held by a PCF member). In 2019, the PCF again independently participated in the ninth European Parliament elections, obtaining only 564,949 votes (2.49% of the vote), winning no seats. The above election results show that after joining the electoral alliance, the PCF’s support rate increased slightly, but after leaving the electoral alliance again, the PCF’s support rate declined very significantly, and there was also a large gap compared to 2004. In addition, between 2004 and 2019, the voter turnout rates for French citizens in European Parliament elections were 42.76%, 40.63%, 42.43%, and 50.12%, respectively, while the voter turnout rates for EU citizens in European Parliament elections were 45.47%, 42.97%, 42.61%, and 50.66%, respectively. It can be seen that over the past 15 years, despite a certain increase in public participation in European Parliament elections, the PCF’s support rate has still declined, and its series of efforts after the economic crisis have not achieved the expected results among voters.

欧洲议会是欧盟成立以来的重要议事机构，是欧洲政党发挥国际影响力的重要舞台。它每五年进行一届选举，是欧盟唯一的直选议会机构，在欧盟的立法、监督和咨询等事务中具有重要作用，其选举也倍受各国政党的重视。2004年，法共独立参加欧洲议会第六届选举，获得1009976张选票（得票率5.88%），赢得2个议席。2009年，法共以左翼阵线成员的身份参加第七届欧洲议会选举，获得1115021张选票（得票率6.48%），赢得4个议席（其中3个席位为法共党员）。2014年，法共仍以左翼阵线成员身份参加第八届欧洲议会选举，获得1252730张选票（得票率6.61%），赢得4个议席（其中1个席位为法共党员）。2019年，第九届欧洲议会选举法共再次独立参加，仅获得564949张选票（得票率2.49%），没有赢得议席。上述选举结果表明，在加入选举联盟后，法共支持率略有上升，而再次脱离选举联盟后，法共支持率滑坡十分明显，与2004年也有较大差距。此外，2004至2019年间，法国民众参与欧洲议会投票的比例分别为42.76%、40.63%、42.43%和50.12%，欧盟民众参与欧洲议会投票的比例分别为45.47%、42.97%、42.61%和50.66%。由此可见，近15年来在民众对欧洲议会选举参与率有一定提升的情况下，法共的支持率仍在下降，其在经济危机后的一系列努力并未在选民中取得预期的效果。

In summary, since the 2008 economic crisis, the PCF’s election results have shown an overall downward trend, with some election results even worse than before the economic crisis. The “good luck” that left-wing parties had hoped for has clearly not befallen the PCF. In a situation where center-left and center-right political forces are increasingly converging, and far-left and far-right parties are emerging as new forces, competition among political parties and groups will only become more intense, whether in the National Assembly, presidential elections, or European Parliament elections, and the electoral space for small and medium-sized parties will be further squeezed. Therefore, for the PCF, such a situation is no less than a wake-up call, prompting it to seriously reflect on the current “big environment” and “small climate”—that is, the overall environment of European left-wing politics, as well as the problems existing in the PCF’s identity positioning and theoretical innovation.

综上可知，2008年经济危机以来，法共的选举成绩整体上呈现下滑的态势，某些选举结果甚至比经济危机之前还要差劲，左翼政党所期待的“好运”显然也没有降临在法共身上。在中左、中右翼政治力量日渐趋同，极左、极右翼政党异军突起的形势下，无论是国民议会、总统选举，还是欧洲议会选举，政党、党团竞争只会更加激烈，中小政党的选举空间将受到进一步挤压。因此，对于法共来说，如此状况不失为一声警钟，促使其认真反思当前的“大环境”与“小气候”——即欧洲左翼政治的整体环境以及法共于身份定位和理论创新等方面存在的问题。

II. External Predicaments in the Declining Development of the French Communist Party

二、法国共产党发展下滑态势的外部困境

As a traditional left-wing party in France, the decline in the development of the French Communist Party (PCF) is deeply influenced by the development of European left-wing parties. Since World War II, left-wing parties were once among the most influential political forces in Europe and an important pole upholding European democratic institutions; social democratic parties, communist parties, and workers' parties in various countries all played significant roles in governing or participating in government. Since the 1990s, under the dual influence of the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the proliferation of neoliberal ideology, traditional European left-wing values have faced severe challenges. Many left-wing parties began to seek their own breakthroughs and transformations more urgently. The wave of reform among left-wing parties achieved some results in the short term, but it did not reverse their overall trend of decline. Since the 21st century, especially after the global economic crisis, the political pendulum in Europe has again swung to the right, and the situation of left-wing parties has continued to deteriorate.

作为法国传统左翼政党，法共发展下滑态势深受欧洲左翼政党发展的影响。二战以来，左翼政党曾经是欧洲最具影响力的政治力量之一，亦是维护欧洲民主制度的重要一极，各社会民主党、共产党、工人党在本国都曾担当执政或参政的重要角色。自20世纪90年代以来，受苏东剧变和新自由主义思潮滥觞的双重影响，欧洲传统左翼价值观受到严峻挑战，不少左翼政党开始更加急切地寻求自身的突破和变革。左翼政党的改革浪潮在短时期内取得了一定效果，但并没有扭转其整体下滑的趋势。21世纪以来，特别是全球经济危机后，欧洲政治天平再次向右倾斜，左翼政党的境遇持续走低。

Taking the elections of the European Parliament as an example, the Socialist Group in the European Parliament, composed of mainstream European left-wing parties, could still win 200 seats (27.32% of the total seats) in the 2004 European Parliament elections. In 2009, this group changed its name to the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament, hoping to achieve significant results in the elections under the backdrop of the economic crisis, but this did not come to pass. In that European Parliament election, the support rate for the mainstream left-wing group did not increase but instead fell, winning only 184 seats (25% of the total seats), while the right-wing group still won 265 seats (36.01% of the total seats), nearly the same as in the previous election. Even though some marginal far-left parties made small gains, they could not compensate for the losses of the mainstream left. Some scholars even stated that Europe was clearly continuing to turn right, even experiencing "a right-wing resurgence never seen before in the history of the European Union." [1]1 A reference to a rightward shift in European politics observed by scholars after the 2009 European Parliament elections. By 2019, the support rate for the mainstream left-wing group fell again, winning only 154 seats (20.51% of the total seats).

以欧洲议会的选举为例，由欧洲主流左翼政党组成的欧洲议会社会党党团（Socialist Group in the European Parliament）在2004年仍能够获得欧洲议会选举中的200个议席（占总议席数27.32%）。2009年，该党团改名为欧洲议会社会民主党进步联盟（Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament），以期在经济危机背景下的选举中能大有作为，但事实却未能如愿。该届欧洲议会选举，主流左翼党团支持率不增反降，仅获得了184个议席（占总议席数25%），而右翼党团仍然能够获得与上一届选举相差无几的265个议席（占总议席数36.01%），即使一部分处于边缘地位的极左政党小有斩获，也难以弥补主流左翼的损失。有学者更是表示，欧洲明显继续右转，甚至出现“欧盟历史上从没看到过的一次右翼回潮。”到2019年，主流左翼党团支持率再次下跌，仅获得了154个议席（占总议席数20.51%）。

Furthermore, in recent domestic elections, apart from left-wing parties such as the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the Finnish Social Democratic Party which performed relatively well, the support rates of left-wing parties across various European countries all experienced varying degrees of decline. For example, in the 2017 German federal election, the Social Democratic Party of Germany received only 20.5% of the vote, setting its lowest record since World War II. In the same year's French presidential election, due to the poor performance of former leader François Hollande on issues of the economy, employment, counter-terrorism, refugee problems, and his personal life, the French Socialist Party suffered its most severe loss of voters in history.

此外，在近几年的国内选举中，除西班牙工人社会党、芬兰社会民主党等左翼政党形势较好外，欧洲各国左翼政党的支持率悉数遭遇不同程度的滑坡。例如，2017年德国联邦选举中，德国社会民主党仅得到20.5%的选票，创下了二战以来的最低纪录。在同年的法国总统选举中，由于前领导人弗朗索瓦·奥朗德（Francois Hollande）在经济、就业、反恐怖主义、难民问题以及私人生活方面的糟糕表现，法国社会党遭遇了有史以来最严重的选民流失。

The predicament of the overall decline in support for left-wing parties naturally also profoundly affects the PCF. As a traditional left-wing party in France, the PCF once held an important position in French politics for a period after World War II. The PCF's three landmark ideological adjustments [2]2 The three major ideological adjustments of the French Communist Party: the adoption of Eurocommunism in the 1970s, the abandonment of "democratic centralism" in 1994, and the proposal of "New Communism" in the late 1990s. not only had a major impact on the PCF itself but also influenced and drove changes in other left-wing parties to varying degrees. However, over the past half-century, the survival and development situation of the PCF has been deteriorating, which is inseparably related to the broader environment of European left-wing parties. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, some European left-wing parties seemed eager to find alternatives to "democratic socialism," showing characteristics of being "close" to the reality of capitalist society and "distant" from the label of socialism. Under this influence, the PCF proposed "New Communism." Although this theory retained the word "communism," its substantive content carried a certain hue of capitalist reform. For example, it argued that the revolution in contemporary French society belongs to the revolution of the "era of the individual," meaning that every citizen faces pressures of unemployment, exploitation by enterprises, and inequality between the state and the individual. To solve these problems, one can neither rely on violence nor on war or division, but must unite each person's will to transform society to carry out social change. As an important member of Eurocommunism, [3]3 Eurocommunism was a trend in the 1970s and 1980s among Western European communist parties to develop an independent path to socialism distinct from the Soviet model, emphasizing democratic and parliamentary means. the PCF was once called "the last stronghold in Europe opposing the capitalist system," yet today's PCF advocates "transcending capitalism," that is, reforming capitalism on the basis of its existing foundations. This move by the PCF actually also demonstrates the awkwardness of traditional left-wing parties having to move toward the "center" when facing a crisis of socialist values. For this reason, the Committee for a Workers' International once stated, "Since the 1990s, among influential parties with a good mass base in various countries, one can no longer find a party that takes opposing the capitalist system as its goal of struggle." [4]4 The Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) is a Trotskyist international organization founded in 1974.

左翼政党支持率整体下降的困境自然也深刻影响着法共。作为法国传统左翼政党，法共曾于二战后的一段时期内占据法国政坛的重要地位。法共先后三次标志性的意识形态调整，7不仅对法共自身产生重大影响，也不同程度地影响、带动着其他左翼政党的变革。然而近半个世纪以来，法共的生存与发展形势却每况愈下，这与欧洲左翼政党的大环境有着不可分割的关系。苏东剧变后，部分欧洲左翼政党似乎急于寻找替代“民主社会主义”的理念，表现出“亲”资本主义社会现实而“疏”社会主义标签的特点。法共在此影响下，提出了“新共产主义”，该理论虽然保留了“共产主义”的字眼，但其实质内容却带有一定的资本主义改良色彩。例如，它认为当今法国社会的革命属于“个人时代”的革命，即每个公民都面临着失业压力、企业剥削以及国家与个人的不平等，而要解决上述问题，既不能依靠暴力，也不能依靠战争或分裂，而是要将每个人变革社会的意愿联合起来从而进行社会变革。作为欧洲共产主义的重要一员，法共曾经被称为“欧洲反对资本主义制度的最后一个据点”，而今天的法共却主张“超越资本主义”，即在资本主义的现有基础上改良资本主义。法共的这一举措实际上也表现出传统左翼在面临社会主义价值危机时不得不向“中”靠拢的尴尬。为此，工人国际委员会（Committee for A Workers'International）曾表示，“从上个世纪90年代以来，在各国有影响力且群众基础良好的政党中，已经找不到一个政党将反对资本主义制度作为自己的奋斗目标了。”

This move—not taking opposing the capitalist system as the primary goal but instead turning to find ways to "adapt," "integrate," and "compromise" with it—aroused strong dissatisfaction among the broad base of lower- and middle-class voters. In the context of globalization, the economic crisis has caused more severe turmoil in capitalist societies and has had a deeper impact on the daily work and life of ordinary people. When facing problems such as slow economic growth, rising unemployment, and an influx of refugees, traditional left-wing parties like the PCF and the French Socialist Party did not direct their criticism at the defects of the current system but merely sought reformist and conciliatory measures, which truly disappointed many voters. For this reason, some people began to turn their attention to right-wing parties, or even far-left or far-right parties. In today's world of political pluralism, European politics is also undergoing pluralistic changes. The demands of people from different classes and strata are not the same. It is not easy to win stable support in the rapidly changing competition among political parties, and it is even more difficult to regain vitality among disillusioned voters. European left-wing parties, including the PCF, must now face the reality of declining support rates, scientifically analyze the reasons, and make adjustments as soon as possible; otherwise, this predicament will only become more deeply entrenched and difficult to reverse.

这种未把反对资本主义制度作为首要目标，而是转向寻找向其“适应”“融入”“妥协”办法的举动引起了广大中下层选民的强烈不满。在全球化的背景下，经济危机对资本主义社会造成的动荡更加剧烈，对普通民众日常工作、生活的影响也更加深刻，在面对经济增长缓慢、失业率上升、难民涌入等问题时，法共、法国社会党等传统左翼政党并未将矛头对准现行制度的缺陷，而仅仅寻求改良、缓和的举动着实让不少选民大失所望。也因为如此，部分人开始把目光转向右翼政党、甚至极左或极右翼政党。在世界政治多元化的今天，欧洲政治同样也正经历着多元化的变革。不同阶级、阶层的民众诉求不尽相同，要想在瞬息万变的政党竞争中赢得稳定支持实属不易，要想在失去信心的民众中重获新生更是难上加难。包括法共在内欧洲左翼政党如今必须正视支持率下滑的现实，科学分析原因，尽快做出调整，否则这一困境只会愈发积重难返。

III. The Identity Predicament of the French Communist Party's Wavering Political Positioning

三、法国共产党政治定位左右摇摆的身份困境

Since its founding in 1920, the PCF has enjoyed a lofty status among left-wing parties in France, Europe, and even the world, once being the largest party representing the interests of the French working class. From independently exploring the socialist path together with communist parties in Western Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, to completely breaking free from the shackles of the Soviet model after the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the PCF seemed to have gained liberation but also stepped into confusion. After the 21st century, the new technological revolution has continuously weakened the traditional working class. The new modes of production born in the context of informatization have broken traditional class boundaries, also forcing traditional left-wing parties to actively change their image. In this regard, the French Socialist Party directly influenced the PCF. The French Socialist Party attempted to shape the image of a party for all the people in many respects, constantly seeking support from middle groups. This centrist path, pursued persistently by the French Socialist Party, achieved some results, especially laying a solid foundation for François Hollande's election as French president in 2012. This move also had a negative effect, indirectly alienating its original lower- and middle-class voters and causing some losses, but overall, the centrist path of the French Socialist Party achieved a certain degree of success. Under the example of the French Socialist Party, the PCF began to explore a centrist path in the latter half of the 20th century, but its results were far from satisfactory.

自1920年成立以来，无论是在法国、欧洲乃至世界左翼政党中，法共都享有崇高地位，一度是代表法国工人阶级利益的第一大党。自20世纪60、70年代同西欧各国共产党一道开始独立探索社会主义道路，到苏东剧变后完全摆脱苏联模式束缚，法共看似迎来了解脱，却也步入了迷茫。21世纪后，新科技革命不断削弱着传统工人阶级群体，在信息化背景下孕育而生的新生产方式打破了传统的阶级界限，也迫使传统左翼政党积极改变形象。在这方面，法国社会党直接影响了法共。法国社会党在许多方面试图塑造全民政党的形象，不断寻求中间群体的支持。这一中间化道路在法国社会党的坚持之下，取得了一定成果，特别是为2012年奥朗德当选法国总统打下了坚实基础。这一举措也有负面效应，即间接疏远了其原有的中下层选民，造成了一定损失，但就总体而言，法国社会党的中间化道路取得了一定成效。而法共在法国社会党的示范下，于20世纪后半段开始探索中间化道路，但其效果却远不尽如人意。

In the political spectrum, the PCF has always outwardly been a clearly left-wing party, but internally, there has been persistent controversy and division over whether to follow a traditional line further left than the Socialist Party or a centre-left line. The PCF’s “new communism,” which carried centrist overtones in the 1990s, was only formally proposed after intense inner-party struggle. At least six factions have existed within the PCF, including the Majority, the Orthodox, the Refounders, the Counterattack, the Hue, and the Reconstruction factions. Among them, the Majority faction, centered on Marie-George Buffet and Pierre Laurent, effectively held leadership of the entire party from 2003 to 2018. The Majority advocates “remaking the PCF,” that is, expanding the PCF’s voter base and enhancing its political influence by forming alliances with other left-wing parties and strengthening exchanges and mutual assistance among left-wing parties; it is the main force pushing the PCF toward a centrist path. In contrast, the Orthodox faction, represented by the PCF’s Pas-de-Calais federation and the Paris 15th arrondissement branch, opposes cooperation with the Socialist Party, especially opposing the PCF leadership’s formation of the Left Front and its support for Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Instead, it advocates a return to a traditional Marxist-Leninist party and even calls for France to leave the EU and the eurozone. Currently, although the Orthodox faction is less powerful than the Majority, it has long held considerable influence within PCF organizations in northern France. Furthermore, the Counterattack, Hue, and Reconstruction factions hold varying attitudes toward the centrist path; most members of the Hue and Reconstruction factions have already left the party.

在政治光谱中，法共对外一直是旗帜鲜明的左翼政党，但在法共内部，究竟是走传统的、比社会党更左的路线还是中左路线，一直存在争议和分歧，20世纪90年代法共带有中间化色彩的“新共产主义”就是在经历了激烈的党内斗争后才正式提出的。法共党内先后至少存在六个派系，包括多数派、正统派、再造派、反击派、于派和重建派。其中，以比费和皮埃尔·洛朗（Pierre Laurent）为核心的多数派，自2003年至2018年实际掌握全党领导权。多数派主张“重塑法共”，即通过与其他左翼政党组建联盟，加强左翼政党间交流与互助，进而扩大法共的选民基础、提升政治影响力，是法共推动中间化道路的主要力量。而以法共加来海峡省委和巴黎十五区支部为代表的正统派则反对法共与社会党合作，特别是反对法共领导层组建左翼阵线和支持梅朗雄的做法，而主张回到传统的马克思-列宁主义政党，甚至呼吁法国退出欧盟和欧元区。目前，正统派的实力虽不及多数派，但在法国北部的法共组织中一直具有较大影响力。此外，反击派、于派和重建派对中间化道路又持各异的态度，其中于派和重建派的大多党员已经退党。

The direct purpose of the PCF’s centrist path is to adapt to the world situation and national conditions in order to broaden its voter base—that is, to achieve a transformation from a “vanguard party” to a “mass party.” The change in its party flag is a concrete manifestation of this transformation. As is well known, the hammer and sickle respectively represent two laboring classes: the hammer, used for striking, symbolizes workers; the sickle, used for harvesting, symbolizes peasants. The two tools combined represent the worker-peasant alliance. Communist parties using the hammer and sickle as their party flag naturally take as their purpose becoming the “vanguard” of the working class and the peasantry. But the hammer and sickle that once represented French workers and peasants have long since disappeared from the PCF’s party flag. In recent publicly displayed designs, the PCF party flag has basically only printed the full French name or abbreviation of the PCF, deliberately erasing the colors of workers and peasants. In 2018, the PCF’s latest publicly released party flag even printed a slightly dynamic five-pointed star in a prominent position; its shape resembles the outline of mainland France, symbolizing the whole of France, implying an intention to win support from a broader range of French voters. The old PCF party flag is now only still used by some Orthodox faction members within the party. In addition, in recent years, the PCF membership card and the PCF official newspaper have also successively abolished the original hammer-and-sickle emblem.

法共中间化道路的直接目的是适应世情、国情，以达到拓宽选民基础的目的，即实现从“先锋党”到“群众党”的转变，其党旗的变化就是这种转变的一个具体体现。众所周知，镰刀和锤子分别代表两种劳动阶级，锤子用来敲打，象征工人；镰刀则用于收割，象征农民。两种工具结合在一起，代表工农联盟。各国共产党用锤子和镰刀作为党旗，自然是以成为工人阶级和农民阶级的“先锋”为宗旨，但曾经代表法国工人和农民的锤子和镰刀早已不再出现于法共的党旗上。在近几次公开的图案中，法共党旗基本只印刷法共法语全称或缩写，有意抹去了工人和农民的色彩。2018年，法共最新公开的党旗更是将一个略带动感的五星图形印在醒目位置，它形似法国本土轮廓，象征着整个法国，暗含着争取更大范围法国选民支持之意。而法共旧党旗仅有部分党内正统派党员仍坚持使用。此外，近年来法共党员证、法共机关报也都相继取消了原有的镰刀锤子标志。

However, the centrist path advocated by the Majority faction has not been smooth sailing; the PCF has also wavered in this process. In 2008, French Socialist Party members Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Marc Dolez believed it necessary to establish a new party that “holds firm to the left-wing camp” and “does not compromise with the right,” so they left the party and formed the more radical Left Party of France. That same year, the PCF and the Left Party of France formed the Left Front (Front de gauche) alliance, jointly participating in the 2009 European Parliament election, the 2010 French regional elections, the 2012 French presidential election, and the 2012 French legislative election. In 2017, Mélenchon founded a new party, La France insoumise (Unsubmissive France), to run in the presidential election. The PCF and some far-left minor parties quickly expressed support for Mélenchon and cooperated with La France insoumise. But after the presidential election defeat, the PCF withdrew from the alliance and independently participated in the subsequent National Assembly election. Whether the Left Front or La France insoumise, both sent a clear signal: the PCF had taken substantive action shifting from the centre-left to the far-left. Since the economic crisis, far-left parties have better grasped the psychology of the populace, and their approval ratings have risen to a certain extent, making them an emerging force in French and even European politics. However, compared with centre-left parties, they still have considerable gaps in party scale, governing experience, and organizational capacity, making it extremely unlikely they will replace them in the short term. At this point, the PCF, having traveled only halfway along the centrist path, turned back toward the far-left, fully revealing its hesitation and indecision regarding its own political positioning. This includes both proactive adjustments made to adapt to changing electoral circumstances and passive vacillation caused by long-standing internal disagreements within the PCF. And precisely during this process of vacillation, the PCF has already lost many voters.

但是，多数派所主张的中间化道路并非一帆风顺，法共在此过程中也出现过摇摆。2008年，法国社会党人梅朗雄与马克·多雷（Marc Dolez）认为有必要建立一个“坚守左翼阵营”、“不向右翼妥协”的新党，因此两人退党组建了更为激进的法国左翼党。同年，法共与法国左翼党组建左翼阵线（Front de gauche）联盟，先后共同参与了2009年欧洲议会选举、2010年法国大区选举、2012年法国总统选举和2012年法国立法选举。2017年，梅朗雄又新建政党——不屈法国（La France insoumise）以参加总统选举。法共与部分极左翼小党迅速表示支持梅朗雄，并与不屈法国合作。但随着总统选举失利，法共又退出联盟，独立参加之后的国民议会选举。无论是左翼阵线还是不屈法国，都向外释放了一个明显的信号，即法共出现了由中左翼转向极左翼的实质性行动。经济危机以来，极左翼政党较好地抓住了民众的心理，其支持率得到一定程度的提升，成为了法国乃至欧洲政坛的新兴力量。但与中左翼政党相比，其在政党规模、执政经验与组织能力方面都还存在较大差距，短时期内取而代之的可能性极低。而此时法共在中间化道路行至半途之时又转而向极左翼靠拢，足见其对于自身政治定位的徘徊和犹豫。这其中既有为适应选情变化而做出的主动调整，也有法共内部长期意见不一而导致的被动摇摆。而就在这个摇摆过程之中，法共已经流失了不少选民。

The predicament the PCF faces in elections has both objective causes—the overall decline of left-wing parties—and subjective causes—its own unclear political positioning. Among the various factors leading to the PCF’s predicament, the key reason is its blind pursuit of electoral alliances while lacking a stable political orientation. For example, once it joins an electoral alliance, the PCF repeatedly calls on its supporters to vote for other parties in the alliance. But when those other parties change direction or “leave without saying goodbye,” the PCF’s original supporters find it difficult to return to the PCF, because they cannot know where the PCF will go next. This political uncertainty, while causing the loss of PCF votes, has also indirectly led to a loss of PCF membership. From 2002 to 2008, PCF membership remained above 130,000; it fell to 70,000 in 2011 and to 57,000 in 2016. By the end of 2019, the PCF had only 47,000 members, roughly one-twentieth of its peak size. It can be said that the continuous shrinking of party membership has exacerbated the decline in the PCF’s approval ratings and also deepened its confusion over whether to go left or right.

法共在选举中遭遇的困境，既有左翼政党整体下滑的客观原因，也有自身政治定位不明确的主观原因。在各项导致法共陷入困境的因素中，盲目追求选举联盟而缺乏稳定政治倾向是关键原因。例如，一旦加入选举联盟后，法共不断号召其支持者投票给联盟中的其他政党，但在其他政党发生转向或“不告而别”时，法共原有支持者已难再回归法共，原因是他们无法得知法共下一步将向何处去。这种政治上的不确定性在导致法共选票流失的同时，也间接导致了法共党员人数的流失。2002至2008年，法共党员人数保持在13万以上，2011年下降至7万，2016年下降至5.7万。截至2019年底，法共仅存4.7万名党员，大约只有规模巅峰时期的二十分之一。可以说，党员规模的不断萎缩加剧了法共支持率的下跌，也加剧了其向左还是向右的迷茫。

IV. The Theoretical Predicament of the French Communist Party’s “New Communism” Proposal Encountering a Cold Reception

四、法国共产党“新共产主义”主张遭遇冷场的理论困境

The PCF has always attached importance to its own theoretical construction. Looking at its nearly century-long history of development, the PCF has, in different historical periods and facing different historical contexts and specific national conditions, successively proposed and formed different theoretical achievements, such as the “Popular Front” theory, “Eurocommunism,” “Socialism in French Colors,” “New Communism,” and so on. After the 21st century, the PCF insisted on deepening and expanding its views and propositions on the basis of “New Communism.” After the 2008 economic crisis, when the ills of the capitalist system once again became prominent, traditional left-wing voters and many left-wing parties hoped that “New Communism” could offer a better plan for the existing system. But in reality, the PCF’s explanations and interpretations of its theory failed to effectively convince voters; the once-proud “New Communism” seems to have encountered a “cold reception.” Combining the PCF’s expressions of “New Communism” in both formal and informal settings over the past decade or so, the reasons why “New Communism” has encountered a cold reception are mainly the following two aspects.

法共一向是重视自身理论建设的。从近百年来的发展历史来看，法共在不同历史时期，面对不同时代背景与具体国情，相继提出并形成了不同的理论成果，如“人民阵线”理论、“欧洲共产主义”“法国色彩的社会主义”“新共产主义”，等等。21世纪后，法共坚持在“新共产主义”的基础上不断深化拓展其观点和主张。2008年经济危机后，当资本主义制度的弊病再次凸显之时，传统左翼选民以及不少左翼政党都寄希望于“新共产主义”能够对现行制度提出更好的方案，但实际上法共对其理论的阐释和解读都未能很有效地说服选民，曾经引以为傲的“新共产主义”似乎也遇到了“冷场”。结合近十余年来法共在正式及非正式场合对“新共产主义”的表述来看，“新共产主义”之所以遭遇冷场，主要有以下两个方面的原因。

First, the “new communism” has not truly confronted the capitalist system. Criticism of the capitalist system is a “must-have” for all communist parties. In the first decade after the birth of “new communism,” the PCF still mentioned criticizing capitalism’s profit-seeking nature. But over the past decade or so, the PCF seems increasingly to downplay criticism of the capitalist system itself, attributing many social contradictions instead to the abuse of neoliberal policies. In 2006, the PCF’s 33rd Congress focused on how to oppose neoliberalism, run for president, and strengthen social movements; regarding the capitalist system, it merely proposed further clarifying the meaning of “going beyond capitalism.” In 2008, the PCF’s 34th Congress mainly concentrated on intra-left party competition, proposing to establish a “progressive front to defend freedom and democracy” to enhance electoral effectiveness, without mentioning the capitalist system. After experiencing the economic crisis, far from seizing the opportunity to criticize the capitalist system, the PCF fell silent. In 2016, the PCF’s 37th Congress focused on building an equal world, establishing a People’s Civic Front, and strengthening Party building; it did not list any separate issues concerning the capitalist system, merely stating its intention to “propose solutions with communist characteristics for France under the crisis background and offer suggestions for the future direction of French society.” Even today on the PCF’s official website, it is difficult to find content criticizing the capitalist system; at most, one sees slogans such as “communists have always opposed the constraints that capital interests place on European development,” “people-centered, not finance-centered,” and “what we are fighting for is a more just, more united France open to the world.” If one cannot confront the capitalist system itself, expose its basic contradictions and exploitative essence, and then propose an alternative, it is difficult to preserve the true character of a communist party or “communist” theory.

一是“新共产主义”没有真正直面资本主义制度。对资本主义制度的批判，是所有共产党的“必选项”。“新共产主义”诞生的头十年，法共还曾提到批判资本主义的逐利性。但是近十余年来，法共似乎越来越淡化对资本主义制度本身的批判，而把许多社会矛盾的原因归结为新自由主义政策的滥用。2006年，法共三十三大重点探讨如何反对新自由主义、竞选总统和加强社会运动，而关于资本主义制度仅提出要进一步阐明“超越资本主义”的内涵。2008年，法共三十四大主要聚焦左翼内部的政党竞争，提出要建立“捍卫自由和民主的进步阵线”以加强选举时效，并未提及资本主义制度。在经历经济危机之后，法共非但没有趁此对资本主义制度进行批判，反而三缄其口。2016年，法共三十七大的重点议题为建立一个平等的世界、成立人民公民阵线以及加强党的建设，没有单列有关资本主义制度的任何问题，而仅仅表示要“为危机背景下的法国提出具有共产党特色的解决方案，为法国社会未来发展方向提出建议”。即使是在现如今法共官网上，也很难看到关于批判资本主义制度的内容，充其量也只是提出“共产党人一直反对资本利益对欧洲发展的束缚”“要以人为本而非以金融为本”“我们在争取的是向世界开放的更公正、更团结的法国”等诸如此类的口号。不能直面资本主义制度本身，揭露其基本矛盾和剥削实质，进而提出替代方案，就难保共产党或“共产主义”理论的本色。

Second, the “new communism” is too all-encompassing and lacks a core concept. Since the emergence of “new communism” in the 1990s, successive PCF leaders have inherited and developed it, from the 1999 *New Plan for Communism*, to the 2006 *Prospects for Communism*, to the PCF’s 2016 proposal that “the moment is ripe for communist transformation,” and the current PCF website’s claim that “ecology is at the heart of the communist struggle.” Although the content of “new communism” has continuously kept pace with the times, it is very difficult to extract a core concept from it. Some Western scholars even say that the PCF’s theoretical construction is like “a patchwork of ideological fragments of strikingly different colors, making it largely indistinguishable from other parties.” A close look at the policy proposals the PCF has put forward in recent years reveals both the imprint of the Socialist Party and the shadow of the Greens. For example, on the issue of wealth redistribution, although the PCF has proposed tax assessment criteria different from those of the French Socialist Party, the logic of distribution is the same: both manage social wealth within the framework of Keynesianism. On the question of “revolution,” the PCF has long since, like the Socialist Party, advocated achieving revolutionary goals through parliamentary elections, no longer considering the complete or violent overthrow of the state—that is, seizing power through revolution. On green development, the PCF believes that in the face of globalization, productivism and consumerism have accelerated the destruction of ecosystems, indirectly leading to global warming, biodiversity loss, an increase in chronic diseases, environmental pollution, and a multiplication of social inequalities. This is quite similar to the mainstream discourse of the Greens. Furthermore, the PCF has dabbled in almost all areas that left-wing parties typically focus on: healthcare reform, pensions and social security, employment training, anti-racism, gender equality, human rights and housing rights, anti-financial warfare, French democratic construction, public services, the digital revolution in production methods, and education reform.

二是“新共产主义”过于包罗万象而缺乏核心理念。自20世纪90年代“新共产主义”问世以来，法共历任领导人先后都继承并发展着“新共产主义”，从1999年的《共产主义的新规划》，到2006年的《共产主义的展望》，再到2016年法共提出的“共产主义变革恰逢良机”，以及当前法共官网提出的“生态是共产主义斗争的核心”。虽然“新共产主义”的内容不断与时俱进，但却很难从中梳理出核心理念。一些西方学者甚至表示，法共的理论建设就像是“由一片一片色彩迥异的意识形态碎片缝合起来的，变得在很大程度上同其他党派一样了”。细品近年来法共提出的施政方针，既有社会党的烙印，也有绿党的影子。比如，在财富再分配的问题上，尽管法共提出了有别于法国社会党的征税评估标准，但在分配逻辑上它们是一样的，都是在凯恩斯主义的框架之下进行社会财富的管理。在“革命”问题上，法共也早已同社会党一样主张通过议会选举实现“革命”目标，不再考虑彻底或者暴力颠覆国家，即革命夺权。在绿色发展上，法共认为在全球化面前，生产主义和消费主义加速了生态系统的破坏，也间接导致了全球变暖、生物多样性丧失、慢性疾病增加、环境污染和社会不平等现象的倍增。这与绿党的主流论调颇为相似。此外，在医疗改革、养老与社会保障、就业培训、反种族主义、性别平等、人权与住房权、反金融战争、法国民主建设、公共服务、生产方式的数字革命和教育改革等几乎所有左翼政党都会关注的方面，法共均有涉猎。

Logically speaking, the PCF’s active adaptation to the major trends of change and development in French and even European society, and its proactive integration of new viewpoints and the new policy ideas of other parties at the theoretical and policy level, could be seen as a healthy and effective attitude for a political party’s operation. However, as a communist party, in the process of enriching and perfecting “new communism,” it has been too eager to pursue all-encompassing solutions in the policy domain while neglecting the exploration and construction of a core concept. This has meant that “new communism” has not truly played a pioneering role in theoretical transformation. How to build a “new communism” that can genuinely adapt to French national conditions, align with the PCF’s left-wing political stance, conform to social development, and attract voters remains an urgent issue requiring deep reflection for the PCF, both now and in the future.

按理说，法共能够积极适应法国社会乃至欧洲社会发展变化的大趋势，主动在理论政策层面不断融入新观点、融合其他政党的新政见，是一种良性的有效的政党运作态度。但作为共产党，在“新共产主义”丰富完善过程中，太过于在施政领域追求包罗万象的方案，而忽视了核心理念的探索和构建，使得“新共产主义”并没有真正起到理论变革的先导作用。如何建设既能真正适应法国国情、符合法共左翼政治立场，又能顺应社会发展并吸引选民的“新共产主义”，仍然是法共当前以及未来亟需深刻思考的问题。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

In response to the changes and challenges brought by the crisis, the PCF has made considerable efforts in enhancing the political discourse power of the European left, forming strategic party alliances, participating in domestic and international political elections, and building its own theory. Yet, judging by the results, it has not escaped the long-term trend of declining support; on the contrary, it has fallen into a new development predicament.

法共为应对危机所带来的变化和挑战，在提升欧洲左翼政治话语权、政党战略联盟、国内外政治选举以及自身理论建设等方面都付出了长足的努力，但从结果来看它并未摆脱长期以来支持率下滑的趋势，反而陷入了新的发展困境。

Clearly, the predicament the PCF faces today is the result of multiple factors working together. For the PCF to achieve new development in the future, from the perspective of its own initiative, it may need to make progress in the following three areas. First, seek international solidarity, especially cooperation with European communist and workers’ parties, in order to improve the overall external predicament facing the European left. The communist and workers’ parties of European countries were once an important force in the international communist movement, but today they have successively weakened, transformed, or faded from the mainstream view, though they still retain some influence in certain regions. The PCF and other long-established European communist and workers’ parties should both strengthen transnational cooperation among traditional industrial trade associations in various countries and respond to the development needs of emerging labor groups in the context of industrial structural change, thereby establishing a more cohesive and combative international workers’ united organization, and pushing the political focus of the European left back to the contradiction between labor and capital under the capitalist system. Second, clarify their own political positioning, especially the distinctions and connections between themselves and other left-wing parties, in order to escape the identity predicament of vacillating between left and right. The PCF was once the leading force opposing capitalism among French left-wing parties, but under the combined influence of capitalism’s self-reform and socialism’s low ebb, it has gradually downplayed its anti-capitalist character. After the economic crisis spread globally, the defects of the capitalist system were fully exposed, and the broad masses of the French people suffered deeply. Therefore, the PCF has reason, confidence, and necessity to once again raise the banner of opposing capitalism, clarify the communist party’s role among left-wing parties, and fight for the interests of France’s middle and lower strata. Third, strengthen the Party’s theoretical construction, especially further perfect the theoretical system of “new communism,” in order to break through the current theoretical predicament of weak discourse power. After more than 20 years of development, the theoretical content of “new communism” has been continuously adjusted and enriched, but it has not yet formed a relatively complete system. The PCF should focus on combining the current state and trends of capitalist development since the 21st century, especially after the economic crisis, and deeply expose the exploitative essence behind capitalism’s veil of self-perfection, taking this as the core idea for constructing the theoretical system of “new communism.” When confronted with the policy views and ideas of other parties, the PCF should pay attention to selectively drawing on them around the main viewpoints of “new communism,” rather than blindly following trends.

显然，法共今天所面临的困境是多种因素共同作用的结果。未来，法共要有新的发展，从其自身主动性的角度来看，可能需要在以下三个方面有所作为。一是谋求国际团结，特别是谋求与欧洲共产党、工人党的合作，以改善欧洲左翼整体面临的外部困境。欧洲各国共产党、工人党曾是国际共产主义运动的一支重要力量，而今天却相继衰弱、转型或淡出主流视野，但在部分地区仍具有一定的影响力。法共等欧洲老牌共产党、工人党既应加强各国传统工业行业协会的跨国合作，又要顺应产业结构变革背景下新兴劳动群体的发展需求，进而建立更具凝聚力和战斗力的国际工人联合组织，促使欧洲左翼政治焦点回归于资本主义制度下的劳资矛盾。二是明确自身政治定位，特别是明确自身与其他左翼政党之间的区别和联系，以走出自身忽左忽右的身份困境。法共在法国左翼政党中曾是反对资本主义的领头羊，但在资本主义自我改良和社会主义陷入低谷的交互影响下，逐渐淡化了反资本主义的色彩。经济危机扩散至全球后，资本主义制度的弊端暴露无遗，法国广大民众深受其害。因此，法共有理由、有信心亦有必要重新扛起反对资本主义的大旗，在左翼政党中明确共产党的角色，为维护法国中下层群体的利益而斗争。三是加强党的理论建设，特别是进一步完善“新共产主义”的理论体系，以突破当前话语权不强的理论困境。经过20多年的发展，“新共产主义”的理论内涵不断调整丰富，但至今并未形成较为完整的体系。法共应注重结合21世纪以来、特别是经济危机以后资本主义发展的现状和动向，深刻揭露资本主义自我完善面纱背后的剥削本质，以此作为构建“新共产主义”理论体系的核心思想。在面对其他政党提出的政见、理念时，法共应注意围绕“新共产主义”的主要观点进行选择性地借鉴，而非盲目跟风。

If the PCF can continuously promote its own transformation in these three areas, and effectively push “new communism” to a new historical height at both the theoretical and practical levels, then the development predicament it faces today can surely be effectively reversed. (Notes, tables omitted)

如果法共能在以上三个方面不断推动自身变革，切实从理论和实践层面将“新共产主义”推向新的历史高度，那么今天其所面临的发展困境定能得到有效扭转。（注释、表格略）

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