Capitalism, Racism, and Trumpism

[USA] David G. Embrick, J. Scott Carter, Cameron Lippard, Bhoomi K. Thakore, authors

【美】大卫·G． 恩比克、J． 斯科特·卡特、 卡梅隆·利帕德、布米·K． 塔科尔 著

Translated by Liu Shuhui

刘曙辉 译

In the United States, the persistence of fascism, neoliberalism, and racism is institutional and systemic, forming part of the long history of oppression of various groups. The larger question is how the United States has once again normalized racism, sexism, pseudo-democracy, various illegal acts, and authoritarianism. What does it mean when Donald Trump claims that Mexican immigrants are criminals and drug dealers? What does it mean when he refuses to disclose his tax status to the American people and to respond to whistleblower complaints, and publicly accuses his whistleblowers? What does it mean when he not only demeans scientists and health service practitioners on major issues such as climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic, but also harshly criticizes them? The answers to these questions involve the racist motivations behind Trumpism. Part of the reason for the rise of Trumpism lies in Trump’s ability to fuel “Whitelash.” Although Trumpism and Whitelash are abnormal and unique, and are typically centered on misinformation, confusion, reckless behavior, and outright lies, creating panic over race, gender, and class is nothing new. In the United States, when it comes to racial issues, Whitelash has always been a driving force in public debate and political decision-making, particularly evident in immigration.

在美国，法西斯主义、新自由主义及种族主义的持续存在是制度性与系统性的，是各种不同群体长期受压迫的历史的一部分。更大的问题是，美国是如何使种族主义、性别歧视、伪民主、各种非法行为和威权主义再次正常化的。当唐纳德·特朗普声称墨西哥移民是罪犯和毒贩时，这意味着什么?当他拒绝向美国人民披露其纳税状况和回应举报人的投诉，并公开指控他的举报人时，这意味着什么?当他在气候变化和新冠肺炎疫情等重大问题上不仅贬低科学家和健康服务从业者，而且对他们严加指责时，这又意味着什么?对这些问题的回答涉及特朗普主义背后的种族主义动机。特朗普主义兴起的部分原因在于，特朗普有能力助长“白人对抗”(Whitelash)。尽管特朗普主义与白人对抗是非常态的、独特的，且通常以误导、混淆、鲁莽行为和彻头彻尾的谎言为中心，但在种族、性别和阶级上制造恐慌并不是新事物。在美国，当涉及种族问题时，白人对抗一直都是公众辩论和政治决策的驱动力，这在移民问题上表现得尤为突出。

I. Theoretical Framework

一、理论框架

Because changes in law have made racism less overt and public, contemporary scholars generally understand racism from a systemic and structural perspective. They advocate the importance of intersectional and hierarchical frameworks, which aim to understand the interconnections between systems of oppression, thereby better explaining the steady rise of Trumpism.

因为法律的变化，种族主义已经变得不那么明显和公开了，故当代学者基本上是从系统和结构的角度来理解种族主义。他们主张交叉框架和层级框架的重要性，这些框架旨在理解压迫体系之间的相互联系，从而更好地解释特朗普主义的稳步崛起。

(1) Racial Formation, Racialized Social Systems, and Systemic Racism

(一)种族构成、种族化的社会制度和系统的种族主义

Michael Omi and Howard Winant emphasize that the state plays a primary role in creating, shaping, and reproducing racial categories and racial identities. They argue that race in the United States is fluid and dynamic, and highly dependent on the history of white supremacy politics in the United States. The state determines the racial order of society, emphasizing the importance and meaning of racial categories. How we understand ourselves and others, particularly regarding racial identity and belonging, depends on “racial common sense,” which helps us understand our own social position.

迈克尔·奥米(Michael Omi)和霍华德·温纳特(Howard Winant)强调，国家在创造、塑造、复制种族类别和种族身份方面起主要作用。他们认为，美国的种族具有流动性与动态性，且高度依赖于美国历史上的白人至上政治。国家决定社会的种族秩序，强调种族类别的重要性及其意义。我们如何理解自己和他人，特别是关于种族认同和归属感，取决于“种族常识”，这一常识有助于我们了解自己的社会地位。

Eduardo Bonilla-Silva argues that racism is a global phenomenon in which racialized social systems are hierarchically divided, with people’s advantages or disadvantages determined by their position in the racial and social order. Bonilla-Silva seeks to address the lack of a theory of structural racism, which emphasizes that the dominant race will take measures to ensure and maintain its social status at the top of the racial hierarchy. He also notes that while the racialization of the world system is based on relations of domination and subordination between racial hierarchies in social, economic, political, and psychological terms, “the racialization of the social system does not exclude other forms of oppression; it also occurs in social formations constituted by class and gender.”

爱德华多·博尼拉-席尔瓦(Eduardo Bonilla-Silva)认为，种族主义是一种全球现象，其中种族化的社会体系按等级来划分，人们的优势或劣势地位取决于自己在种族和社会秩序中的位置。博尼拉-席尔瓦想要解决缺乏结构性种族主义理论的问题，这一理论强调占支配地位的种族将采取一些措施，以确保和维持自身在种族等级顶端的社会地位。他还注意到，虽然世界体系的种族化是基于种族等级之间在社会、经济、政治和心理等方面的支配与从属关系，但“社会体系的种族化并不意味着排斥其他形式的压迫，它也发生在由阶级和性别构成的社会形态中”。

Joe R. Feagin proposes the concept of systemic racism to explain the situation of Black Americans. He argues that systemic racism highlights the structural, institutional, and historical forces unique to the United States, a country built to oppress Black people and provide favorable conditions for whites. The deeply entrenched racism in American society leads to social and institutional racist behaviors, maintaining white supremacy at economic, political, and ideological levels. He also argues that the white racial frame is supported by the ideological underpinnings of systemic racism theory. This concept provides a broader understanding of racism, including, for example, visual images, emotions, and language that legitimize and maintain white supremacy.

乔·费金(Joe R.Feagin)提出了系统性种族主义概念来解释美国黑人的处境。他认为，系统性种族主义突出了美国特有的结构性、制度性和历史性的力量，该国的建立是为了压迫黑人，为白人提供有利条件。美国社会中根深蒂固的种族主义导致了社会和制度上的种族主义行为，从经济、政治和意识形态各个层面维护白人的至上地位。他还认为，白人种族框架是由系统性种族主义理论的意识形态支撑的。这个概念提供了一种更广泛的种族主义理解，例如，它包括将白人的至上地位合法化并维护这一地位的视觉图像、情感和语言。

Compared to racism theorists, sociological scholars offer more novel explanations of racialized organizations. Wendy Leo Moore describes the process by which courts reinforce legal practices under the constraints of white supremacy. Victor Ray argues that social organizations are racialized, and thus imbued with racial meanings that help shape organizational hierarchies and interactional relationships.

与种族主义理论家相比，社会学学者对种族化组织的解释更加新颖。温迪·利奥·摩尔(Wendy Leo Moore)描述了在白人至上主义约束下，法院强化法律实践的过程。维克多·雷(Victor Ray)认为，社会组织是种族化的，因此充满了有助于形成组织等级结构和互动关系的种族含义。

Given the above perspectives, we argue that racism is systemic, deliberate, and constantly evolving to ensure white advantage. Although American society has seen increased diversity and growing calls for equality in the 21st century, structural racism continues to find ways to support white privilege and superiority. The reality is that racist ideologies influence institutional practices and policies that hinder opposition to white supremacy, thereby undermining progress on racial justice and equality.

鉴于以上观点，我们认为，种族主义是系统的、刻意的、不断变化的，并以此来确保白人的优势地位。尽管在21世纪，美国社会的多样性有所增加，且对平等的呼声越来越高，但是结构性种族主义仍然在寻找支持白人特权和优越性的方法。现实情况是，种族主义意识形态影响了制度性实践和政策，这些实践和政策阻碍了人们反对白人至上主义，从而削弱了人们在种族公正和平等方面取得的进展。

(2) Systems of Intersectional and Hierarchical Control

(二)交叉控制和层级控制体系

In understanding how racialization reinforces racial attitudes, recognizing the role of intersectional identities is also crucial. Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term “intersectionality.” As she states, intersectional experiences are greater than the sum of racial experiences and gender experiences. Patricia Hill Collins’s seminal work *Black Feminist Thought* not only extends Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality but also elaborates on interlocking oppressions, or the co-extension of racism, sexism, and classism. Collins points out that oppression is systematically organized and arranged, and legitimized by hegemony. We all participate and become part of a larger matrix of domination that privileges dominant groups. Thus, white women can be members of oppressed groups while simultaneously holding racist and anti-immigrant political views.

在理解种族化如何强化种族态度时，认识交叉身份的作用也是至关重要的。金伯利·克伦肖(Kimberlée Crenshaw)创造了“交叉性”一词。正如她所言，交叉性经历大于种族经历和性别经历的总和。帕特丽夏·希尔·柯林斯(Patricia Hill Collins)的名著《黑人女性主义思想》不仅扩展了克伦肖的交叉性概念，而且详细阐述了环环相扣的压迫，或曰种族主义、性别歧视和阶级主义的共延性。柯林斯指出，压迫是有系统性的组织和安排的，并被霸权合法化。我们所有人都参与其中，并成为更大的统治矩阵的一部分，这个矩阵使占支配地位的群体享有特权。因此，白人妇女可以成为受压迫群体的成员，但同时又持有种族主义和反移民的政治观点。

We must also recognize the interconnection between racial issues and the social mobility of groups. In the United States, being white means access to better citizenship, voting rights, property ownership, and better jobs and pay. Herbert Blumer argues that the prejudice and discrimination of white Americans primarily stem from their perceptions of their own economic status. When white Americans feel economically and politically threatened by other racial and ethnic groups, they typically use “Whitelash” to restore a white-dominated social, economic, and political order.

我们还必须认识到种族问题与群体的社会流动性问题之间的相互联系。在美国，白人意味着能够获得更好的公民身份、投票权、财产所有权以及更好的工作和报酬。赫伯特·布鲁默(Herbert Blumer)认为，美国白人的偏见和歧视主要来自其对自身经济地位的看法。当美国白人在经济和政治上受到其他种族群体和族裔群体的威胁时，通常会利用“白人对抗”来恢复白人统治的社会、经济和政治秩序。

(3) Whitelash

(三)白人对抗

Our understanding of white backlash is based on the following concepts: white supremacy, capitalism, and patriarchy are part of the structure of American society; racism, classism, and sexism are deeply rooted in its structural foundations. The term “white backlash” was coined by CNN commentator Van Jones. Broadly defined, we can understand it as opposition to individual, institutional, and structural measures aimed at eliminating white supremacy, or to actions that correct existing racial inequality. We argue that white backlash is not only a response to challenges to the white status quo, but also a response to increasing racial diversity, and a systemic reaction to incremental changes. These incremental changes would eliminate racism, question white privilege, or imply that racial equality is necessary to realize the American ideal of fairness and equal treatment. In a broader sense, white backlash is not merely the confirmation and reaffirmation of white dominant identity; it is about the fear of changes to white supremacy. That is, white backlash has less to do with issues like opposing immigration and more to do with maintaining white dominance in all aspects of life and reinforcing white hegemony. Therefore, white backlash is the reaction of individuals and institutions within a racialized social structure.

我们对白人对抗的理解基于以下观念:白人至上主义、资本主义和父权制是美国社会结构的一部分;种族主义、阶级主义和性别歧视牢牢植根于其结构基础。“白人对抗”这个词是美国有线电视新闻网评论员范·琼斯(Van Jones)提出的。从广义上来看，我们可以将其定义为反对旨在消除白人至上地位的个体性、制度性和结构性对策，或反对矫正现有种族不平等状况的行动。我们认为，白人对抗既是对挑战白人现状的回应，也是对日益增长的种族多样性的回应，还是对渐进式变化的系统反应。这些渐进式变化会消除种族主义，质疑白人特权，或者暗示种族平等对实现美国公平和平等待遇的理想是必要的。从更广泛的意义上讲，白人对抗不仅仅是确认和重申白人的主导身份，而且关乎对白人至上地位发生变化的恐惧。也就是说，白人对抗与反对移民等问题没有太大关系，更多的是要维持白人在生活的各个方面的统治地位，并强化白人的霸权。因此，白人对抗是个人和机构在种族化社会结构中的反应。

We further argue that white backlash occurs at different social levels. The racialized institutional policies and practices that reinforce the status quo are forms of white backlash; these racial mechanisms or racial projects help maintain and consolidate white supremacy. Likewise, shifting racial ideologies also constitute a form of backlash; these ideologies help people understand the current racial and social order, ignore or devalue racial divisions in society, and thereby reinforce white supremacy.

我们进一步认为，白人对抗发生在不同的社会层面。强化现状的种族化制度政策和实践是白人对抗的形式，这些种族机制或种族方案有助于维持和巩固白人的至上地位。同样，不断变化的种族意识形态也是一种对抗，这些意识形态帮助人们理解当前的种族秩序和社会秩序，忽视或贬低社会上的种族裂痕，从而强化了白人的至上地位。

First, the structural level. Structural racism consists of practices within a given society that are formalized and designed as normative social behaviors, producing unequal rewards for different groups. Beginning with the elimination of indigenous groups, racism is deeply embedded in U.S. history, its tentacles extending into politics, economics, society, and ideology. Resistance within American society stems from the racial ideologies present in its racialized social system, including racism, racial frameworks, diversity ideologies, and racial apathy; these ideologies help whites understand their position in the racial and social order.

第一，结构层面。结构性种族主义是特定社会中的实践，这些实践被形式化，并被设计为规范性社会行为，给不同的群体带来了不平等的回报。从消灭土著群体开始，种族主义就深深植根于美国历史，其触角延伸到了政治、经济、社会和意识形态。美国社会的抵制行为来自其种族化社会体系中存在的种族意识形态，包括种族主义、种族框架、多样性意识形态和种族冷漠，这些意识形态有助于白人理解他们在种族秩序和社会秩序中的地位。

Second, the institutional level. White backlash may result from real or perceived pressures that challenge existing institutional practices. Similarly, white backlash can create exclusionary spaces that favor the consolidation of white supremacy. Organized racial mechanisms include, but are not limited to, locations, spaces, polities, projects, practices, methods, logic, or language. Omi and Winant point out that since the U.S. Civil War, whites have systematically challenged racial or ethnic progress toward equality through social institutions. The shift toward “new racism” has also become more covert and subtle within institutional frameworks.

第二，制度层面。白人对抗可能是现实的或感知到的压力的结果，这些压力是对现有制度实践的挑战。类似地，白人对抗可以创造出有利于巩固白人至上地位的排他性空间。组织化的种族机制包括但不限于地点、空间、政体、方案、实践、方法、逻辑或语言。奥米和温纳特指出，自美国南北战争以来，白人通过社会机构系统地挑战种族或族裔在平等方面取得的进步。向“新种族主义”的转变也在制度框架内变得更加隐蔽和微妙。

Third, the individual level. At the individual level, we draw on Bonilla-Silva’s concept of racialized emotions, which are linked to collective movements and drive groups to react negatively to incremental change. For example, since the civil rights movement of the 1960s, whites have increasingly devalued or ignored efforts to address racial inequality, tending toward laissez-faire explanations that blame minority groups for changes in whites’ social status, or expressing resistance to equality by supporting neoliberal ideas of equality for all—not just for disadvantaged groups—rather than substantive equality. Even Blumer argues that prejudice and discrimination are influenced not only by social changes affecting whites’ position of supremacy in the United States, but also by whites’ “feelings” that they are losing control over what they believe is rightfully theirs, including jobs, social welfare, public services, and their identity. Overall, since the founding of the United States, racial emotions have often attributed national problems related to economic, political, and cultural change to other racial and ethnic minorities.

第三，个人层面。在个人层面，我们借鉴了博尼拉-席尔瓦提出的种族化情绪，这种情绪与集体运动联系在一起，推动群体对渐进式变化作出消极反应。例如，自1960年代的民权运动以来，白人越来越贬低或忽视解决种族不平等问题，他们倾向于放任自由的解释，这些解释将白人社会地位的变化归罪于少数群体，或者依据新自由主义支持所有人而不仅仅是弱势群体人人平等的思想，以此来表达对平等的抵制。就连布鲁默也认为，偏见和歧视不仅受到美国白人至上地位发生的社会变化的影响，而且也受到白人的“感觉”的影响，他们感觉正在失去对自己应得的东西的掌控，包括工作、社会福利、公共服务及其身份。总的来说，自美国建国以来，种族情绪往往把与经济、政治和文化转变有关的国家问题归咎于其他种族和少数族裔。

Therefore, we can identify similar peaks of white backlash throughout U.S. history, where issues have centered on challenging non-white rights and reducing calls for racial/ethnic oppression, whether these issues are economic, political, social, psychological, or philosophical in nature. For example, the Reconstruction era was rife with strong opposition to the emancipation of Black slaves. Subsequently, there was intense resistance to correcting the false history of American slavery—resistance related both to issues of race and white supremacy and to absurd, factually incorrect views, such as the claim that because Blacks supposedly considered themselves great as slaves, there were few slave revolts. Related to this opposition to correcting American history, there has also been opposition to removing monuments that represent nostalgic memories of a bygone era when racial oppression was open and legal. In the next section, we provide a detailed case study of white backlash: the immigration case. Through this case, we can link historical white backlash to today’s Trumpism. We argue that Trump’s racism is, to some extent, aberrant, and that it has the potential to institutionalize existing racial mechanisms of white supremacy.

因此，我们可以从美国历史中识别出相似的白人对抗的高峰期，其中的问题主要集中于挑战非白人权利和减少种族/族裔压迫的呼吁，无论这些问题是关于经济、政治、社会、心理方面的，还是哲学方面的。例如，美国重建时期充斥着强烈反对解放黑人奴隶的意见。此后，出现了对纠正美国奴隶制的错误历史的强烈抵制，这种纠正既与奴隶制问题涉及种族和白人至上地位的问题有关，也与荒谬的、事实上不正确的看法有关，即因为黑人自认为他们作为奴隶是伟大的，所以奴隶起义不多。与反对纠正美国历史的反弹有关，也有人反对拆除纪念碑，这些纪念碑代表着以往时代的怀旧回忆，在那个时代，种族压迫是公开的、合法的。我们在下一个部分给出一个详细的白人对抗的案例，即移民案例。通过这个案例，我们可以把历史上的白人对抗与今天的特朗普主义联系在一起。我们认为，特朗普的种族主义在某种程度上是不正常的，它有可能将现有的白人至上的种族机制制度化。

II. The Immigration Case

二、移民案例

(A) Ideologies Shaping the U.S. Immigration Debate

(一)塑造美国移民辩论的意识形态

When it comes to U.S. immigration issues, white backlash has consistently relied on nativist ideology, which distinguishes natives from foreigners. John Higham defines nativism as “intense opposition to an internal minority on the ground of its foreign connections.” During periods of national crisis—such as economic recession, war, terrorist attacks, or sudden increases in the size or concentration of the immigrant population—nativist views and actions often become more exclusionary and hostile. Surveying immigration from 1860 to 1925, Higham found that anti-immigrant sentiment and policies were undoubtedly influenced by real or perceived challenges. In earlier years, if immigrants posed no economic, political, or cultural threat to the native-born, people tended to support immigration and were indifferent to race or ethnicity. Later, Higham recognized that by the 1960s, as more non-white immigrants arrived in the United States, race and ethnicity became the primary factors determining which immigrant groups were seen as threatening native resources.

当谈到美国移民问题时，白人对抗一直依赖于本土主义意识形态，这种意识形态将本国人与外国人区分开来。约翰·海厄姆(John Higham)将本土主义定义为“基于国内少数群体的海外联系而对其产生的强烈反对立场”。在国家危机时期，例如经济衰退、战争、恐怖袭击或移民人口的规模与集中程度突然增加等，本土主义的观点和行动常常变得更具排他性和敌对性。通过调查1860年至1925年的移民情况，海厄姆发现，反对移民的情绪和政策无疑受到了真实的或感知到的挑战的影响。在早年间，如果移民对本土出生的人不构成经济、政治或文化威胁，他们倾向于支持移民，并且不在意种族或族裔。后来，海厄姆意识到，到1960年代，随着越来越多的非白人移民来到美国，种族和族裔成为决定哪些移民群体应被视为对本土资源构成威胁的主要因素。

Sociologists Charles Jaret and Cameron D. Lippard argue that racial ideology is important in U.S. immigration debates, and that contemporary immigration issues rely heavily on racial perceptions of non-white immigrants. Furthermore, the distinction between illegal and legal immigration is not new to U.S. immigration debates, but it became particularly prominent after the 1960s with the influx of more Asian and Latino immigrants into the United States. This seemingly new racialized immigration issue was further exacerbated by events such as war, economic recession, the September 11 terrorist attacks, and the Great Recession of 2008, with race becoming a key variable in immigration discussions.

社会学家查尔斯·贾雷特(Charles Jaret)和卡梅隆·利帕德(Cameron D.Lippard)认为，种族意识形态在美国的移民问题辩论中很重要，当今的移民问题在很大程度上依赖于对非白人移民的种族观念。此外，非法移民与合法移民问题在美国移民问题辩论中并不新鲜，但它随着1960年代后更多亚裔和拉丁裔移民进入美国而变得尤为突出。这种看似新的种族化移民问题因战争、经济衰退、“9·11”恐怖袭击和2008年的“经济大萧条”等事件进一步恶化，种族成为移民问题讨论中的重要变量。

Nativism and racism work together, not only to determine who belongs to the United States, but also to protect this white-supremacist nation. Reflecting on recent anti-Asian and anti-Latinx immigrant sentiment, Higham points out: “We do not need a theory of ‘new’ nativism or ‘new’ racism to explain the troubles stirred by today’s concentrated immigration trends.” Or, as Rene Galindo and Jami Vigil put it: “When immigrants happen to be people of color, racism and nativism become intertwined in the nation-building process.” Thus, “racial nativism” in the United States supports “white supremacy” in multiple ways and allows for the protection of white privilege and power within a diverse America.

本土主义和种族主义共同起作用，不仅可以决定谁属于美国，而且还保护了这个白人至上的国家。在反思近来的反亚裔和拉丁裔移民情绪时，海厄姆指出:“我们不需要‘新’本土主义或‘新’种族主义的理论来解释今天的集中移民趋势所引发的麻烦。”或者，正如雷内·加林多(Rene Galindo)和贾米·维吉尔(Jami Vigil)所说:“当移民碰巧也是有色人种时，种族主义和本土主义在国家建设过程中就会交织在一起。”因此，美国的“种族本土主义”以多种方式支持“白人至上”，并且允许在多元化的美国保护白人的特权和权力。

(II) Historical and Structural Roots of White Backlash

(二)白人对抗的历史与结构根源

Scholars have observed a connection between racial nativism and federal immigration laws that protect the supremacy of white Americans. Reviewing U.S. immigration law from the colonial period to the present, William Bernard found that all immigration laws imposed restrictions on foreign-born groups not of “white stock” from Western and Central Europe. Furthermore, although non-white immigrants from Asia, Central America, and South America were not preferred, they were permitted to immigrate to the colonies and the newly formed United States if they represented a steady supply of cheap labor. This “cheap labor” addendum helped attract immigrants from Ireland, China, and other East Asian countries, aiding U.S. economic expansion in the West. For example, during the open-door period from 1776 to 1881, the United States supported the automatic citizenship of white immigrants from Europe and elsewhere after two years of residence in the colonies and later in the independent U.S. This open policy favored Europeans from Britain, France, Germany, and other “white stock” regions, while also encouraging the immigration of non-white groups who served as sources of cheap labor. These federal immigration (naturalization) policies were supported by scientists and politicians who endorsed eugenics and biological racism, often labeling “non-whites” as disease-ridden and genetically inferior.

学者们观察到，种族本土主义与联邦移民法之间存在联系，这些法律保护美国白人的至上地位。通过回顾从殖民地时期至今的美国移民法，威廉·伯纳德(William Bernard)发现，所有移民法都对不是来自西欧和中欧“白人血统”的外国出生群体施加了限制。此外，虽然来自亚洲、中美洲和南美洲的非白人移民不是首选，但如果他们代表着廉价劳动力的稳定供应，那么他们就会被允许移民到殖民地和新成立的美国。这一“廉价劳动力”的附加说明有助于吸引来自爱尔兰、中国和其他东亚国家的移民，帮助美国在西部进行经济扩张。例如，在1776年至1881年的门户开放时期，美国支持欧洲和其他地区的白人移民在殖民地及后来独立的美国生活两年后自动成为公民。这一开放政策有利于来自英国、法国、德国和其他“白人血统”地区的欧洲人，也鼓励了非白人群体移民，这些人是廉价劳动力的来源。联邦的这些移民(归化)政策受到赞同优生学和生物种族主义的科学家与政治家的支持，他们经常给“非白人”贴上疾病缠身、劣等基因的标签。

By 1881, the United States abruptly changed its policy of admitting non-white immigrants as a source of cheap labor. Chinese and other Asian immigrants were labeled the “Yellow Peril,” and anti-immigrant movements erupted against them. Public focus centered on how Chinese immigrants posed a threat to national security in economic, political, and public health terms. However, the most consistent concern—expressed primarily by white American elites—was that Chinese immigrants were economically too successful compared to white entrepreneurs. By the 1880s, Chinese immigrants had earned considerable money in U.S. gold mines, opened thousands of small businesses across the country, and secured working-class jobs at lower wages. Irish Catholic immigrants joined white elites in linking Chinese immigrants to national security issues. More importantly, by aligning their political and economic interests with wealthy white Americans and suppressing other immigrant groups and African Americans, Irish immigrants avoided persecution and deportation, thereby being reclassified as racially and politically white.

到了1881年，美国突然改变其允许非白人移民作为廉价劳动力来源的入境政策。中国人和其他亚洲移民被称为“黄祸”，爆发了针对他们的反移民运动。公众的焦点是中国移民如何在经济、政治和公共卫生等方面对国家安全构成威胁。然而，最一致的担忧是，与白人企业家相比，中国移民在经济上过于成功，这种担忧主要是美国白人精英表达出来的。到了1880年代，中国移民已经在美国金矿上赚了不少钱，在美国各地开了数千家小企业，以较低的工资获得了工人阶级的工作。爱尔兰天主教移民与白人精英一起将中国移民与国家安全问题联系在一起。更重要的是，通过将其政治经济利益与富有的美国白人保持一致、压制其他移民群体和非裔美国人，爱尔兰移民就不会被迫害和驱逐出境，从而被重新归为种族政治意义上的白人。

In 1882, the Chinese Exclusion Act became law. It was one of the earliest racist immigration policies in U.S. history, upholding the superior status of whites relative to the foreign-born population. The act banned new immigration from China, particularly Chinese women, who might increase the birth rate of native-born Chinese infants. The act also led to the “deportation” of large numbers of Chinese, with many white working-class individuals using mob violence to drive Chinese immigrants out of businesses and towns. For example, in 1885, white American miners in Rock Springs, Wyoming, attacked and killed nearly 30 Chinese immigrants, whom they blamed for their unemployment. Other incidents included white Americans forcing Chinese families to move back into “Chinatowns” and restricting business dealings between whites and Chinese and other Asian immigrant entrepreneurs.

1882年，《排华法案》成为法律。这是美国历史上最早的种族主义移民政策之一，它维护了白人相对于外国出生人口的优越地位。该法案禁止来自中国的新移民入境，特别是中国妇女，因为她们可能会增加本土中国婴儿的出生率。这个法案还导致了大量华人被“驱逐出境”，很多白人工人阶级利用暴徒暴乱将中国移民赶出企业和城镇。例如，1885年，怀俄明州石泉煤矿的美国白人矿工袭击并杀害了近30名中国移民，他们认为这些人是造成他们失业的原因。其他事件还包括美国白人强迫华人家庭搬回“唐人街”，限制白人与华人及其他亚洲移民企业主之间的业务往来。

Although the Chinese Exclusion Act was fully repealed in 1943, its effects, combined with white mob violence, set back Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans economically and politically for decades. The act also opened the door for more restrictive federal immigration policies, including comprehensive limits on “undesirable” groups from “non-white” countries (including Asia, Central America, South America, most of Africa, and European countries like Italy). After World War I, the United States limited the number of immigrants admitted by implementing restrictive quotas. The Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924 allocated predetermined immigration quotas to each country in the world, with 82% of the shares going to Northern and Western European countries. In effect, most quotas went to countries, races, and ethnic groups deemed more easily “assimilable” into American life and culture, severely limiting immigration from Asia, Africa, and most of Central and South America. In short, these new federal immigration policies were designed to increase “white” immigration from Europe and protect the economic and political interests of “native” white Americans.

虽然1943年《排华法案》被完全废除，但它的影响，加上白人暴徒的暴乱，实际上让中国移民和美国人在经济和政治上倒退了几十年。这项法案还为制定更具限制性的联邦移民政策打开了大门，包括全面限制来自“非白人”国家(包括亚洲、中美洲、南美洲、非洲大多数国家以及意大利等欧洲国家)的“不利”群体。在第一次世界大战后，美国限制入境移民人数的办法是实施限制性配额。1921年和1924年的《移民法》规定，将向世界上每个国家分配预先确定的可以进入美国的移民配额，其中82%的份额分给了北欧和西欧国家。实际上，大部分配额都流向了那些被认为更能被美国生活和文化所“同化”的国家、种族和族裔群体，这严重限制了来自亚洲、非洲以及中美洲和南美洲大部分地区的移民。总的来说，制定这些新的联邦移民政策是为了增加来自欧洲的“白人”移民，并保护美国“本土”白人的经济政治利益。

Although these new restrictive laws closed America’s doors to much of the world’s non-white population, exceptions were made when cheap labor was needed. For example, during and shortly after World War II, Americans realized they lacked sufficient cheap labor to sustain war production, so they devised the “Bracero Program,” bringing in cheap manual laborers from Central America, especially Mexico. This program, which lasted until 1964, primarily brought in Mexican immigrants to harvest crops. By the 1950s, U.S. prosperity was at an all-time high, and Mexican immigrants and native-born citizens began to organize, considering their economic value in the United States. This move by Mexican laborers alarmed wealthy white farmers and business owners, who wanted to maintain high production profits and cheap labor. These concerns prompted the federal government in 1954 to launch another operation, targeting “illegally entering Mexican laborers.” This operation repatriated and deported nearly 1.3 million Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans to Mexico, while also curbing the development of migrant farmworker unions and keeping wages low for white working-class and African American workers. Simply put, until the 1960s, U.S. immigration policy sought to establish and perpetuate white dominance and privilege for certain groups, taking explicit action against the perceived economic and political losses of whites at the time.

虽然这些新的限制性法律使美国的大门对世界上许多非白人人口关闭了，但在需要廉价劳动力时，它们也会对这些法律作出例外规定。例如，在第二次世界大战期间及之后不久，美国人意识到他们没有足够的廉价劳动力来维持战争生产，于是制定了“手臂计划”，从中美洲特别是墨西哥引进了廉价的体力劳动者。这个计划一直持续到1964年，主要是引入墨西哥移民来收割庄稼。到1950年代，美国的繁荣达到历史最高水平，墨西哥移民和本土公民也开始联合起来，考虑他们在美国的经济价值。墨西哥劳工的这一举动引起了富裕的白人农民和企业主的担忧与反对，他们希望能够继续维持生产的高利润和劳动力的廉价。这些担忧促使联邦政府在1954年采取了另一项名为“针对非法进入美国的墨西哥劳工”的行动。这次行动遣返和驱逐了近130万墨西哥移民和墨西哥裔美国人回到墨西哥，同时限制农民工工会的发展，并使白人工人阶级和非裔美国人的工资保持在较低水平。简单地说，直到1960年代，美国的移民政策都是希望某些群体能够在美国建立并延续白人的统治地位和特权，并针对当时白人在经济和政治上蒙受损失的可能性采取了明确的行动。

(III) White Backlash and Latinx Immigrants Today

(三)白人对抗与今天的拉丁裔移民

Let us fast-forward to the late 20th and early 21st century United States. After the passage of the Hart-Celler Act in 1965, all immigration quotas were abolished, and America’s doors reopened to all national (groups), regardless of place of residence, race, or ethnicity. These new “liberal” laws allowed families to reunite, as naturalized and native-born citizens could sponsor family members for immigration to the United States. Although policymakers hoped this new act would encourage more white immigration to the United States, it actually contributed to the “browning” of immigration trends. By the 1980s, Asian and Latinx immigration had increased significantly. Due to U.S. involvement in global political and economic activities in Vietnam and neighboring countries, most immigrants came from Central America, China, and much of Southeast Asia. Thus, the liberalization and diversification of U.S. immigration became the “new normal.”

让我们快进到20世纪末、21世纪初的美国。1965年《哈特-塞勒法案》通过后，所有移民配额都被取消，美国的移民大门再次向所有民族(群体)开放，不论其居住地、种族或族裔。这些新的“自由”法律使得家庭能够团聚，因为已入籍的和本土的公民都可以担保其家庭成员移民到美国。虽然政策制定者希望这项新法案能鼓励更多白人移民到美国，但实际上它更有助于移民趋势的“褐化”。到了1980年代，亚裔和拉丁裔移民大幅增加。由于美国参与了越南和周边国家的全球政治经济活动，因此大多数移民都来自中美洲、中国和东南亚的大部分地区。这样一来，美国移民的自由化和多样化成为了“新常态”。

In 1986, President Reagan signed the Immigration Reform and Control Act. This was the first law concerning the search for, detention, and deportation of illegal immigrants, particularly those from Central America and Mexico. The law also attempted to penalize companies that employed illegal immigrants. At the same time, Reagan granted amnesty to approximately 2.7 million people and provided them with citizenship, hoping they would become honest taxpaying citizens. However, these efforts did not slow the influx of illegal immigrants, as many companies continued to employ them, and the federal government showed little concern; only business owners competing with companies that hired illegal immigrants encountered problems.

1986年，里根总统颁布了《移民改革和控制法》。这是第一部有关搜寻、拘留和驱逐非法移民，特别是来自中美洲和墨西哥非法移民的法律。该法律还试图惩罚雇用非法移民的公司。与此同时，里根也对大约270万人进行了大赦并为他们提供了公民身份，希望他们成为诚实的纳税公民。然而，这些努力并没有减缓非法移民的涌入，因为很多公司在继续雇用非法移民，而联邦政府对此也几乎没有感到不安，只有与雇用非法移民的公司竞争的企业主遇到了问题。

Although the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations made similar efforts, economic and political tensions across the United States continued to intensify. States began to experience white backlash, especially in states where non-white immigration increased. For example, in 1994, California’s Proposition 187 sought to reduce illegal immigration. This proposition was an institutional response by some conservative California politicians who believed that “illegals” were abusing public services without paying local taxes. The uproar was primarily directed at Mexican immigrants and aimed to identify all illegal immigrants, as well as to prohibit “illegals” from using California’s non-emergency medical care, public education, and other services. Although the bill was passed and enacted in California, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately struck it down as unconstitutional and discriminatory.

尽管里根政府、布什政府和克林顿政府都做出了类似的努力，但美国各地经济和政治的紧张局势仍在加剧。各州开始出现白人对抗，尤其是在非白人移民增加的州。例如，1994年，加利福尼亚州的《187号提案》试图减少非法移民。这个提案是对一些加州保守派政治家的制度性反应，这些政治家认为“非法者”在不缴纳地方税的情况下滥用公共服务。这场骚动主要针对的是墨西哥移民，并试图确认所有非法移民的身份，以及禁止“非法者”使用加州的非紧急医疗、公共教育和其他服务。虽然该法案在加州获得通过并颁布实施，但美国最高法院最终以违反宪法和具有歧视性为由驳回了该法案。

However, the most intense period of white backlash emerged in 2001, when multiple factors plunged the United States into a frenzy of white backlash. First, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, inaugurated an era of restrictive policies aimed at protecting U.S. interests and its people. The USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 enabled the U.S. government to surveil, detain, and deport numerous immigrants and non-white individuals suspected of aiding or carrying out terrorist acts. Additionally, it led to the creation of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, which dissolved the Immigration and Naturalization Service and established Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Second, in 2008, a severe economic recession hit the United States and other parts of the world. The “Great Recession” destroyed job opportunities and retirement savings for many Americans, meaning that even jobs primarily held by immigrants came to be seen as valuable resources by unemployed U.S. workers. Finally, broader struggles by non-white citizens and other marginalized groups for social recognition and equal status triggered white backlash. Increasing movements, including but not limited to those for same-sex marriage, racialized police brutality, and gender wage gaps, made many white Americans realize that they were not the only ones suffering from the political and economic upheavals of the 21st century; prejudice and discrimination were also major problems for most non-white, marginalized Americans and immigrants. All these factors combined to form a white backlash movement against non-white immigrants. Significant changes in rhetoric and policy led people to abandon liberal views on immigration.

然而，白人对抗最激烈的时期出现在2001年，当时出现的多种因素使美国陷入白人对抗的狂热。首先，2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击开启了保护美国及其人民利益的限制性政策时代。2001年的《爱国者法案》使美国政府能够监视、拘留和驱逐多名涉嫌协助或实施恐怖行动的移民和非白人人士。此外，它还促成了美国国土安全部的建立，该部解散了美国移民归化局，并成立了移民和海关执法局。其次，2008年，美国和世界其他地区出现了严重的经济衰退。“大萧条”毁掉了许多美国人的就业机会和退休生活，这意味着即使是那些主要为移民提供的工作岗位也将会被美国失业人员视为宝贵资源。最后，非白人公民与其他边缘群体更广泛地争取社会承认和平等地位的活动引发了白人对抗。越来越多的运动，包括但不限于同性婚姻、种族化的警察暴行和性别工资差距使许多美国白人意识到，他们并不是唯一遭受21世纪政治经济动荡之苦的人，偏见和歧视对大多数非白人、边缘化的美国人及移民来说也是一个重大问题。所有这些因素结合在一起，形成了反对非白人移民的白人对抗运动。措辞和政策上的重大变化使得人们对待移民问题不再持有自由主义的观点。

In this new era of white backlash, local, state, and federal agencies took actions to reduce non-white immigration from Central America. For example, between 2001 and 2010, nearly half of U.S. states passed or attempted to pass anti-immigration laws to reduce illegal immigration within their borders. Arizona’s SB 1070 is a prime example; it encouraged local law enforcement across the state to check the legal status of individuals suspected of being in the United States illegally. However, the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately struck down the law, ruling that enforcement targeted individuals based on race and racial stereotypes of who “looks likely to be illegal.” Despite this ruling, several other states enacted similar laws aimed at penalizing Latino immigrants, both for using public services and for cooperating privately with companies that provided jobs to illegal immigrants. The most notable state laws appeared in the South, including Alabama and Georgia, which attempted to ban the hiring of illegal immigrants to harvest crops. However, local farmers and business owners lobbied state governments to repeal these provisions, arguing that they would significantly reduce agricultural profits.

在新的白人对抗时代，地方、州和联邦机构都采取了一些行动，以减少来自中美洲的非白人移民。例如，2001—2010年，美国几乎一半的州通过或试图通过反移民法，以减少本州的非法移民。亚利桑那州的1070号法案就是一个很好的例子，该法案鼓励整个州的地方执法部门检查移民个人在美国期间的合法身份。但美国最高法院认为，该项执法针对的是基于种族和种族刻板印象而被认为是“看起来可能非法”的个人，因而最终废除了该法案。尽管美国最高法院作出了这一裁决，但其他几个州还是颁布了类似的法律，旨在惩罚拉丁裔移民，因为他们既享受公共服务，又在私底下与那些为非法移民提供工作的公司合作。相关的最著名的州法律出现在南部地区，包括阿拉巴马州和佐治亚州，这些州曾尝试禁止雇用非法移民收割庄稼。然而，当地农民和企业主游说州政府取消了这些法律条款，因为这将大大降低农作物的利润。

Local cities and counties also established ties with ICE and assigned personnel to serve as federal immigration enforcement representatives. For instance, ICE planned to allocate federal funds to local law enforcement for training, creating new positions, and building detention centers to assist in combating illegal immigration. These actions often made Latino immigrants and their families suspects of illegal immigration.

地方市县也与移民和海关执法局建立了联系，并派人担任联邦移民执法代表。例如，移民和海关执法局计划将联邦资金拨给地方执法部门，对它们进行培训，增加新职位，并建立拘留中心以协助打击非法移民。这些行动往往使拉丁裔移民及其家人成为非法移民的嫌疑人。

At the federal level, white backlash against immigration was also prevalent. The Obama administration played a fundamental role in restricting illegal and legal immigration from Central America, providing more federal funds to build up ICE and hire additional border patrol agents. This effort led to the highest deportation rates in U.S. history, with 5.3 million people deported between 2009 and 2016. Since Trump took office, the United States has further intensified its crackdown on immigrants from Latin America and the Middle East. In 2017, Trump signed Executive Order 13769, banning Muslim immigrants from Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and several other countries from entering the United States, in an effort to curb terrorism within the country. Trump also pushed for more federal funds, and even foreign investment, to build additional walls along the U.S. southern border with Mexico and other parts of Central America, and to increase the number of employees of U.S. Customs and Border Protection. He also encouraged ICE and Customs and Border Protection to intensify raids on industries employing immigrants, and to separate immigrant children from their families to deter other immigrant family members from continuing to enter the United States. He also restricted or revoked federal funds for immigrants and invested heavily in training Mexico’s immigration enforcement agencies to align with U.S. concerns.

在联邦一级，针对移民的白人对抗也很普遍。在限制来自中美洲的非法移民和合法移民方面，奥巴马政府起到了根本性的作用，提供了更多的联邦资金，以建立移民和海关执法局，并雇用了更多的边境巡逻人员。这一努力导致了美国历史上最高的驱逐率，在2009—2016年间，有530万人被驱逐出境。特朗普执政以来，美国进一步强化了对拉丁美洲和中东移民的打击。2017年，特朗普签署了13769号行政命令，禁止来自叙利亚、阿富汗、伊朗、伊拉克等多个国家的穆斯林移民美国，以遏制美国境内的恐怖主义活动。特朗普还推动更多的联邦资金甚至外国投资，在与墨西哥和中美洲其他地区接壤的美国南部边境修建更多的隔离墙，并增加美国海关与边境保护局的雇员。他还鼓励移民和海关执法局与海关和边境巡逻队加大对雇用移民的行业进行突击检查的力度，并将移民子女与家庭分离，以阻止其他移民家庭成员继续进入美国。他还限制或撤销了为移民提供的联邦资金，并投入大量资金来培训墨西哥的移民执法部门，以使其符合美国的关切。

In U.S. history, this white backlash, particularly against Mexican immigrants, is nothing new. As sociologist Leo Chavez argues, the “threat” of Latino immigrants to white Americans is a long-constructed racial nativist story, whose history can be traced back to the Mexican-American War. [6]6 The Mexican-American War (1846–1848) resulted in the U.S. annexation of large territories that had been part of Mexico, including present-day California, Texas, and the Southwest, leading to a long history of contested borders and nativist sentiment against Mexican-origin populations. However, current public support for this practice and federal attention to the “threat” posed by Latinos have reached historic highs. U.S. media, business owners, and state and federal politicians are all spreading misinformation about the impact of immigration on the American public. As Trump put it, over the past five years, Latino immigrants in the United States have been stereotyped as a tribe of immigrants consisting of rapists, murderers, and drug dealers.

在美国历史上，这种白人对抗，特别是针对墨西哥移民的白人对抗，并不是什么新现象。正如社会学家利奥·查维斯(Leo Chavez)所说，拉丁裔移民对美国白人的“威胁”是长期建构的一个种族本土主义故事，其历史可以追溯到美墨战争。然而，当前公众对这一做法的支持度和联邦政府对拉丁裔带来的“威胁”的关注都达到了历史最高水平。美国媒体、企业主、州和联邦政界人士都在传播关于移民对美国公众的影响的错误信息。就像特朗普所说的，在过去的五年里，美国的拉丁裔移民被定性为一个由强奸犯、杀人犯和毒贩组成的移民部落。

Scholars have demonstrated that white backlash has permeated the daily lives of Americans and their interactions with immigrants. For example, Lippard and M. Graham Spann found that in mountain towns in western North Carolina, Latino immigrants and their families faced moderate levels of discrimination and exclusion when accessing public services. Other researchers have pointed out that Latino immigrants are often categorized as illegal immigrants and subjected to mistreatment when seeking employment, housing, and social services. Journalist Roberto Lovato coined the term “Juan Crow” to explain how southern states adopt discriminatory laws and condone local discrimination against Mexican immigrants, similar to the racist conditions African Americans faced during the Jim Crow era. [7]7 “Jim Crow” refers to the system of state and local laws in the U.S. South (late 19th century to mid-1960s) that enforced racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans. “Juan Crow” is a neologism drawing a parallel to describe similar discriminatory practices targeting Latino immigrants.

学者们已经证明，白人对抗已经渗入到美国人的日常生活及其与移民的交往之中。例如，利帕德和M．格雷厄姆·斯潘(M.Graham Spann)发现，在北卡罗来纳州西部的山区城镇，拉丁裔移民及其家庭在接受公共服务时面临着中等程度的歧视和排斥。其他研究人员也指出，拉丁裔移民在获得工作、住房和社会服务时常常被归为非法移民，并受到虐待。记者罗伯托·洛瓦托(Roberto Lovato)创造了“胡安·克劳”(Juan Crow)一词，以解释南部各州采用歧视性法律并纵容当地针对墨西哥移民的歧视行为，这类似于吉姆·克劳时代非裔美国人面临的种族主义状况。

In general, white backlash has become the standard for handling immigration issues in the United States today. In fact, this is not a new trend, as scholars have demonstrated that debates and decisions on immigration have long been rooted in protecting white supremacy. Institutions at all levels of American society have played and will continue to play a significant role in enacting laws to restrict and expel "foreigners" who threaten white supremacy. What is abnormal is the hostile rhetoric Trump uses to describe immigrants attempting to enter the United States for employment. Such a racist framework indeed fuels white backlash, making this era more dangerous for immigrants of color.

总的来说，白人对抗已经成为当今美国处理移民问题的标准。事实上这并不是什么新趋势，因为学者们证明，长期以来，关于移民问题的辩论和决策都是植根于保护白人至上地位的。在制定法律以限制和驱逐威胁白人至上地位的“外国人”方面，美国社会各个层面的机构都已经发挥并将继续发挥重要作用。不正常的是，特朗普在描述试图进入美国就业的移民时所使用的敌对言论。这样的种族主义框架确实助长了白人对抗，使得这个时代对有色人种的移民来说变得更加危险了。

III. Discussion

三、讨论

Given the racial nature of the above debates and Trump's incendiary rhetoric on these issues, media and political commentators remain concerned about the existence of racism. However, social science scholars studying racial prejudice are not surprised by this incendiary rhetoric. They point out that the formal resurgence of racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, and other "isms" in the United States is not a new phenomenon. At best, these "isms" have been symbolically addressed in American life, while other attempts have only scratched the surface of these major social injustices. Moreover, during the transition from the Obama administration to the Trump administration, behind the so-called change, the wealth and status of white people received both overt and covert support.

鉴于以上辩论的种族性质，以及特朗普在这些问题上使用的煽动性言辞，媒体和政治评论家对种族主义的存在仍然感到担忧。然而，研究种族偏见的社会科学学者对这种煽动性言辞并不感到惊讶。他们指出，在美国，种族主义、性别歧视、同性恋恐惧症、跨性别恐惧症和其他“主义”所表现出的形式上的复兴并不是新现象。这些“主义”充其量只是在美国人的生活中被象征性地解决了，而其他的尝试都只是触及了这些重大的社会不公正现象的表面。此外，在从奥巴马政府向特朗普政府过渡期间，在所谓的变革背后，白人的财富地位得到了公开的和私下的支持。

Social scientists have described the growing but "silent" discontent among white Americans since the 1960s. For example, Gallup polls indicate that a majority of white Americans believe racism is a thing of the past. These polls also note that whites perceive themselves as new targets of racism, believing that non-white groups gain advantages in public programs—including welfare and college admissions—due to their skin color. Furthermore, white Americans have begun to view immigration as a genuine challenge to their job security, economic prosperity, and safety from terrorist attacks. As sociologist Blumer argues, whites perceive their economic, political, and social group status as threatened by a growing non-white population. Consequently, they feel a significant threat to their economic and political life, leading to a series of white backlash incidents aimed at restoring the order that grants them privilege.

社会科学家描述了自1960年代以来美国白人日益增长但“保持沉默”的不满情绪。例如，盖洛普民意调查表明，大多数美国白人相信种族主义已成为历史。这些民意调查还指出，白人认为他们是种族主义的新目标，非白人群体因其肤色而在公共项目中获得优势，包括获得福利和大学入学资格。此外，美国白人已经开始将移民问题视为对其工作保障、经济繁荣和免受恐怖主义袭击的真正挑战。正如社会学家布鲁默所言，白人认为其经济、政治和社会群体地位正受到不断增长的非白人人口的威胁。因此，他们感到经济和政治生活受到了重大威胁，这导致了一系列白人对抗事件，以恢复使他们获得特权的秩序。

Since the 1980s, white Americans have tended to believe that race or racism is not a matter of discrimination or abuse. Most whites think race is unrelated to the unequal treatment of non-whites, and that respect for authority and cultural degeneracy are key to ongoing conflicts among many non-whites. These neoliberal arguments recur in discussions of police brutality, Mexican immigration, and the failure of public schools. While the condemnation of overt racism is commendable and illustrates changing norms in the United States, it also highlights the need to disseminate new definitions of racism. Additionally, this reflects a troubling reality: the U.S. government may not only maintain the status quo of white supremacy but also enable the return of Jim Crow racist policies and practices.

自1980年代以来，美国白人倾向于认为，种族或种族主义不是歧视或虐待的问题。大多数白人认为，种族与非白人受到的不平等待遇无关，尊重权威和文化堕落是许多非白人持续冲突的关键。在讨论警察暴行、墨西哥移民问题以及公立学校的失败时，这些新自由主义的论据反复出现。尽管对公然的种族主义的指责值得称赞，并且说明了美国不断变化的规范，但它也凸显了传播新的种族主义定义的必要性。此外，这也体现出一个令人担忧的现实:美国政府可能不仅会维持白人至上地位的现状，而且使吉姆·克劳的种族主义政策和做法实现回归。

IV. Conclusion

四、结论

The lack of insight in white opinion expression is related to the issue of "whiteness"; many whites neither see the privileges associated with the white "race" nor recognize the lack of rights for marginalized racial groups. Some scholars attempt to situate whites within the broader social context of white supremacy or racialized social systems. For example, the edited volume *White Out: The Continuing Significance of Racism* by Ashley Woody Doane and Bonilla-Silva represents one of the earlier sociological efforts in this regard, showing that white racial attitudes spark debates about whether racial issues in the United States constitute social inequality. In the current era, how can we better understand issues of structural racism, whiteness, and white attitudes? Are current racist attitudes and behaviors merely old wine in new bottles? Or is the abnormal racial and political extremism of Trumpism more shocking to those of us who hope for racial progress and equality?

白人缺乏洞见的意见表达与“白人性”问题有关;许多白人既看不到与白人“种族”相关的特权，又忽略了边缘化种族群体的权利缺失。一些学者试图将白人置于更广泛的白人至上或种族化社会体系的社会环境中。例如，阿什利·伍迪·多恩(Ashley Woody Doane)和博尼拉-席尔瓦编辑的《白化:种族主义的持续重要性》一书代表了社会学家在这一方面较早的尝试之一，它表明，白人的种族态度引发了关于美国的种族问题是否属于社会不平等问题的辩论。在当今时代，我们如何才能更好地理解结构性种族主义、白人性和白人态度等问题?现在的种族主义态度和行为只是新瓶装旧酒吗?还是特朗普主义不正常的种族极端主义和政治极端主义更令我们这些希望种族进步和平等的人震惊?

(i) Old Wine in New Bottles?

(一)新瓶装旧酒?

On one hand, we argue that Trump's calls for a border wall, a Muslim ban, and a return to the "great" America of the 1950s segregation era are nothing new; in fact, they are recognized white supremacist tactics. Although this article provides only one example of white backlash, the actual list of ideologies, events, and figures related to reinforcing white supremacy in the United States is nearly endless and daunting. Scholars studying the impact of Trump's policies on race relations and social justice actions need to consider what is key to maintaining the racial status quo. More importantly, scholars need to connect white backlash to the demands of minority groups for equal rights.

一方面，我们认为，特朗普呼吁建立边境墙、实行穆斯林禁令，以及重返1950年代种族隔离时期的“伟大的”美国并不是什么新鲜事，事实上这是公认的白人至上主义策略。虽然本文只提供了白人对抗的一个例子，但在美国，与强化白人至上地位有关的意识形态、事件和人物的实际清单几乎是无穷无尽的，令人望而生畏。研究特朗普的政策对种族关系和社会正义行动的影响的学者需要考虑什么是使种族现状得以维持的关键。更重要的是，学者们需要将白人对抗与少数族裔获得平等权利的诉求联系起来。

In fact, we argue that racism is merely one way the dominant group in American society maintains its own interests. As Susan Faludi points out, a strong backlash against women's rights has been pervasive in the United States, both hindering and shaping gender equality. This argument is also evident in discussions of how oppositional strategies affect equality in other movements. At the same time, scholars should note that ideologies, institutions, and individuals can converge to influence social change. These oppositional strategies and forces, such as white backlash involving racism, have been and will continue to be mobilized to fight for privilege. Therefore, ideology and the broader structural barriers to change and equality should be the focus of our subsequent research. It should also be noted that in a country based on democracy and individual freedom, these persistent discriminatory ideologies should not be a normal presence.

事实上，我们认为，种族主义只是美国社会中占统治地位的群体维护其自身利益的一种方式。正如苏珊·法鲁迪(Susan Faludi)所指出的，美国一直普遍存在强烈反对妇女权利的现象，这既阻碍又塑造了两性的平等。在关于如何通过反对策略来影响其他运动中的平等问题的讨论中，这一论据也显而易见。与此同时，学者们也应该注意到，意识形态、制度和个人是可以集中力量来影响社会变革的。这些反对性的策略和力量，如涉及种族主义的白人对抗等，已经并将继续被动员起来为获得特权而斗争。因此，意识形态以及阻碍变革和实现平等的更广泛的结构性障碍应当是我们接下来研究的重点。还应指出的是，在一个基于民主和个人自由的国家中，这些顽固的歧视性意识形态不应该是一种正常的存在。

(ii) This Is Abnormal!

(二)这不正常!

Few consider Trump a typical "business as usual" conservative president. For instance, Trump's stubbornness distinguishes him from previous presidents. The Trump administration has intensified white backlash and further deepened racial conflicts in American society. Notably, Trump overturned liberal public policies and laws enacted by Obama to promote diversity during his tenure. This may indicate Trump and his electoral camp's hatred for people of color, but more likely reflects his attitude toward and understanding of white supremacy in racial and social order. Essentially, this reflects Trump's consistent vigilance in eliminating Obama's political legacy, as these legacies would hinder white men from obtaining their due status at the top of society.

很少有人认为特朗普是典型的“一切照旧”的保守派总统。例如，特朗普的顽固是他不同于历任总统的地方。特朗普政府加剧了白人对抗，也进一步加深了美国社会中的种族矛盾。值得注意的是，特朗普在任职期间推翻了奥巴马为促进多样性而制定的自由主义公共政策和法律，这或许表明特朗普及其选举阵营对有色人种的仇恨，但更可能反映的是他对种族秩序和社会秩序中的白人至上主义的态度和理解。从本质上讲，这反映出特朗普在消除奥巴马政治遗产方面所保持的一贯警惕，因为这些遗产会妨碍白人男性在社会高层中获得应有的地位。

Trump's unusual obsession with Obama (and Hillary Clinton) is essentially an influential guiding motivator that can provoke anger and hatred within his supporting camp and across American society. As a result, not only does the public fail to question Trump's racist policies, but many voters also accept them, viewing these racist behaviors and policies as justified. This can be seen in Trump's "Deal of the Century" for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is also noteworthy that, faced with statistical data showing non-whites are more likely to die from complications caused by the coronavirus, the Trump administration avoided public policies aimed at providing medical and financial assistance to patients and their families. Trump's racialized departure from traditional political norms may further promote broader white backlash and white supremacy. Most importantly, Trump's rhetoric and policies have deviated from and destroyed the liberalization of the United States, making the liberalization that began in the 1960s now almost a dream. (Notes omitted)

特朗普对奥巴马(和希拉里·克林顿)的异常执迷实质上是一个有影响的激励因素(guiding motivator)，这可以在支持他的阵营以及整个美国社会中激起愤怒和仇恨。这样一来，不仅公众不会质疑特朗普的种族主义政策，而且许多选民也表示接受，他们认为这些种族主义行为和政策是合理的。从特朗普提出的解决巴以冲突的“世纪协议”中，我们就可以看到这一点。同样值得注意的是，面对统计数据显示的非白人更容易死于冠状病毒引起的并发症时，特朗普政府回避旨在为患者及其家属提供医疗和财务援助的公共政策。特朗普以种族化的方式背离了传统政治规范，这种种族化方式可能会进一步推动更广泛的白人对抗和白人至上主义的发展。最重要的是，特朗普的言辞和政策背离并摧毁了美国的自由化，这使得始于1960年代的自由化如今几乎成了梦想。（注释略）

[David G. Embrick: University of Connecticut, USA; J. Scott Carter: University of Central Florida, USA; Cameron Lippard: Appalachian State University, USA; Bhoomi K. Thakore: University of Central Florida, USA; Liu Shuhui: Institute of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences]

［大卫·G． 恩比克( David G． Embrick) : 美国康涅狄格大学; J． 斯科特·卡特( J． Scott Carter) : 美国中佛罗里达大学; 卡梅隆·利帕德( Cameron Lippard) : 美国阿帕拉契州立大学; 布米·K． 塔科尔( Bhoomi K． Thakore) : 美国中佛罗里达大学; 刘曙辉: 中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院］

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑