Observing the Adjustment and Unity of the Latin American Left from the 30th Anniversary of the São Paulo Forum

In July 2020, the São Paulo Forum, a regional organization of the Latin American left, reached the important historical milestone of its 30th anniversary. Founded in 1990, the São Paulo Forum is the most important forum of left-wing parties and progressive organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean, aiming to seek unity and integration on the basis of diversity. Initiated by the Brazilian Workers' Party (PT), it has been held successively in countries such as Brazil, Mexico, and Nicaragua in Latin America and the Caribbean. After 30 years of development and struggle, the São Paulo Forum remains an important platform for the Latin American left to analyze the world and regional situation, explore alternatives to neoliberalism, and seek regional unity and cooperation.

2020年7月，拉美左翼地区性组织圣保罗论坛迎来了成立30周年的重要历史节点。成立于1990年的圣保罗论坛（S.o Paulo Forum）是拉美和加勒比地区最重要的左翼政党和进步组织论坛，旨在谋求多元基础上的团结与一体化。该论坛由巴西劳工党（PT）发起，在巴西、墨西哥、尼加拉瓜等拉美及加勒比地区国家相继举行。历经30年的发展和斗争，圣保罗论坛依然是拉美左翼分析世界及地区形势、探讨新自由主义替代方案、谋求地区团结与合作的重要平台。

I. The Founding of the São Paulo Forum

一、圣保罗论坛的创建

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, the international communist and world socialist movements entered a low ebb. Left-wing parties and progressive forces around the world, facing infiltration and seduction by Western capitalist powers, fell into reflection. At the same time, the neoliberal paradigm guided by the "Washington Consensus," promoted and propelled by the Latin American right, further corroded the fragile social, political, and economic structures of Latin American countries. To address the unprecedented challenges facing the world and regional leftist movements, the Latin American left during this period organized a series of regional conferences to assess the situation and jointly discuss development around practical issues such as the "crisis of socialism" and the "rise of neoliberalism." The founding of the São Paulo Forum marked a new historical stage in which this historical reflection became more representative and organized.

20世纪80年代末90年代初，苏联解体、东欧剧变后,国际共产主义和世界社会主义运动转入低潮,世界各地的左派政党和进步力量面对西方资本主义强国的渗透和蛊惑纷纷陷入了反思。与此同时，以“华盛顿共识”为指导的新自由主义范式在拉美右翼的鼓吹和助推下，进一步腐蚀着拉美各国脆弱的社会政治与经济结构。为应对世界及地区左翼运动面临的空前挑战，这一时期的拉美左翼围绕“社会主义危机”和“新自由主义兴起”等现实问题，组织召开了一系列研判时局、共商发展的地区性会议，圣保罗论坛的创建标志着这一历史反思进入了更具代表性和组织化的历史新阶段。

In July 1990, to overcome the aftermath of the Cold War, reposition the historical role of left-wing parties and leftist movements, respond to the neoliberal offensive, and seek possibilities for autonomous regional development, about 48 left-wing parties and progressive organizations from 13 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, at the initiative of the Brazilian Workers' Party, gathered in São Paulo, Brazil. They convened the first "São Paulo Forum"[1]1 The São Paulo Forum (Foro de São Paulo) is a conference of left-wing political parties and organizations from Latin America and the Caribbean, founded in 1990 by the Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) and the Cuban Communist Party. around the impact of the post-Berlin Wall international landscape and neoliberalism on Latin American countries. The meeting brought together the vast majority of regional parties and progressive organizations across the left-wing ideological spectrum, from guerrilla organizations to social democratic parties, and conducted in-depth discussions on the theme "Changes in the International Order and Their Importance for Latin America and the Caribbean"[2]2 The Berlin Wall fell in November 1989, symbolizing the end of the Cold War and the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe.. Participating representatives condemned neoliberalism and emphasized the necessity of establishing a socialist paradigm rooted in Latin American history and culture. The meeting engaged in heated debates on the crisis facing actually existing socialism and its causes: regarding the reasons for the dissolution of the Soviet Union, some representatives believed it was a problem with the model of socialist construction, while others thought it was the consequence of partial policy errors by the Soviet government; regarding the problems and prospects of Cuban socialism, some views held that the Cuban socialist model only needed partial adjustments, while others argued that Cuba should replace its existing political system with a more pluralistic socialist identity, or promote internal democratic exchange and elections through the establishment of factions within the Party. Participating representatives not only expressed unanimous solidarity with socialist Cuba, which was under blockade and isolation by U.S. imperialism, but also conducted in-depth discussions on issues such as the subordination of trade unions and other social organizations to the Party in Latin American countries, Party control over the media, and economic nationalization. The meeting ultimately adopted the "São Paulo Declaration" (hereinafter referred to as the "Declaration") and decided to hold the second forum in Mexico City. Due to ideological differences among the participating parties, the final text of the Declaration did not explicitly set socialism as a goal, but instead defined the forum as a left-wing, socialist, democratic, popular, and anti-imperialist forum.

1990年7月，为摆脱冷战后遗症、重新定位左派政党和左翼运动的历史作用、应对新自由主义攻势、寻找地区自主发展的可能，来自拉美和加勒比地区13个国家约48个左翼政党和进步组织在巴西劳工党的倡议下，齐聚巴西圣保罗，围绕柏林墙倒塌后的国际格局和新自由主义对拉美各国的影响等问题召开了首届“圣保罗论坛”[1]。会议汇集了从游击队组织到社会民主党等左翼意识形态光谱中的绝大部分地区性政党及进步组织，围绕“国际秩序变化及其对拉美和加勒比地区的重要性”问题进行了深入探讨[2]。与会代表谴责新自由主义，强调在拉美历史文化根基上建立社会主义范式的必要性。会议对现实社会主义面临的危机及其原因进行了激烈的辩论：关于苏联解体原因的问题，有代表认为是社会主义建设模式出了问题，有的则认为是苏联政府局部政策失误导致的恶果；关于古巴社会主义面临的问题与出路，有观点认为古巴社会主义模式只需进行局部微调，另一些观点则认为古巴应以更加多元的社会主义认同来代替现有的政治制度，或者通过党内派系的建立促进内部的民主交流与选举。与会代表不仅对处于美帝国主义封锁和孤立中的社会主义国家古巴表示了一致声援，还围绕拉美国家工会和其他社会组织对党的服从问题、党对媒体的控制以及经济国有化等问题进行了深入探讨。会议最终通过了《圣保罗宣言》（以下简称《宣言》），并决定在墨西哥城召开第二届论坛。因参会政党在意识形态上的分歧，《宣言》终稿并未明确社会主义的目标，而是把论坛定义为左翼的、社会主义的、民主的、人民的和反帝国主义的论坛。

The establishment of the São Paulo Forum played a significant role in promoting the rise, consolidation, and development of the Latin American left. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, leader of the Brazilian Workers' Party, and Cuban leader Fidel Castro made major contributions to the creation of this forum. On the eve of the first meeting, Brazilian Workers' Party leader Lula visited Cuba. After discussions with Cuban leader Fidel Castro, both sides agreed that, given the severe international and regional situation at the time, it was necessary to propose a strategic plan capable of mobilizing the masses and stimulating their fighting consciousness, and to establish a regional forum led by left-wing parties and progressive organizations to profoundly expose the essence of neoliberalism, thereby seeking an integration path to confront imperialism and the oligarchic forces of various countries. The two sides ultimately proposed the initiative to hold a "Conference of Left-Wing Parties and Organizations of Latin America and the Caribbean" (i.e., the "prototype" and "predecessor" of the São Paulo Forum).

圣保罗论坛的成立对拉美左翼的崛起、巩固和发展起了重要的推动作用，巴西劳工党领袖路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达席尔瓦（Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva）和古巴领导人菲德尔·卡斯特罗（Fidel Castro）为该论坛的创建作出了重大贡献。首届会议召开前夕，巴西劳工党领袖卢拉访问古巴。在与古巴领导人菲德尔·卡斯特罗交谈后，双方一致认为，在当时严峻的国际和地区形势下，必须提出一种能够动员群众、激发群众斗争意识的战略规划，并通过建立由左翼政党和进步组织主导的地区性论坛，深刻揭露新自由主义的本质，进而寻求对抗帝国主义和各国寡头力量的一体化路径。双方最终提出了举办“拉美和加勒比地区左翼政党和组织会议”的倡议（即圣保罗论坛的“雏形”和“前身”）。

II. The Development Process and International Influence of the São Paulo Forum

二、圣保罗论坛的发展历程与国际影响

Since its founding, the São Paulo Forum has consistently sought dialogue among the numerous traditional left-wing factions in Latin America, promoting the unity and progress of regional leftist forces. After 30 years of adjustment and development, the forum's organizational construction has been further strengthened, and its regional and international influence has increasingly expanded.

自成立以来，圣保罗论坛始终坚持在拉美众多左翼传统派别间寻求对话，促进地区左翼力量的团结与进步。论坛历经30年的调整与发展，组织建设得到进一步加强，地区及国际影响力也日益扩大。

(I) The Development Process of the Forum

（一）论坛的发展历程

The development of the São Paulo Forum can be roughly divided into the initial period from 1990 to 1997, the flourishing period from 1998 to 2009, and the period of hesitation from 2010 to the present. Reflecting on the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe and seeking alternatives to neoliberalism were the main concerns of the forum's initial period. During the flourishing period from 1998 to 2009, it coincided with the "pink" wave of left-wing parties coming to power across Latin America. In the period of hesitation from 2010 to the present, the forum encountered a new round of attacks launched by U.S. imperialism and the Latin American right against the Latin American left following the 2008 capitalist economic crisis.

圣保罗论坛的发展大致可分为1990～1997年的初创期、1998～2009年的勃兴期和2010年至今的徘徊期。反思苏联解体、东欧剧变并寻求新自由主义替代方案是圣保罗论坛初创期的主要关切。1998～2009年的勃兴期，时逢拉美左翼集中上台的“粉红色”浪潮。2010年至今的徘徊期，论坛遭遇了2008年资本主义经济危机后美帝国主义和拉美右翼对拉美左翼发起的新一轮进攻。

The forum's organizational structure has been continuously improved. In June 1991, the second São Paulo Forum, held in Mexico City, attracted 68 political organizations from Latin America and the Caribbean and 12 observer organizations from North America and Europe. At this meeting, the forum's organizers decided to formally adopt "São Paulo Forum" as the fixed name of the conference and proposed the forum's purpose: to promote the exchange of experiences among the regional left, resolve differences, build consensus, coordinate actions, and deepen regional integration.

论坛的组织架构不断完善。1991年6月，在墨西哥城召开的第二届圣保罗论坛吸引了来自拉美和加勒比地区的68个政治组织和北美及欧洲的12个观察员组织参会。在这次会议上，论坛主办方决定正式启用“圣保罗论坛”作为会议的固定名称，并提出了促进地区左翼经验交流、化解分歧、凝聚共识、协调行动及深化地区一体化的论坛宗旨。

The second forum established a forum organizing committee and a working group. The former aimed to assist the host country's political parties in organizing the forum, while the latter focused on exploring the normalization of the forum's operations. The organizing committee of the second forum consisted of the Brazilian Workers' Party, the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) of Mexico, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) of El Salvador, the United Left (IU) of Peru, the Broad Front (FA) of Uruguay, and the Communist Party of Cuba. The working group held four meetings per year, responsible for communication and liaison among members and the preparation of basic documents for each general assembly. As the forum's influence grew, a forum executive secretariat, led by the Brazilian Workers' Party, was established in São Paulo, Brazil, responsible for convening the annual São Paulo meetings and working group meetings. Subsequently, three regional secretariats were successively established in Uruguay, Colombia, and El Salvador: the Southern Cone Regional Secretariat, the Andean-Amazon Regional Secretariat, and the Central America and Caribbean Regional Secretariat[3]3 The Southern Cone refers to the southernmost area of South America (Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and southern Brazil); the Andean-Amazon region covers countries along the Andes and Amazon basin (e.g., Colombia, Peru, Bolivia); Central America and the Caribbean includes the isthmus and island nations..

第二届论坛设立了论坛组委会和工作组，前者旨在协助东道国政党承办论坛，后者立足探索论坛的常态化建设。第二届论坛组委会由巴西劳工党、墨西哥民主革命党（PRD）、萨尔瓦多法拉本多·马蒂民族解放阵线（FMLN）、秘鲁联合左翼（IU）、乌拉圭广泛阵线（FA）和古巴共产党组成。工作组每年举行4次会议，负责成员间的沟通联络以及历次大会基础文件的准备工作。随着论坛影响力的提升，论坛在巴西圣保罗设立了由巴西劳工党牵头的论坛执行秘书处，负责召集圣保罗年会和工作组会议，并陆续在乌拉圭、哥伦比亚和萨尔瓦多建立了南锥体地区、安第斯-亚马逊地区、中美洲和加勒比地区三个地区秘书处[3]。

Because participants opposed an organizational form dominated by a single party, like the Third International (the Communist International), the São Paulo Forum adheres to open and pluralistic organizational principles. It explicitly states that the forum will not become an organization of the Communist International type, will not adopt binding declarations or programmatic documents, will not participate in resolving multi-party differences and disputes within a single country, and will certainly not become a competitor to existing political party organizations in Latin America.

因与会者反对像第三国际即共产国际那样由一党主导的组织形式，圣保罗论坛坚持开放多元的组织原则，并明确指出论坛将不会成为共产国际性质的组织，也不会通过具有约束力的宣言或纲领性文件，不参与解决一国内部多党分歧和争端，更不会成为拉美地区现有政党组织的竞争者。

As of 2019, the São Paulo Forum had held four meetings each in Brazil (1990, 1997, 2005, 2013), Mexico (1991, 1998, 2009, 2015), and Nicaragua (1992, 2000, 2011, 2017); three meetings each in Cuba (1993, 2001, 2018) and El Salvador (1996, 2007, 2016); two meetings each in Uruguay (1995, 2008) and Venezuela (2012, 2019); and one meeting each in Guatemala (2002), Argentina (2010), and Bolivia (2014). The themes of successive forums have included the capitalist crisis and its alternatives, a critique of neoliberalism, regional integration and solidarity, and the development strategy of the Latin American left. At the same time, participants also expressed their views on the world and regional situation and commemorated major events and figures in the history of world socialist development.

截至2019年，圣保罗论坛先后在巴西（1990年、1997年、2005年、2013年）、墨西哥（1991年、1998年、2009年、2015年）和尼加拉瓜（1992年、2000年、2011年、2017年）各召开过4次会议，在古巴（1993年、2001年、2018年）、萨尔瓦多（1996年、2007年、2016年）各召开过3次会议，在乌拉圭（1995年、2008年）和委内瑞拉（2012年、2019年）各召开过两次会议，在危地马拉（2002年）、阿根廷（2010年）和玻利维亚（2014年）各召开过一次会议。历届论坛主题包括资本主义危机及其替代方案、新自由主义批判、地区一体化与团结、拉美左翼的发展战略等，同时与会各方也就世界及地区形势发表看法，对世界社会主义发展史上的重大事件及人物进行纪念。

Since its founding, the member parties of the São Paulo Forum have continuously adjusted and developed. It currently brings together 123 political parties and progressive organizations from 27 countries (or territories) in Latin America and the Caribbean.[4]4 The original text cites a source note [4] here, which is retained as a reference marker. The forum’s working group is composed of representatives from 16 left-wing political parties and organizations in Latin America.[5]5 The original text cites a source note [5] here, which is retained as a reference marker. Among these parties are both old parties with a history of around a century, such as the Communist Party of Chile, the Communist Party of Argentina, the Communist Party of Brazil, the Communist Party of Uruguay, and the Communist Party of Peru, as well as left-wing alliances and progressive organizations that emerged from new political movements; there are both the Communist Party of Cuba, which adheres to Marxism and has been in power for a long time, and left-wing parties and organizations that have experienced ups and downs and undergone constant reconstruction due to line differences, external suppression, and other reasons.

自成立以来，圣保罗论坛成员党不断调整与发展，目前共吸纳了拉美及加勒比地区27国（或领地）的123个政党及进步组织[4]。论坛工作组由拉美16个左翼政党和组织的代表组成[5]。在这些政党中，既有智利共产党、阿根廷共产党、巴西共产党、乌拉圭共产党及秘鲁共产党等建党百年左右的老党，也有在新政治运动中兴起的左翼联盟和进步组织；既有坚持马克思主义并长期执政的古巴共产党，也有因路线分歧、外部打压等原因历经沉浮、不断重构的左翼政党及组织。

(II) The Main Concerns of the Forum in Recent Years

（二）近年论坛的主要关切点

Since the 2008 financial crisis, the situation in Latin America has tightened, social conflicts have become frequent, and some left-wing governments associated with the São Paulo Forum have successively fallen into predicaments of domestic economic downturn, social unrest, right-wing counterattacks, and electoral defeat. In response to the neoliberal offensive and to break the left’s development dilemma, the São Paulo Forum issued important documents in 2017 and 2019, including the “Consensus of Our America” and the “Final Declaration” of the 25th Forum, which expounded the forum’s views on the regional and world situation and its proposals for alternative development, and refuted the attacks and fallacies of regional and global reactionary forces.

自2008年金融危机后，拉美地区形势趋紧，社会冲突频发，与圣保罗论坛相关的一些左翼政权先后陷入了国内经济下滑、社会动乱、右翼反攻和选举失利的困局。为应对新自由主义攻势、破解左翼发展困境，圣保罗论坛分别在2017年和2019年发表了《“我们的美洲”共识》和25届论坛《最终声明》等重要文件，阐发论坛对地区及世界形势的看法和关于替代发展的主张，批驳地区及全球反动势力的攻击与谬论。

In 2017, the 23rd São Paulo Forum, held in Nicaragua, discussed topics such as the “Centenary of the October Revolution in Russia” and the “50th Anniversary of the Death of Che Guevara.” The forum’s basic document argued that neoliberal globalization had not died; attacks by regional right-wing forces and world power centers on regional progressive governments and organizations were intensifying, attempting to erase the progressive history of Latin America over the past decade. The sustained attacks on Venezuela’s Bolivarian path and the vilification of former Brazilian President Lula and former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and other former left-wing leaders in Latin America were important evidence of this cross-border counteroffensive strategy. Media controlled by elites served the political right wing and regional and global corporations; under its manipulation, society was becoming increasingly alienated, public services were being destroyed, and “soft coups” were constantly emerging. It was necessary to protect the current experiences of Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Cuba, and to mount effective political counterattacks against the reactionary left and the right. This forum also issued the first programmatic document, titled the “Consensus of Our America” (hereinafter referred to as the “Consensus”). The “Consensus” held that the balance of forces in the region had changed and a socio-political downturn had emerged, but the progressive cycle of the Latin American left was not over. Faced with the capitalist counteroffensive, the present moment was a critical juncture for the left to engage in self-criticism, sum up experiences and lessons, and seek historical reconstruction. The “Consensus” advocated, on the basis of respecting the differences among countries, reducing polarization and social inequality; in the economic sphere, strengthening the role of state investment, implementing social ownership of major economic resources, not excluding the role of domestic and foreign private sectors, but requiring their operations to conform to the national development direction; in the social sphere, pursuing a fairer distribution of wealth was a distinctive hallmark of left-wing policies; without social inclusion, there could be no genuine development; the state had an irreplaceable role in guaranteeing universal, indivisible, and interdependent human rights for all citizens; in the face of profound changes in the field of information and communication, people’s power should be strengthened to resist information, media, and cultural centralization and concentration; and it was necessary to continuously explore integration models aimed at regional liberation, discarding dependent regional integration models.[6]6 The “Consensus of Our America” (Nuestra América) is a phrase popularized by Cuban independence hero José Martí, referring to Latin America as a distinct cultural and political entity.

2017年，在尼加拉瓜举行的第23届圣保罗论坛围绕“俄国十月革命100周年”和“切·格瓦拉逝世50周年”等议题进行了讨论。大会基本文件认为，新自由主义全球化并未消亡，地区右翼及世界权力中心对地区进步政府和组织的攻击愈演愈烈，并试图抹去拉美过去10年的进步历史，而对委内瑞拉玻利瓦尔道路的持续攻击、对巴西前总统卢拉及阿根廷前总统克里斯蒂娜·费尔南德斯·基什内尔(Cristina Fernández de Kirchner)等拉美前左翼领导人的诋毁，是这一超越国界反攻战略的重要证据；精英控制下的媒体效力于政治右翼和地区及全球企业，社会在其操控下变得越来越疏离，公共服务遭到破坏，“软政变”不断出现；应保护委内瑞拉、尼加拉瓜、玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔和古巴等国当前的经验，从政治上对反动左派和右翼作出有效的回击。本届论坛还发布了以《“我们的美洲”共识》（以下简称《共识》）为题的第一份纲领性文件。《共识》认为，地区力量对比已发生改变，并出现了社会政治颓势，但拉美左翼的进步周期并未结束，面对资本主义的反攻，当下正是左翼进行自我批评、总结经验教训和谋求历史重建的关键时刻。《共识》主张，在尊重各国差异性的基础上，减少两极分化和社会不平等；在经济领域加强国家投资的作用，对主要经济资源实行社会所有制，不排除本国和外国私营部门的作用，但其运行须符合国家发展方向；在社会领域中，谋求更加公平的财富分配是左派政策的鲜明标志，没有社会包容，就没有真正的发展，国家在保障所有公民享有普遍的、不可分割的和相互依存的人权方面具有不可替代的作用；面对信息通讯领域的深刻变革，应加强人民力量，抵御信息、传媒和文化集权与集中；不断探索旨在实现地区解放的一体化模式，摒弃具有依附性的地区一体化模式[6]。

In 2018, the 24th São Paulo Forum was held in Havana, Cuba, marking the third time Cuba hosted the forum, following 1993 and 2001. More than 400 representatives from political parties and social movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as from other countries around the world including China, Laos, and Syria, attended the meeting. This forum aimed to strengthen regional unity and integration under the guidance of the spirit of Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Fidel Castro, and Hugo Chávez, oppose neoliberalism and imperialism, and pay tribute to and commemorate former Brazilian President Lula and former Cuban leader Fidel Castro, who founded this united front of left-wing political parties and social movements. The meeting also adopted a “Final Declaration” and an “Action Plan.”

2018年，第24届圣保罗论坛在古巴哈瓦那举行，这是古巴继1993年和2001年后第三次主办该论坛。来自拉美及加勒比地区和中国、老挝、叙利亚等世界其他国家的400多名政党和社会运动代表参加了会议。此次论坛旨在加强西蒙·玻利瓦尔（Simón Bolívar）、何塞·马蒂（José Martí）、菲德尔·卡斯特罗及乌戈·查韦斯(Hugo Chávez)精神指引下的地区团结与一体化，反对新自由主义和帝国主义，并向创立该左翼政党和社会运动团结阵线的巴西前总统卢拉和古巴前领导人菲德尔·卡斯特罗表示敬意和怀念。会议还通过了《最终宣言》和《行动计划》。

In 2019, the 25th São Paulo Forum was held in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. Nearly 500 left-wing party leaders, representatives of social movements, parliamentarians, and intellectuals from 124 countries in Latin America, Europe, Asia, and Africa attended. The forum adopted a “Final Statement” and multiple resolutions. The “Final Statement” called for the release of former Brazilian President Lula and other left-wing leaders imprisoned for political reasons, condemned U.S. sanctions against the governments of Venezuela, Cuba, and other countries, supported dialogue between the Venezuelan government and opposition and the peace process in Colombia, and advocated for the unity of progressive forces in Latin America and the active promotion of Latin American integration. During the conference, the forum also set up parallel sessions for African-descendant communities, youth, women, parliamentarians, and indigenous peoples; held secretariat meetings for the Andean region, the Amazon region, the Southern Cone region, and Central America and the Caribbean; and organized dialogue meetings between Latin American political parties and friendly political parties from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East.[7]7 The original text cites a source note [7] here, which is retained as a reference marker.

2019年，第25届圣保罗论坛在委内瑞拉首都加拉加斯举行，来自拉美、欧洲、亚洲和非洲的124个国家近500名左翼政党领导人、社会运动代表、议员和知识分子与会。论坛通过了《最终声明》和多项决议。《最终声明》要求释放因政治原因被监禁的巴西前总统卢拉和其他左翼领导人，谴责美国对委内瑞拉、古巴等国政府的制裁，支持委内瑞拉朝野对话和哥伦比亚和平进程，主张拉美进步力量团结一致，积极推进拉美一体化进程。大会期间，论坛还设立了非洲裔族群、青年、妇女、议员和土著族群等参加的分会场，召开了安第斯地区、亚马逊地区、南锥体地区、中美洲及加勒比地区秘书处会议，举办了拉美政党与亚洲、非洲和中东地区友好政党对话会议[7]。

(III) The Forum’s International Influence

（三）论坛的国际影响

In the 1990s, the Latin American left and the socialist movement were at a historical low ebb. During this period, the São Paulo Forum overcame numerous difficulties and convened eight consecutive meetings, providing an important platform for progressive forces in Latin America to engage in historical reflection and reconstruct regional identity. Under the influence of the São Paulo Forum, the geopolitical landscape of Latin America gradually saw some positive factors conducive to the resurgence of the left-wing movement.

20世纪90年代，拉美左翼及社会主义运动处于历史最低潮。其间，圣保罗论坛克服重重困难，连续召开了八届会议，为拉美进步力量进行历史反思、重构地区认同提供了重要平台。在圣保罗论坛的影响下，拉美地缘政治格局逐渐出现了一些有利于左翼运动复归的积极因素。

Since the end of the 20th century, some member parties of the São Paulo Forum have successively won national elections or achieved historic breakthroughs in elections. Especially in the first decade of the 21st century, in order to mitigate the negative effects of neoliberalism and promote national economic development and social justice, left-wing governments in Latin America, represented by “21st-century socialism,” launched a new wave of political, economic, and social transformations. In December 1998, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), led by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, won the general election, thereby opening the path of the Bolivarian Revolution aimed at achieving Venezuelan sovereignty, justice, development, and unity. Subsequently, Latin American left-wing leaders such as Brazil’s Lula and Dilma Rousseff, Argentina’s Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Bolivia’s Juan Evo Morales Ayma, Honduras’s Manuel Zelaya, Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, and Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega successively achieved historic victories or breakthroughs in their respective national elections.

自20世纪末以来，圣保罗论坛的部分成员党陆续赢得本国大选或在选举中实现了历史性突破。尤其在21世纪头十年，为消解新自由主义的负面影响、促进本国经济发展与社会公正，以“21世纪社会主义”为代表的拉美左翼政权纷纷掀起了新一轮政治、经济及社会变革。1998年12月，委内瑞拉前总统查韦斯领导的第五共和国运动（MVR）在大选中获得胜利，从而开启了旨在实现委内瑞拉主权、正义、发展与团结的玻利瓦尔革命道路。随后，巴西的卢拉和迪尔玛·罗塞夫(Dilma Rousseff)、阿根廷的内斯托·基什内尔(Néstor Kirchner)和克里斯蒂娜·费尔南德斯·基什内尔、玻利维亚的胡安·埃沃·莫拉莱斯·艾玛（Juan Evo Morales Ayma）、洪都拉斯的马努埃尔·塞拉亚（Manuel Zelaya）、厄瓜多尔的拉斐尔·科雷亚(Rafael Correa)和尼加拉瓜的丹尼尔·奥尔特加(Daniel Ortega)等拉美左翼领导人先后在本国大选中取得了历史性胜利或突破。

In the early 21st century, with the concentrated rise to power of left-wing political parties and organizations in Latin America, the disadvantaged position of progressive forces in the region’s geopolitical landscape somewhat improved. At the same time, new developments in regional integration movements to a certain extent thwarted U.S. hegemonic plans in Latin America. In 2005, the U.S.-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) plan was declared a failure. In December 2011, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the first regional integration organization encompassing all 33 independent countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, was established in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. This organization seeks to strike a balance between unity and diversity among Latin American countries.

21世纪初，随着拉美左翼政党和组织集中上台，拉美进步力量在地缘政治中的不利地位有所改善。与此同时，地区一体化运动的新发展一定程度上挫败了美国在拉美的霸权计划。2005年，由美国倡导的美洲自由贸易区（FTAA）计划宣告失败。2011年12月，首个涵盖拉美和加勒比地区所有33个独立国家的地区一体化组织——拉美和加勒比国家共同体（CELAC），在委内瑞拉首都加拉加斯宣告成立。该组织试图在拉美各国之间寻求团结与多样性的平衡。

In the “pink tide” of the early 21st century, the São Paulo Forum not only became an important vehicle for building a united front for Latin America’s “21st-century socialism” but also provided a significant platform for exchange and unity among progressive forces in Latin America and globally. To achieve common agendas and actions, the São Paulo Forum maintains a relationship of mutual respect with regional political party organizations such as the Permanent Conference of Political Parties of Latin America and the Caribbean (COPPPAL), the Socialist Coordination of Latin America (CSL), and the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for Socialist International (CALCIS). It also maintains a dialogue with regional social movement organizations and actively participates in global and regional events such as the World Social Forum (WSF)[8]8 The World Social Forum (WSF) is an annual meeting of civil society organizations, first held in 2001 in Porto Alegre, Brazil, as a counter-forum to the World Economic Forum, aiming to develop alternatives to neoliberal globalization..

在21世纪初的“粉红色”浪潮中，圣保罗论坛不仅成为拉美“21世纪社会主义”构建团结阵线的重要载体，也为拉美及全球进步力量的交流与联合提供了重要平台。为实现共同议程和行动，圣保罗论坛与拉美和加勒比政党常设会议（COPPPAL）、拉美社会主义协调组织（CSL）及拉美和加勒比社会主义国际委员会（CALCIS）等拉美地区政党组织保持着相互尊重的关系，与地区社会运动组织也保持着对话关系，并积极参与世界社会论坛（WSF）等全球及区域性活动[8]。

III. The São Paulo Forum under the Impact of the Pandemic: Positions and Proposals

三、疫情冲击下的圣保罗论坛：立场与主张

On May 8, 2020, the Working Group of the São Paulo Forum held its first video conference around the theme “The Complex Situation and Collaborative Cooperation under the COVID-19 Pandemic” and issued a conference declaration titled “Anti-Imperialist Unity and Solidarity in the Pandemic.” The conference was jointly organized by the Forum’s Executive Secretariat and the Brazilian Workers’ Party, with participation from 23 party members from 14 countries. The conference concluded that the pandemic was a comprehensive test for governments, politicians, scientists, national healthcare systems, and social systems, causing immense negative impacts on the global economy, politics, and society, especially in neoliberal countries that had implemented healthcare marketization, which suffered catastrophic consequences. Healthcare workers in Latin America and globally, undaunted by sacrifice, bravely shouldered the burden of treatment. However, since there was no vaccine, the pandemic was far from over. It was necessary to support countries in taking appropriate measures, investing necessary resources to protect the people, and complying with the rules of the World Health Organization (WHO).

2020年5月8日，圣保罗论坛工作组围绕“新冠肺炎疫情下的复杂形势与协同合作”召开了首次视频会议，并发表了题为《疫情下的反帝国主义统一与团结》的会议宣言。会议由论坛执行秘书处和巴西劳工党共同组织，来自14个国家的23个政党成员参加了会议。会议认为，疫情是对各国政府、政治家、科学家及各国医疗卫生体系与社会制度的全面考验，对全球经济、政治及社会造成了极大的负面影响，尤其是实行医疗市场化的新自由主义国家遭遇了灾难性后果。拉美及全球医护人员不畏牺牲，勇担救治重任，但由于没有疫苗，疫情远未结束，应支持各国采取适当措施，投入必要资源来保护人民，并遵守世界卫生组织（WHO）的规则。

The conference declaration pointed out that the COVID-19 pandemic is a global challenge that knows no borders, ideologies, or levels of development; to address the current crisis, political differences should be set aside and international solidarity and cooperation strengthened; people’s lives and health should be placed above the market, with national policies formulated to guarantee people’s rights and food security; priority and sustained investment in public health should be ensured, treating it as a basic human right rather than a commodity; the pandemic has had a particularly severe impact on women, who constitute the majority of healthcare workers in Latin America and the Caribbean, most housewives in the Americas, and workers in the informal sector and freelance occupations; during pandemic isolation, domestic violence issues in Latin American countries have risen markedly; neoliberalism has once again proven its failure as a social model, while the leadership and effectiveness of the state in safeguarding national interests and protecting vulnerable groups are crucial; defending Latin America’s status as a “Zone of Peace” is an important prerequisite for ensuring regional stability and coordinated pandemic response.

会议宣言指出，新冠肺炎疫情是不分国界、意识形态和发展水平的全球性挑战；为应对当前危机，应摒弃政治分歧，加强国际团结与合作；应把人民生命健康置于市场之上，制定保障人民权利和粮食安全的国家政策；确保对公共卫生的优先持续投入，将其视为基本人权而非商品；新冠肺炎疫情对妇女的影响尤其巨大，她们是拉美及加勒比地区的大部分医护工作者、美洲的大部分家庭主妇、非正规部门及自由职业工作者，在疫情隔离期间，拉美国家的家庭暴力问题明显上升；新自由主义再次证明其作为一种社会模式的失败，而国家在维护国家利益和保护弱势群体方面的领导力及有效性至关重要；捍卫拉丁美洲“和平区”地位是确保地区稳定、协同应对疫情的重要前提。

The conference declaration put forward 26 proposals, including: in strengthening anti-pandemic cooperation, support the initiative of UN Secretary-General António Guterres for a “global ceasefire and joint fight against the pandemic”; support the establishment of an international humanitarian fund to raise medical supplies needed for pandemic diagnosis and treatment, produce protective materials to ensure the safety of healthcare workers and large quantities of masks, enhance the role of science and technology in the pandemic response, and strengthen hospital network construction and vaccine research and development; call on regional and international multilateral organizations, political parties, social movements, and people’s groups to urge governments to prioritize vulnerable sectors and pandemic victims, comply with WHO rules, and respect and recognize its work; leverage and strengthen the role of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), forming an international scientific committee within its framework and with the support of the WHO and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to advance discussions on relevant research and procedures; support the decision of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) on May 4, 2020, to “strengthen national, regional, and international anti-pandemic cooperation,” viewing this decision as a true vaccine against unilateralism and an important message supporting multilateralism and international cooperation; demand that governments enhance their capacity to ensure safe and equal access to healthcare services and drinking water for all their citizens, and that national economic recovery measures must not affect the protection of the people or widen economic and social disparities; support the UN’s recommendation to establish and implement a “universal basic income.” The declaration also pointed out that the production and distribution of medical supplies needed for COVID-19 patients and healthcare workers should be ensured; governments and international financial institutions should promptly decide to make COVID-19 medicines, tests, and vaccines free of charge; and countries should be supported in transcending ideological differences to carry out necessary solidarity and cooperation.

会议宣言提出了26条建议，其中包括：在加强抗疫合作方面，支持联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯（Ant.nio Guterres）关于“全面停火及共同抗疫”的倡议；支持建立国际人道主义基金，以筹措疫情诊断及治疗所需的医疗物资，生产保障医护人员安全的防护物资及大量口罩，提升科技在抗疫过程中的作用，加强医院网络建设和疫苗研发工作；号召地区及国际多边组织、政党、社会运动及人民团体等呼吁并敦促各国政府优先照顾弱势部门及疫情受害者，遵守世界卫生组织的规则，尊重并认可其工作；发挥和加强拉丁美洲和加勒比国家共同体（CELAC）的作用，在其框架内、在世界卫生组织和泛美卫生组织（PAHO）的支持下组建国际科学委员会，推进相关研究及程序的讨论；支持不结盟运动（NAM）2020年5月4日协调会关于“加强国家、地区及国际抗疫合作”的决定，认为这一决定是反对单边主义的真正疫苗，是支持多边主义和国际合作的重要信息；要求各国政府加强行动力，以确保其所有公民安全平等地获得医疗卫生服务和饮用水，各国经济复苏措施不能影响对人民的保护，也不应扩大经济社会差距；支持联合国关于建立和实施“普遍基本收入”的建议。宣言还指出，应确保新冠肺炎患者及医护人员所需医疗物资的生产与分发；各国政府和国际金融机构应迅速作出新冠肺炎药品、检验和疫苗免费的决策；支持各国超越意识形态分歧，开展必要的团结合作。

The declaration condemned the unequal treatment of the Cuban revolutionary regime by imperialism and highly affirmed the internationalist spirit demonstrated by the Cuban government in its pandemic response. The declaration stated that the current moment is a time for solidarity, not war; a time for cooperation, not politically motivated blockades and sanctions; a time for peace, not threats and terrorist attacks; a time for respecting the right of peoples to self-determination, not invasion and state terrorism; a time for governments to be duty-bound to protect citizens and save lives, not for the Trump administration and its regional allies to use lies, military exercises, accusations, and disregard for the WHO, attacking other governments as an excuse for their own failed pandemic response. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the Trump administration attempted to use threatening neocolonial discourse to impose aggression, sanctions, and blockades on Latin American governments that do not submit to its interests, showing signs of reviving McCarthyism and the Monroe Doctrine.

宣言对古巴革命政权遭受帝国主义的不平等待遇进行了控诉，并高度肯定了古巴政府在抗击疫情过程中展现出的国际主义精神。宣言指出，当前是团结的时刻，而非战争时刻；是合作的时刻，不是出于政治动机进行封锁和制裁的时刻；是和平的时刻，不是进行威胁和恐怖袭击的时刻；是尊重人民自决权利的时刻，不是进行入侵和实施国家恐怖主义的时刻；是各国政府责无旁贷保护公民和挽救生命的时刻，不是美国特朗普政府及其地区盟友通过谎言、军事演习、指责和无视世卫组织、攻击其他政府，为其抗疫不力找借口的时刻。在拉美和加勒比地区，特朗普政府企图用威胁性新殖民主义话语，对不屈从其利益的拉美国家政府实施侵略、制裁和封锁，大有重推麦卡锡主义和门罗主义之势。

IV. The 30th Anniversary of the São Paulo Forum: Historical Significance and Contemporary Challenges

四、圣保罗论坛30周年：历史意义与时代挑战

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the international landscape underwent profound changes, and the situation in Latin America also experienced unprecedented turbulence. As a regional organization where the left and progressive forces reflect on their experience of struggle and seek alternative development, the São Paulo Forum has not only witnessed the low ebb, hesitation and return of the Latin American left, but has also become an important platform for凝聚左翼共识 (凝聚左翼共识) and strengthening left-wing unity. At the same time, facing the region's diverse and mixed political traditions and complex and volatile geopolitical situation, the creation and development of the São Paulo Forum has always faced the difficult choice and test between unity or division, struggle or compromise.

苏联解体、东欧剧变后，国际格局发生了深刻变化，拉美地区局势也经历了前所未有的动荡。作为地区左翼和进步力量反思斗争经验、寻求替代发展的地区性组织，圣保罗论坛不但见证了拉美左翼的低潮、徘徊与复归，更成为凝聚左翼共识、加强左翼团结的重要平台。与此同时，面对拉美地区多元杂糅的政治传统和复杂多变的地缘局势，圣保罗论坛的创建与发展始终面临着团结抑或分化、斗争抑或妥协的艰难抉择与考验。

(I) The Historical Contributions and Significance of the São Paulo Forum

（一）圣保罗论坛的历史贡献及时代意义

At a time when world socialism was at a historical low ebb, the founding of the São Paulo Forum reflected the historical responsibility and epochal insight of Latin America's progressive forces. In 1993, at the third São Paulo Forum held in Havana, Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro once again emphasized the importance of Latin American integration and pointed out that realizing the ideals of the independence pioneers of Latin America and the Caribbean required full ideological preparation. Fidel Castro stressed that without the unity of the peoples of all countries, it would be impossible to achieve the independence, security, peace, development and well-being of Latin American countries. From the difficulties of Latin American economic integration, one can recognize that integration based on each going its own way is undesirable, but Latin America needs political and economic integration to overcome all obstacles. Transnational corporations will not bring about Latin American integration and unity; Latin American economic and political integration should first be resolved conceptually and ideologically.[9]9 Fidel Castro, "Discurso pronunciado en la clausura del III Encuentro del Foro de São Paulo," Havana, July 29, 1993. Fidel Castro believed that at that historical juncture, Latin America and the Caribbean lacked favorable political conditions for social revolution, but it was possible to establish a more just and equitable society, achieve an anti-imperialist united front, and by reversing the left's declining position in the regional balance of forces, promote the development of Latin America's progressive movement, and in the near future achieve unity based on regional diversity.[10]10 Ibid.

在世界社会主义处于历史低潮的时刻，圣保罗论坛的创立体现了拉美进步力量的历史担当与时代洞察力。1993年，在哈瓦那举办的第三届圣保罗论坛上，古巴革命领袖菲德尔·卡斯特罗再次强调了拉美一体化的重要性，并指出要实现拉美和加勒比地区独立先驱的理想必须进行意识形态上的充分准备。菲德尔·卡斯特罗强调，没有各国人民的团结，就无法实现拉美各国的独立、安全、和平、发展与福祉，从拉美经济一体化的困境就能认识到各自为政的一体化是不可取的，但拉美需要政治经济一体化来克服所有障碍，跨国公司不会使拉美实现一体化和团结，拉美经济政治一体化应首先从观念和思想上解决[9] 。菲德尔·卡斯特罗认为，在当时的历史节点，拉美和加勒比地区缺乏进行社会革命的有利政治条件，但却有可能建立更加公平正义的社会，实现反帝国主义团结阵线，并通过扭转左翼在地区力量对比中的颓势，促进拉美进步运动的发展，在不久的将来实现地区多元化基础上的团结[10]。

Pluralism, unity and alternatives are the core tenets of the São Paulo Forum. The basic document of the 17th São Paulo Forum emphasizes that unity and respect for the different opinions and views of each party are two fundamental principles that the Forum must follow. Enrique Ubieta Gómez, a well-known Cuban intellectual and editor-in-chief of the journal *Cuban Socialism*, pointed out in the preface to the book *Our America Consensus: Building Unity from the São Paulo Forum* that each country in Latin America and the Caribbean will advance along its own path. Some countries must build, consolidate or defend their ideological consensus, while others should first establish political consensus rather than ideological consensus. But in either case, whether in Latin America or the world, the left has two main enemies — disunity and imperialism (neoliberalism). Therefore, uniting against imperialism and neoliberalism is the minimum program of the left.[11]11 Enrique Ubieta Gómez, "Prólogo," in *Nuestramerica consensuada: Construir la unidad desde el Foro de São Paulo* (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2015), p. 10. Although the historical origins, ideologies, political status and policy positions of the Forum's member parties or organizations differ, the São Paulo Forum has always adhered to the basic principle of uniting on the basis of pluralism and carrying out the struggle against imperialism and neoliberalism on the basis of unity, constantly seeking the greatest common denominator of the interests of all parties, and thereby exploring alternative paths suited to the national conditions, stages of development and people's interests of each Latin American country. The Forum believes that alternative development models should be built on the basis of social justice; the São Paulo Forum's reflections and exchanges of experience on alternative models have formed a pluralistic and mutually beneficial regional network. Latin American integration should be based on the improvement of relations between countries, constantly practicing the ideal of "Our America" through the establishment of new regional integration regulations. The history of the São Paulo Forum shows that it is possible to build a new internationalist path. Despite facing many internal and external challenges and tests of the times, the São Paulo Forum will remain an important platform for the Latin American left to pursue regional integration, democratic freedom, social welfare, sovereignty and socialism.[12]12 See the basic document of the 17th São Paulo Forum, "Llamamiento del Foro de São Paulo," July 2015. In July 2020, to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the Forum's founding, the São Paulo Forum invited leaders from Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua to deliver online keynote speeches.[13]13 The leaders were Miguel Díaz-Canel of Cuba, Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela, and Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua. Aída García Naranjo, a founding member of the São Paulo Forum, former Minister of Women and Social Development of Peru, and a member of the Socialist Party of Peru (Partido Socialista del Perú), believes that in the 30 years since the founding of the São Paulo Forum, Latin American countries have experienced a "hurricane" of struggle, victory, resistance and hope, as well as a "hurricane" of democracy in forms such as people's democracy, community democracy, representative democracy and egalitarian democracy. The people's democracy of Latin American countries has achieved historical expression through the political programs of left-wing governments' progressivism, nationalism and democratic revolution. In Latin America, the São Paulo Forum is both a space for debate and a "hurricane" of hope for the new struggles of Latin American peoples over the 200-plus years since the independence movements for a new social contract, new constitution and new regulations.[14]14 Aída García Naranjo, "Intervención en el acto por el 30 aniversario del Foro de São Paulo," July 2020. Despite facing many internal and external challenges, the history of the São Paulo Forum's advance under heavy burdens shows that it is possible to build a new internationalist path.[15]15 This sentence repeats the earlier conclusion from paragraph [P4] for emphasis.

多元、团结和替代是圣保罗论坛的核心要义。第17届圣保罗论坛的基本文件强调，团结和尊重各党的不同意见及看法是论坛必须遵循的两个基本原则。古巴著名知识分子、《古巴社会主义》杂志主编恩里克·乌比塔·戈麦斯（Enrique Ubieta Gómez）在《我们的美洲共识：从圣保罗论坛建立团结》一书的序言中指出，每个拉美和加勒比地区国家都将沿着自己的道路前进，有些国家必须建立、巩固或捍卫其意识形态共识，而另一些国家则应首先建立政治共识，而非意识形态共识。但无论哪种情况，无论是拉美地区还是全世界的左翼都有两个主要敌人——不团结和帝国主义（新自由主义）。因此，团结起来反对帝国主义和新自由主义是左翼的最低纲领[11]。尽管论坛成员党或组织的历史源流、意识形态、政治地位和政策主张不尽相同，但圣保罗论坛始终坚持在多元基础上联合、在团结基础上开展反帝国主义和新自由主义斗争的基本原则，不断寻求各方利益的最大公约数，进而探索符合拉美各国国情、发展阶段和人民利益的替代道路。论坛认为，替代发展模式应建立在社会正义的基础上，圣保罗论坛关于替代模式的思考与经验交流已形成了多元互利的地区关系网；拉美一体化应建立在各国关系改善的基础上，通过建立新的地区一体化规制不断践行“我们的美洲”理想。圣保罗论坛的历史表明，建立新国际主义道路是可能的。尽管面临诸多内外挑战和时代考验，圣保罗论坛仍将是拉美左翼谋求地区一体化、民主自由、社会福利、主权与社会主义的重要平台[12]。2020年7月，为纪念论坛成立30周年，圣保罗论坛邀请古巴、委内瑞拉和尼加拉瓜领导人进行了在线主题演讲[13]。圣保罗论坛的初创成员之一、秘鲁妇女和社会发展部前部长、秘鲁社会党（Partido Socialista del Perú）党员艾达·加西亚·纳兰霍（Aída García Naranjo）认为，拉美国家在圣保罗论坛成立的30年间，既经历了斗争、胜利、抵抗和希望的“飓风”，也经历了人民民主、社区民主、代议民主及平等民主等形式的民主“飓风”，拉美国家的人民民主通过左翼政府进步主义、民族主义和民主革命的政治纲领实现了历史性表达；在拉美地区，圣保罗论坛既是争论的空间，也为独立运动200多年来拉美人民争取新社会契约、新宪法和新规制而进行的新斗争带来了希望的“飓风”[14]。尽管面临诸多内外挑战，圣保罗论坛负重前行的历史表明，建立新国际主义的道路是可能的[15]。

(II) The Real Challenges and Historical Limitations Facing the São Paulo Forum

（二）圣保罗论坛面临的现实挑战及历史局限性

With the evolution of the regional situation, the São Paulo Forum faces an urgent need for adjustment and change. Some Latin American right-wing forces have repeatedly attacked the São Paulo Forum in an attempt to disrupt the regional situation and confuse public opinion. For example, Brazilian politician Cabo Daciolo has on many public occasions called the São Paulo Forum a conspiracy organization, while current Brazilian Foreign Minister Ernesto Araújo has regarded it as a "network of corruption, dictatorship, drug trafficking and terrorism."

随着地区局势的演进，圣保罗论坛面临着调整与变革的迫切要求。一些拉美右翼不断攻击圣保罗论坛，以期达到搅乱地区局势和混淆视听的目的。例如，巴西政客卡波·达乔洛（Cabo Daciolo）多次在公开场合将圣保罗论坛称为阴谋组织，而现任巴西外长埃内斯托·阿劳若（Ernesto Araújo），则将其视为“腐败、独裁、贩毒和恐怖主义的网络”。

The founding forces of the São Paulo Forum believe that the operation of the Forum must be qualitatively improved in order to expand dialogue, integration, cooperation and unity in action among the Latin American and Caribbean left, and to enhance the capacity of the Latin American and Caribbean left in theoretical analysis, strategic programs and tactics, and in solving specific problems. The main challenges facing the São Paulo Forum also include how member parties can consolidate their existing positions, especially the ruling status of governing parties, persist in the struggle against the right and imperialism, deepen the governance reforms of ruling parties, promote regional unity and integration, support social struggles, insist on peacefully resolving the issues of Honduras and Colombia through political means, expand discussions on alternatives to neoliberalism and capitalism, improve the organizational and operational methods of the São Paulo Forum, and deepen dialogue and cooperation among the regional left, among others.

圣保罗论坛的主创力量认为，圣保罗论坛的运转必须有质的提高，才能扩大拉美加勒比左派之间的对话、一体化、合作和行动的团结，才能增强拉美加勒比左派理论分析、战略纲领和策略的制定和解决特殊问题的能力。圣保罗论坛面临的主要挑战还包括成员党如何巩固现有地位尤其是执政党的执政地位、坚持开展反右翼和反帝国主义斗争、深化执政党的国家治理改革、促进地区团结与一体化、支持社会斗争、坚持以政治方式和平解决洪都拉斯和哥伦比亚问题、扩大对新自由主义和资本主义替代方案的讨论、改进圣保罗论坛的组织运转方式、深化地区左派的对话与合作，等等。

Besides facing the tests of complex situations and political struggles, the Forum also has certain historical limitations in its organizational principles and theoretical propositions. For example, at its inception, the São Paulo Forum refused to become an organizational body that constrained its members in the form of an “International,” instead striving to create a space for dialogue where participants could freely express themselves and exchange ideas, offering possible options for achieving regional independence, democracy, and prosperity and development[16]16 The São Paulo Forum (Foro de São Paulo) is a conference of left-wing political parties and organizations from Latin America and the Caribbean, founded by the Brazilian Workers’ Party and the Cuban Communist Party in 1990.. Because the Forum’s organizational form is loose and its binding force weak, its organizational composition has always had a certain fluidity; the legitimacy of some participating parties and organizations often sparks internal debates in the Forum due to changes in regional or domestic politics, and some member parties or organizations also lack corresponding representativeness and influence. Moreover, in order to seek basic political consensus, the São Paulo Forum has repeatedly mentioned socialism in the basic documents of its successive meetings, but it has not taken “achieving socialism” as a basic policy. Disagreements within the Forum over the “concept of socialism” have always existed; the basic documents or declarations put forward by the Forum still lack theoretical propositions and epochal judgments that examine history and reality from a Marxist perspective, are not strongly guiding or targeted for Latin American leftist practice, and are insufficiently profound in their historical reflection on the political line, theoretical propositions, and practical strategies of the Latin American leftist movement. Although seeking regional unity and integration has always been the Forum’s greatest consensus, differences over the line of struggle and programmatic propositions have, to a certain extent, undermined the Forum’s centripetal force and cohesion. After the outbreak of a new round of economic crisis in world capitalism in 2008, some Latin American leftists believed that the imperialist forces led by the United States, in the process of their death throes, had launched a more ferocious counterattack against Latin American countries; they argued that the São Paulo Forum, as a Latin American leftist front, could not remain merely at the level of reconciling lines and shouting empty slogans, but should firmly seize this historical opportunity, engage in deeper discussion, and produce feasible plans; otherwise, the São Paulo Forum would very likely, because it could not respond to the challenges of the times, suffer the same historical fate as other similar international organizations that became increasingly bureaucratized and eventually disappeared[17]17 The note refers to the 2008 global financial crisis, which originated in the United States and led to a worldwide economic downturn..

除面临复杂时局和政治斗争的考验，论坛在组织原则和理论主张上也存在一定的历史局限性。例如，在成立之初，圣保罗论坛就拒绝以“国际”的形式成为约束成员的组织机构，而是力图为参与者创造自由表达、相互交流的对话场所，为争取地区独立民主、实现繁荣发展提供可能性选择[16]。由于论坛组织形式松散、制约性弱，圣保罗论坛的组织构成始终存在一定的流动性，部分参会政党及组织的合法性因地区或国内政治变化时常引发论坛内部的争论，一些论坛成员党或组织也缺乏相应的代表性和影响力。此外，为寻求基本政治共识，圣保罗论坛在历次会议的基本文件中反复提及社会主义，但并没有把“实现社会主义”作为基本方针。论坛内部因“社会主义观”导致的分歧始终存在，论坛提出的基本文件或声明仍缺乏从马克思主义视角观照历史和现实的理论主张与时代判断，对拉美左翼实践的指导性和针对性不强，对拉美左翼运动的政治路线、理论主张和实践策略的历史反思不够深刻。尽管谋求地区团结与一体化始终是论坛的最大共识，但斗争路线和纲领主张等分歧却在一定程度上消解了论坛的向心力与凝聚力。在2008年世界资本主义爆发新一轮经济危机后，一些拉美左翼人士认为，以美国为首的帝国主义势力在垂死的过程中对拉美国家发起了更为猛烈的反攻，圣保罗论坛作为拉美左翼阵线不能仅停留在调和路线和空喊口号的层面，而应紧紧抓住这一历史机遇，进行更加深入的探讨并拿出切实可行的方案，否则圣保罗论坛极有可能因无法回应时代挑战，而遭遇其他类似国际组织不断官僚化并最终消失的历史厄运[17]。

V. Historical Reflections and Future Trends of Latin American Leftist Development from the Perspective of the São Paulo Forum

五、圣保罗论坛视阈下拉美左翼发展的历史反思与未来趋向

The 30-year development course of the São Paulo Forum epitomizes the ideological trajectory, practical explorations, and developmental aspirations of the Latin American left in the 30 years following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe. After experiencing the brief “pink tide” at the beginning of the 21st century, the Latin American left failed to maintain its good momentum in the second decade of the 21st century, gradually declining in domestic political struggles and geopolitical contests. Some analysts believe this is a historical recurrence of the 20th-century Latin American “pendulum effect” (alternating left-right dominance of geopolitics), marking the end of the progressive cycle in Latin American politics after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe. Some core forces of the Latin American left, however, believe this is a strategic opportunity period for the Latin American left to conduct historical reflection and reorganize its forces, and that socialism remains the future of 21st-century Latin America.

圣保罗论坛30年的发展历程集中体现了苏联解体、东欧剧变后拉美左翼30年来的思想轨迹、实践探索与发展诉求。在经历了21世纪初短暂的“粉红色”浪潮后，拉美左翼在21世纪第二个十年中未能保持良好势头，在国内政治斗争和地缘较量中逐渐式微。一些分析人士认为，这是拉美政治20世纪“钟摆效应”（左右翼交替主导地缘政治）的历史重现，是苏联解体、东欧剧变后拉美政治进步周期的终结。而一些拉美左翼的中坚力量则认为，这是拉美左翼进行历史反思和力量重组的战略机遇期，社会主义依然是21世纪拉美的未来。

In the 30 years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the Latin American left has put forward some constructive, localized theoretical propositions centered on the lessons and experiences of 20th-century world socialism and the development dilemmas of Latin American peripheral capitalist countries. The Latin American left generally believes that the two core issues facing Latin American countries at the present stage are “substitution” and “development,” and that people’s unity and regional integration are important prerequisites and inevitable directions for solving these two issues. The proposition of “substitution” stems from the Latin American left’s dissatisfaction with and concern over the region’s history and current situation; seeking institutional substitution from capitalism to socialism is the mainstream view of the Latin American left, but there remain certain theoretical ambiguities and disagreements on basic issues such as the method and direction of “substitution,” especially regarding the mode of transition from capitalism to socialism and the historical inevitability and necessity of socialist transformation. A minority of extreme leftists advocate using armed revolution to disrupt or destroy the existing state order, but lack foresight regarding future state construction. Some radical leftists who have come to power through legal struggles implement domestic national transformation and pro-people policies guided by the theory of “21st-century socialism,” and externally advocate regional unity and oppose hegemonism; however, during their terms in office, they have neither achieved structural transformation of the economic base of their countries’ peripheral capitalism nor completely extricated themselves from the imperialist and neoliberal geopolitical interest chains. Some moderate leftists from major regional powers, facing the solidification of domestic oligarchic strata and the reality that their countries are deeply enmeshed in the capitalist world economic system, advocate domestically for gradual reform of the existing peripheral capitalist state system at the policy level, and externally for active participation in regional integration and economic globalization, adopting a principled critical stance toward imperialism and neoliberalism. Regarding the differences within the São Paulo Forum and the Latin American leftist camp, the renowned Argentine leftist scholar and former Executive Secretary of the Latin American Council of Social Sciences, Atilio Borón, sharply pointed out that without an anti-capitalist revolution there will be no socialism, that capitalism will not withdraw from the historical stage automatically, and that overthrowing capitalism requires a plural and multidimensional subject, through correct strategy and tactics, to wage a long-term organized and conscious struggle for socialism; Chávez once again emphasized classical Marxism’s profound analysis of this issue, especially Lenin’s and Rosa Luxemburg’s critiques of Bernstein’s democratic socialist “evolutionism” and bourgeois reformism[18]18 Eduard Bernstein (1850–1932) was a German social-democratic theorist who advocated evolutionary socialism and revision of Marxist revolutionary doctrine, criticized by Lenin and Luxemburg..

苏联解体、东欧剧变30年来，拉美左翼围绕20世纪世界社会主义的经验教训和拉美外围资本主义国家的发展困境，提出了一些有建设性的、本土化的理论主张。拉美左翼普遍认为，拉美国家现阶段面临的两大核心问题是“替代”与“发展”，而人民团结与地区一体化是解决这两大问题的重要前提和必然方向。“替代”主张源自拉美左翼对地区历史和现状的不满与担忧，寻求从资本主义到社会主义的制度替代是拉美左翼的主流观点，但在“替代”方式及方向等基本问题上，尤其是在资本主义向社会主义的过渡方式、社会主义改造的历史必然性和必要性等问题上仍存在一定的理论模糊和分歧。少数极端左翼主张采取武装革命的方式扰乱或破坏现行国家秩序，但对未来国家建制缺乏远见。一些通过合法斗争上台的激进左翼对内实行以“21世纪社会主义”为理论指导的国家改造和惠民政策，对外主张地区团结和反对霸权主义，但在任期内既没有实现对本国外围资本主义社会经济基础的结构性变革，也未能从帝国主义和新自由主义的地缘利益链条中彻底抽离。一些来自地区大国的温和左翼面对国内寡头阶层的固化和本国被资本主义世界经济体系深度裹挟的现实，对内主张从政策层面对现行的外围资本主义国家体制进行渐进式改良，对外主张积极参与地区一体化和经济全球化，对帝国主义和新自由主义持原则上批判的态度。针对圣保罗论坛及拉美左翼阵营内部的分歧，阿根廷著名左翼学者、拉美社会科学理事会前执行秘书长阿蒂略·波隆(Atilio Borón)尖锐地指出，没有反资本主义革命就不会有社会主义，资本主义不会自动退出历史舞台，打倒资本主义需要一个多元和多维的主体，通过正确的战略战术，为争取社会主义进行长期有组织和有意识的斗争；查韦斯再次强调了经典马克思主义对这一问题的深刻剖析，尤其是列宁和罗莎·卢森堡对伯恩斯坦民主社会主义“进化论”和资产阶级改良主义的批判[18]。

In sum, at the current socio-historical stage, the Latin American left’s attempt to seek institutional substitution through the traditional path of violent revolution still lacks mature subjective and objective conditions, while the path of legal struggle through the fragile representative democracy of peripheral capitalism also faces complex political infighting and tests of the times. Facing the epochal issues of “substitution” and “development,” the Latin American left can truly shoulder the historical responsibility of leading the Latin American substitution movement only by standing on the side of the working people, fully respecting and affirming the historical subject status of the Latin American people, and closely uniting with and relying on the peoples of Latin American countries. Facing the real predicament of “the left retreating and the right advancing” in Latin America, the Latin American left should deeply understand the new characteristics and new trends of geopolitics under the changes unseen in a century, and actively seek and practically implement epochal solutions that truly conform to the development laws and development stages of Latin American peripheral countries, by raising theoretical levels, strengthening organizational building, and adjusting practical strategies. Seeking development through substitution, and pursuing substitution through development, is the common mission and beautiful vision of the Latin American left and regional progressive forces facing the future; however, from regional capital integration under the background of capitalist globalization to regional people’s integration, it will still be a long journey.

总之，在当下的社会历史阶段，拉美左翼试图通过暴力革命的传统道路谋求制度替代的方案尚缺乏成熟的主客观条件，而试图通过外围资本主义脆弱的代议制民主进行合法斗争的道路，也面临着复杂的政治角力和时局考验。面对“替代”与“发展”的时代课题，拉美左翼唯有站在劳动人民的立场上，充分尊重和肯定拉美人民的历史主体地位，紧密团结和依靠拉美各国人民，才能真正担负起引领拉美替代运动的历史重任。面对拉美“左退右进”的现实困境，拉美左翼应深刻认识百年未有之大变局下地缘政治的新特征与新趋向，通过提升理论水平、加强组织建设和调整实践策略，积极寻求并切实践行真正符合拉美外围国家发展规律和发展阶段的时代方案。在发展中谋替代，在替代中求发展，是拉美左翼及地区进步力量面向未来的共同使命和美好愿景，但从资本主义全球化背景下的地区资本一体化到地区人民一体化，仍将是漫漫征途。

(The author is an Associate Researcher at the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者系中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院副研究员）

Online editor: Xinran

网络编辑：欣然