The Communist Party of Ukraine: New Predicaments, New Strategies, New Struggles

After the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in February 2014, nationalist parties came to power in Ukraine, and Ukrainian politics gradually entered a new stage in which populism prevailed across the board [1]1 The reference is to the 2014 Ukrainian revolution (Euromaidan) and the subsequent political shift, which the CPU characterizes as a “neo-Nazi coup.”. The development goal set by the new authorities for Ukraine was to “look westward” and join the European Union and NATO. The concrete policy choices in the ideological sphere were manifested in the vigorous promotion of “de-communization.” On April 9, 2015, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine passed the law “On Condemning the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and Prohibiting the Propaganda of Their Symbols,” intending to suppress communist ideology through legislation, outlaw the Communist Party, further sever ties with Russia, and accelerate Ukraine’s integration into the West. Under these circumstances, the Communist Party of Ukraine (hereinafter “the CPU”) encountered a crisis of survival and a crisis of development. Faced with new predicaments, the CPU adopted new strategies and launched new struggles, actively defending the Party’s interests in adversity. It not only stabilized its membership at 50,000, demonstrating the CPU’s highly cohesive capacity for Party building, but also successfully used the international stage of the international communist movement and the leftist movement to expose and criticize the fascist tendencies of the right-wing authorities, thereby expanding its international influence.

2014年2月乌克兰危机发生之后，民族主义政党在乌克兰上台执政，乌克兰政治逐步进入了民粹主义全面盛行的新阶段（1）。新当局为乌克兰设定的发展目标是“向西看”，加入欧盟和北约。具体的政策选择体现在政治思想领域，就是大力推行“去共产主义化”。2015年4月9日，乌克兰最高拉达通过了《关于乌克兰谴责共产主义和国家社会主义（纳粹）等极权主义并禁止宣传其标识》法案，意欲通过立法打压共产主义意识形态、取缔共产党并与俄罗斯进一步切割，加速乌克兰融入西方的进程。在这样的局势下，乌克兰共产党（以下简称“乌共”）遭遇到生存危机和发展危机。面对新困局，乌共采用新战略，开展新抗争，在逆境中积极捍卫党的利益，不仅使党员人数稳定在5万人，展现了乌共具有高度凝聚力的党建能力，还成功地利用国际共产主义运动和左翼运动的国际大舞台，揭批右翼当局的法西斯主义倾向，扩大了国际影响力。

I. New Predicaments: The CPU Faces Dual Changes at the International and Domestic Levels Since 2014

一、新困境：2014年以来乌共面临国际国内双重变局

The CPU attaches importance to analyzing and judging the domestic and international situation. In the political report of its 49th Congress held on December 7, 2014, titled “Building a Party That Can Fight, Is United, and Plays a Vanguard Role” [2]2 The 49th Congress of the CPU was held in December 2014, shortly after the onset of the crisis, to reassess the Party’s strategy., it conducted a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the domestic and international situation.

乌共注重对国内外局势的分析判断，在2014年12月7日召开的党的第四十九次代表大会的政治报告《打造一个能战斗讲团结起先锋队作用的政党》（2）。中，对国内外局势进行了全面细致的剖析。

(I) The International Situation

（一）国际局势

First, the CPU analyzed the characteristics of the international configuration, pointing out that the world today presents two development trends: on the one hand, the most powerful and wealthiest country in the world today—the United States—attempts to dominate the world; on the other hand, the unipolar world system is collapsing, and America’s allies are striving to break free from “Uncle Sam’s” supervision. New centers of power, such as the European Union, the BRICS countries, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, are taking shape, and they objectively become forces opposing the United States.

首先，乌共分析了国际格局的特点，指出当今世界呈现两种发展态势：一方面，当今世界上最强大、最富有的国家——美国企图主导世界；另一方面，单极世界体系正在崩溃，美国的盟友正在努力摆脱“山姆大叔”的监管，欧盟、金砖国家、上海合作组织等新的力量中心正在形成，它们客观上成为反对美国的力量。

Second, the CPU criticized the hegemonic actions of the United States. The CPU pointed out that the United States tramples on international law, pursues neo-colonialist policies globally, and introduces the “law of the jungle” of “the strong devouring the weak” into international practice. The United States dominates the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other international oligarchic bodies, launching financial attacks on most countries in the world, forcing them to accept the US-dominated global “division of labor” model, and artificially turning market relations into a mechanism for economic oppression, unequal exchange, and plunder of a series of countries and nations. Currently, the United States can still keep dependent countries in submission and impose its own will on vassal states, including the European Union.

其次，乌共批判了美国的霸权主义行径。乌共指出，美国践踏国际法，在全球推行新殖民主义政策，将“弱肉强食”的丛林法则引入了国际实践。美国主导着世界银行、国际货币基金组织和其他国际寡头政体，对世界上的大多数国家发起金融攻击，强迫各国接受美国主导的全球“劳动分工”模式，人为地把市场关系变为进行经济压迫、不平等交换和掠夺一系列国家和民族的机制。当前，美国还可以让依附于它的国家保持对它的服从，可以把本国的意志强加给包括欧盟在内的附庸国家。

Third, the CPU further pointed out that information-cultural expansion is becoming a contemporary form of aggression, and the “controlled chaos” strategy is being used by the United States as a weapon. With the help of these weapons, Americans arbitrarily change regimes that do not satisfy them and strengthen their influence and dominance in regions and countries such as the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Ukraine. When implementing their plans, strategies, and programs, the United States, under the banners of freedom, democracy, human rights, and defending the sovereignty of independent states, shamelessly controls these independent countries. Forces in the world opposing the US hegemonic plan are constantly growing, including Russia and China, whose economic and military strength is growing rapidly.

再次，乌共进一步指出，信息文化扩张正成为一种当代的侵略方式，“可控混乱”战略被美国拿来当作武器。借助于这些武器，美国人肆意改变不能让他们满意的制度，加强自己在中东、亚洲、非洲和乌克兰等地区和国家的影响力和主导权。美国在实施自己的计划、战略和纲领的时候，打着自由、民主、人权、捍卫独立国家主权等旗号，无耻地控制这些独立的国家。世界上反对美国霸权计划的力量正在不断增长，其中包括俄罗斯和中国，中国的经济实力和军事实力都在快速增长。

Finally, the CPU expressed its views on the relations among China, the United States, and Russia. The CPU believes that the US rulers, in order to consolidate their position, concentrate their efforts and attempt to weaken Russia and China through the tactic of “divide and conquer.” They obstruct Russia’s integration with the former Soviet republics that were destroyed in 1991 and hinder Russia’s rapprochement with China in multiple ways.

最后，乌共在中美俄三国关系问题上表达了看法。乌共认为，美国执政者为了巩固自己的地位，集中力量，企图通过各个击破的手段，削弱俄罗斯和中国。他们阻挠俄罗斯与那些在1991年被毁灭的苏联的原加盟共和国实现一体化，并从多方面阻挠俄罗斯接近中国。

In the CPU’s view, the United States is targeting Russia. Americans do not conceal their goal of destabilizing Russian society by any means, including using the “color revolution” methods already tested in Ukraine. They hope to change Russia’s ruling system, bring pro-Western forces to power, and, with the help of these forces, make Russian politics submit to America’s overbearing demands and seize Russia’s strategically important natural resources. In this confrontation, the United States has Ukraine play a special role. Americans flagrantly interfere in Ukraine’s internal affairs, strengthen its anti-Russian orientation, and incite discord between the two fraternal nations of Ukraine and Russia.

在乌共看来，美国针对的是俄罗斯。美国人并不掩盖其不择手段破坏俄罗斯社会稳定的目的，包括使用已经在乌克兰试验过的“颜色革命”手段。他们希望改变俄罗斯的执政制度，推亲西方力量上台，并借助亲西方力量，让俄罗斯政治屈从于美国的蛮横要求，攫取俄罗斯那些具有战略意义的自然资源。在这场对抗中，美国让乌克兰扮演一个特殊的角色。美国人放肆地干涉乌克兰内部事务，强化其反俄倾向，挑拨乌克兰和俄罗斯这两个兄弟民族之间的关系。

Thus, the world today increasingly exhibits the characteristics of imperialism as described by Lenin. The ever-deepening, unprecedented global financial and economic crisis continues to shake the foundations of the collapsing world capitalist system.

可见，当今世界更多地呈现出列宁所描述的帝国主义的特征。持续深化的、史无前例的全球金融和经济危机继续动摇着正在崩溃的世界资本主义制度的基础。

(II) The Domestic Situation in Ukraine

（二）乌克兰国内局势

The CPU pointed out that the preconditions for the outbreak of the “neo-Nazi coup d’état” in Ukraine in February 2014 had actually long been ripe. After the “Orange Revolution” in Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine, in 2004–2005, the pro-Western opposition leader Viktor Andriyovych Yushchenko came to power but suffered defeat in the 2010 presidential election and the 2012 parliamentary election. In 2010, Viktor Fedorovych Yanukovych, leader of the “Party of Regions,” came to power, but the “Party of Regions members” not only failed to fulfill the expectations of voters but actually betrayed them. During Yanukovych’s tenure, Ukraine’s foreign policy lacked continuity, the economy became further oligarchized, and senior officials were particularly greedy, shamelessly indulging in personal (“family”) enrichment. Strong dissatisfaction with the actions of the “Party of Regions members” was an important cause of the large-scale protests. These large-scale protests were skillfully exploited by pro-Western, pro-American forces to seize power, including neo-Nazi elements with aggressive characteristics, among them the fascist-style party “Svoboda,” which had been nurtured by the “Party of Regions members.”

乌共指出，2014年2月乌克兰爆发“新纳粹主义国家政变”的前提条件实际上早就已经成熟。2004—2005年在乌克兰首都基辅发生“橙色革命”之后，亲西方的反对派领导人维克托·安德烈耶维奇·尤先科（Виктор Андреевич Ющенко）上台执政，但在2010年总统选举和2012年的议会选举中遭受失败。2010年，“地区党”领导人维克托·费奥多罗维奇·亚努科维奇（Виктор Фёдорович Янукович）上台执政，但“地区党人”不仅没有实现选民的期望，实际上还背叛了他们。亚努科维奇执政期间，乌克兰的外交方针欠缺延续性，经济进一步寡头化，尤其是高级官员特别贪婪，无耻地沉迷于个人（“家族”）的发财致富。对“地区党人”所作所为的强烈不满是引发大规模抗议活动的重要原因。大规模的抗议活动被亲西方、亲美国力量巧妙地利用来夺取政权，这些力量包括表现出具有侵略特征的新纳粹主义分子，其中就有“地区党人”豢养的法西斯性质的政党“自由党”。

The CPU pointed out that Ukraine faces the threat of losing national sovereignty and splitting. The pro-Western, treacherous policies pursued by the new ruling authorities in Ukraine have brought massive human and material losses and resulted in the loss of the Republic of Crimea. The split in Ukrainian society has intensified; the events in Kyiv and western regions have led to armed conflict and heavy casualties, forcing residents of eastern Ukraine to rise up to defend their legitimate rights. Instead of seeking solutions to the problems that have emerged, the authorities accuse them of terrorism and separatism. In the CPU’s view, the subsequent so-called “anti-terrorist operation” by the authorities in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions was in fact a punitive operation. The authorities launched a brutal struggle against their own people, which has evolved into a fratricidal civil war. Americans openly incite Ukraine and Russia into armed conflict, which has already brought catastrophic consequences to Ukraine.

乌共指出，乌克兰面临丧失国家主权和分裂的威胁。乌克兰新执政当局推行的亲西方的、背叛性的政策带来大量的人力资源和物质损失，失去了克里米亚共和国。乌克兰社会分裂加剧，乌克兰首都和西部地区发生的事件导致武装冲突和人员死伤严重，这迫使乌克兰东部地区的居民奋起捍卫其合法权利。当局没有探寻如何解决已经出现的问题，而是指责他们是恐怖主义和分裂主义。在乌共看来，当局随后在顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克地区展开的所谓“反恐怖主义行动”，实际上是惩罚行动，当局发动了反对自己人民的残酷斗争，并已演变为兄弟阋墙的内战。美国人公开挑唆乌克兰和俄罗斯进行武装冲突，这已经给乌克兰带来灾难性后果。

The CPU further pointed out that what has happened in Ukraine has a profound background: the intensification of the systemic crisis of capitalism. Under these circumstances, social antagonism grows, and the most reactionary, most aggressive groups of imperialism hope to rely on the neo-Nazi elements that pursue fascist policies to overcome the crisis. With their help, they impose open terrorist dictatorship, suppress democratic freedoms and progressive social movements. Civil rights and legal entity rights in Ukraine cannot be protected. For example, on June 19, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine passed the “Law on the Purge of Power (Purification of Public Officials),” using the pretext of purging corrupt elements and other incompetent personnel to punish those who do not suit the rulers’ wishes.

乌共进一步指出，在乌克兰所发生的一切有一个深刻的背景，即资本主义制度性危机激化。在这种情况下，社会对抗情绪增长，帝国主义最反动、最富侵略性的集团希望依靠新纳粹主义的、执行法西斯政策的那部分人来摆脱危机。在其帮助下，他们实行公开的恐怖专政，压制民主自由和进步的社会运动。乌克兰的公民权、法人权不能得到保护。比如，2014年6月19日，乌克兰最高拉达通过《政权清洗（公职人员净化）法》，以清洗腐败分子和其他不称职人员为借口，惩治不合执政者心意的人。

The CPU believes that ending the current system in Ukraine and transferring power into the hands of the working people of Ukraine is an urgent and important task for all patriotic forces in Ukraine and the only possible guarantee for saving Ukraine as an independent sovereign state.

乌共认为，终止乌克兰现有制度，将权力转到乌克兰劳动人民手中，是乌克兰所有爱国力量刻不容缓的重要任务，也是挽救作为一个独立主权国家的乌克兰的唯一可能保障。

II. New Strategies: Summary of the CPU’s Struggle Experience in Extraordinary Times

二、新战略：非常时期的乌共斗争经验总结

Within a single year in 2014, the CPU’s membership shrank by nearly 8,000 people.[3]3 The CPU’s membership decline in 2014 followed the Euromaidan protests and the subsequent Russian annexation of Crimea and war in Donbas, during which the Party faced severe repression and was eventually banned in 2015. How to preserve the Party became an urgent problem for the CPU to solve. In the international communist movement after the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, there was once a communist party in a country that faced a situation very similar to that of the CPU, namely the Unified Communist Party of Georgia. Before the “Rose Revolution” broke out in Georgia in 2003, the Unified Communist Party of Georgia had 82,000 members. After the “Rose Revolution” broke out, Georgia introduced a “de-communization” bill, the Unified Communist Party of Georgia was banned, its membership rapidly shrank to around 3,000, of whom only about 1,500 were active members, while another 1,500 members became “zombie members” in the ranks of the Unified Communist Party of Georgia: they did not renounce their communist faith and still held their Party cards, but they did not participate in Party activities and did not speak out on major issues of principle.[4]4 The “Rose Revolution” was a 2003 non-violent uprising in Georgia that ousted President Eduard Shevardnadze. The subsequent “de-communization” laws targeted symbols and organizations associated with the Soviet era. How to prevent a recurrence of this situation became a difficult problem that the CPU leadership had to solve. The CPU focused on Party building and the use of legal weapons to consolidate Party membership, occupy the moral high ground, seek support from the broad masses, and strive to secure a safe and stable space for survival and a stage for activity for the Party.

乌共在2014年一年之内，党员人数缩减了将近8000人（3）。如何保全党，成为乌共亟待解决的问题。在东欧剧变、苏联解体之后的国际共产主义运动中，曾有一个国家的共产党面临过与乌共极为相似的处境，那就是格鲁吉亚统一共产党。在2003年格鲁吉亚爆发“玫瑰革命”之前，格鲁吉亚统一共产党拥有党员8.2万人，“玫瑰革命”爆发之后，格鲁吉亚出台了“去共产主义化”法案，格鲁吉亚统一共产党遭到取缔，党员迅速缩减到3000人左右，而活跃的党员仅为1500人左右，另有1500名党员成为格鲁吉亚统一共产党队伍中的“僵尸党员”，他们没有宣布放弃自己的共产主义信仰，党证也握在手中，但是不参加党的活动，对重大的原则性问题也不发声（4）。如何避免这类情况再次上演，成为乌共领导层必须要破解的难题。乌共着力从党的建设和使用法律武器入手，凝聚党员力量，占据道义制高点，谋求广大民众支持，力争为党谋求一个安全、稳定的生存空间和活动舞台。

(I) Starting from Party building, striving to “forge a party that can fight, is united, and plays a vanguard role”

（一）从党的建设入手，着力“打造一个能战斗讲团结起先锋队作用的政党”

Realizing the modernization and rejuvenation of the Party and improving the cadre training mechanism are the focal points of the CPU’s Party building work. When the CPU convened its 39th, 42nd, and 44th Party Congresses, it emphasized measures in this regard, and subsequent congresses also paid close attention to the issues of Party modernization and rejuvenation. For example, around the time of the 44th Party Congress, the CPU admitted a total of 31,000 new members, of whom 55% were under the age of 45. In 2013, the CPU assessed the secretaries of oblast committees and district committees, and re-elected 490 first secretaries of 761 local Party committees, of whom 294 secretaries were under the age of 35.[5]5 The 39th, 42nd, and 44th Congresses of the CPU were held in 2005, 2011, and 2013 respectively. In this way, young people were rapidly filled into the Party’s leadership ranks, thereby achieving the Party’s rejuvenation. Such large-scale cadre changes also caused some problems in the Party’s grassroots organizations, such as young cadres often lacking basic political training and political experience. In this situation, the CPU strengthened the training and education of young cadres, and mobilized veteran Party members and old fighters to actively participate in this work. At the Party-wide level, such a training mechanism has already been formed within the CPU.

实现政党的现代化和年轻化，完善干部培养机制，是乌共党建工作的着力点。乌共在召开党的第三十九次、第四十二次和第四十四次代表大会之际，着重强调这方面的举措，此后的历次代表大会也高度关注党的现代化和年轻化问题。比如，在召开第四十四次代表大会前后，乌共总计接收了31000人入党，其中55%的新党员都还未满45周岁。2013年，乌共对州委和区委书记进行了考核，改选了761个地方党委的490位第一书记，其中，294位书记年龄不满35周岁（5）。这样，年轻人被快速地充实进党的领导队伍，从而实现了党的年轻化。这种大规模的干部变动也会使党的基层组织出现一些问题，如年轻干部常常缺乏基本的政治训练和政治经验。在这种情况下，乌共加强对年轻干部的培养和教育，并发动老党员和老战士积极参与其中。在全党层面，乌共内部已经形成了这类培训机制。

The CPU pays attention to organizational work and mass political work. For example, the CPU implemented the Party-wide work programs “2012 Strategy” and “2014 Strategy,” as well as organized activities such as “People’s Referendum,” “Protect Jobs and Wages,” “Supervision, Order and Justice,” youth propaganda team tours, anti-Nazi and anti-fascist protest marches, collecting signatures against the ban on the Communist Party, supporting the holding of an all-Ukrainian referendum, and promoting propaganda kiosks.[6]6 These are specific campaign names used by the CPU to mobilize support and resist anti-communist measures. CPU leader Petro Mykolayovych Symonenko pointed out that formalism is unavoidable in this work, but the direction is correct. The CPU must continue to organize and improve this work, and give it new impetus.

乌共注重组织工作和群众政治工作。比如，乌共实施了全党工作纲要“2012年战略”“2014年战略”以及组织“人民公决”“保住工作和工资”“监督、秩序和公正”、青年宣传小组巡游、反纳粹反法西斯抗议游行、收集反对取缔共产党的签名、支持举行全乌克兰的全民公决、推广宣传售货亭等活动（6）。乌共领导人彼得·尼古拉耶维奇·西蒙年科（Петр Николаевич Симоненко）指出，在这项工作上不可避免地存在形式主义，但是方向是对的。乌共要继续组织、完善这项工作，并赋予其新的动力。

The CPU uses organizational channels to connect the central committee with grassroots Party organizations into a community. The CPU holds a meeting of the Central Committee with the first secretaries of all local committees once a month, a meeting with city committee secretaries and district committee secretaries in each oblast and the city of Kyiv once a month, and a meeting of the local committee with secretaries of grassroots Party organizations once a month. The application of electronic communication systems ensures rapid and timely communication and the rapid transmission of instructions to Party activists, thereby guaranteeing unified action by Party members across the Party. The work of grassroots Party organizations is also a matter of great concern to the CPU. The CPU believes that grassroots Party organizations will play an important role in future local elections.

乌共利用组织渠道把中央与基层党组织连接为一个共同体。乌共每个月召开一次中央委员会同各个地方委员会第一书记的会议，在各个州和基辅市召开一次同市委书记和区委书记的会议，在地方委员会召开一次同基层党组织书记的会议。电子通信系统的应用保证了信息快速、及时的沟通和快速地向党的积极分子传达指示，从而保障了全党范围内党员的统一行动。基层党组织的工作也是乌共极为关注的问题。乌共认为，基层党组织在未来的地方选举中，将起到重要的作用。

The CPU has vigorously enhanced its information dissemination capabilities, creating a powerful information dissemination network, including the CPU’s official newspaper, *Kommunist*, a network of regional Party publications, and the ability to exert influence over the newspaper *Kyiv Herald*, the *Workers’ Gazette*, and other mass media. The magazine *Communist of Ukraine* has carried out useful and necessary work. The CPU’s main documents (documents of great historical significance), including theoretical articles and historical documents, are published in the magazine.

乌共大力增强信息传播能力，创建了强大的信息传播网络，包括乌共出版的机关报——《共产党人报》（Коммунист）、党的区域性出版物网络系统，对报纸《基辅学报》（Киевский вестник）、《工人报》（Рабочая газета）和其他一些大众传媒也都能够施加影响。《乌克兰共产党人》（Коммунист Украины）杂志开展了有益的、必要的工作。乌共的主要文件（具有重要历史意义的文件）、包括理论文章在内的历史文献都在杂志上发表。

To create modern means of information transmission, the CPU has done a great deal of work and spent a large amount of money. In extraordinary times, what the CPU must do is preserve these modern means of information transmission and actively play their role. Symonenko pointed out that before the 2014 Ukraine crisis, *Kommunist* had only 15,000 subscribers, which is not a normal situation for the main newspaper of a party with over 100,000 members.[7]7 The 2014 Ukraine crisis refers to the political upheaval following the Euromaidan protests, which led to the overthrow of President Yanukovych and the subsequent conflict. The CPU believes that in order to propagate communist ideas and transmit them to the broad masses, especially young people, it must make more active use of the internet and social networks. For young CPU members, this is also an important task assigned to them by the Party. It is necessary to work with young Party members, exchange information with them, and provide them with guidance.

为了创建现代化信息传输手段，乌共做了大量工作并花费了大笔资金。在非常时期，乌共要做的就是保住这些现代化的信息传输手段并积极发挥其作用。西蒙年科指出，在2014年乌克兰危机之前，《共产党人报》的订购者仅有15000人，这对于一个超10万人政党的主要报刊而言，不是正常的状况（7）。乌共认为，为了宣传共产主义思想，把共产主义思想传递给广大民众，尤其是青年人，必须更加积极地使用互联网、社会关系网。对年轻的乌共党员而言，这也是党给他们的一项重要任务。要做年轻党员的工作，与他们互通信息并为他们提供指导。

The CPU has established the Institute for Socialist Studies, which is subordinate to the Central Committee. The Institute conducts in-depth thinking and research on real social problems and on theoretical and practical issues of great significance in the struggle for socialism, and more systematically and pertinently exposes bourgeois populism and neoliberalism as justifications for comprador capitalism. The Institute has written and published a series of works aimed at defending socialist values, revealing the truth about Soviet history, and attracting working people to participate in the political struggle to defend their legitimate rights. The CPU also uses the Institute to conduct social survey research, deeply analyzing the country’s development process and the response of social consciousness to these processes. The Institute’s representative work, *The Ukrainian Working Class: Yesterday and Today*, has provided great assistance to Party organizations in carrying out work among the working class. In addition, the Institute for Socialist Studies has also published the “Real Theory and Creative Activity” social library series, mainly including pamphlets such as *The Communist Manifesto – The Future of Ukraine*, *21st Century Socialism*, *Uphold Truth – Defend Justice*, and the new Party program of the Communist Party of Ukraine. The CPU points out that despite difficulties, the work of the Institute for Socialist Studies must continue. The Presidium of the CPU Central Committee hopes that the Institute for Socialist Studies, together with Party committees in various regions, will conduct explorations, unite Marxist theoretical forces, including young and promising researchers, and jointly promote the academic research work of the Institute for Socialist Studies.[8]8 The CPU Central Committee Presidium is the Party’s highest executive body between plenary sessions of the Central Committee.

乌共创建了隶属于中央委员会的社会主义问题研究所，研究所对社会现实问题以及在争取社会主义斗争中具有重大意义的理论和现实问题进行深入的思考和研究，更系统、更有针对性地揭露资产阶级民粹主义和新自由主义为买办资本主义进行的辩护。研究所撰写并出版了一系列著作，旨在捍卫社会主义价值观、揭示苏联历史真相、吸引劳动人民参与捍卫自己合法权利的政治斗争。乌共也通过研究所开展社会调查问卷研究，深入分析国家发展进程以及社会意识对这些进程的反应。该所代表性著作《乌克兰工人阶级：昨天和今天》为党组织在工人群体中开展工作提供了很大帮助。此外，社会主义问题研究所还出版了“现实理论与创造性活动”社会图书馆系列出版物，主要有《共产党宣言——乌克兰的未来》《21世纪社会主义》《坚持真理——捍卫正义》和乌克兰共产党新版党纲等一系列小册子。乌共指出，尽管存在困难，但社会主义问题研究所的工作必须要继续进行下去。乌共中央委员会主席团希望社会主义问题研究所与各地区党委一起进行探索，联合马克思主义理论力量，包括年轻的有前景的研究人员，共同推动社会主义问题研究所的学术研究工作（8）。

(II) Using legal weapons to fight, suing the authorities’ “de-communization” bill as unconstitutional

（二）运用法律武器进行斗争，起诉当局的“去共产主义化”法案违宪

In its struggle to preserve the Party, the CPU skillfully uses legal weapons, exposes the true purpose of the “de-communization” bill, and launches a counter-lawsuit against the “de-communization” bill passed by the Ukrainian authorities.

乌共在保全党的斗争中，娴熟地使用法律武器，揭露“去共产主义化”法案的真正目的，展开对乌克兰当局通过的“去共产主义化”法案的反诉讼。

The CPU [Ukrainian Communist Party] points out that the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine passed Bill No. 2558, namely the “Law on Condemning the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and Prohibiting the Propaganda of Their Symbols,” with 254 votes. This law recognizes the “merits of nationalists in the struggle for Ukraine’s independence,” including the Ukrainian nationalist organization—the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (ОУН-УПА), i.e., the fascist pseudo-army headed by the Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera, elevates them to a pedestal, and refuses to acknowledge their hostility to the Soviet people, including their assistance to German fascists during the Great Patriotic War. This in fact provides a legal basis for banning the CPU. The CPU believes this is another trick after the failure of the strategy of the regime that came to power through the “February coup” of 2014 to use judicial means to outlaw the Communist Party.

乌共指出，乌克兰最高拉达以254票通过了第2558号法案，即《关于乌克兰谴责共产主义和国家社会主义（纳粹）等极权主义影响并禁止宣传其标识》，认可了包括乌克兰民族主义组织—乌克兰起义军（ОУН-УПА），即以乌克兰民族主义者斯捷潘·班杰拉（Степан бандера）为首的法西斯伪军在内的“民族主义者在争取乌克兰独立当中的功绩”，将他们抬上神坛，而拒不承认其与苏联人民为敌的事实，其中包括在伟大卫国战争中帮助德国法西斯。这实际上是为禁止乌共提供了法律上的依据。乌共认为，这是通过2014年“二月政变”上台的政权拟通过司法手段取缔共产党的策略失败后的又一伎俩。

The CPU launched a counter-lawsuit against the “decommunization” law for violating the Constitution of Ukraine. The Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, based on the so-called “decommunization” law, prohibited the use of the name “Communist Party” and the propaganda (use) of its various symbols. On this basis, the Kyiv District Administrative Court, pursuant to Article 3, Paragraph 3 of the Law “On Condemning the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and Prohibiting the Propaganda of Their Symbols,” issued a decision on December 16, 2015, banning the CPU’s activities. During the trial in the Kyiv District Administrative Court, the CPU, relying on the Constitution of Ukraine, domestic law, international judicial practice, and actual data, sought to prove in the court of first instance that the lawsuit filed by the Ministry of Justice was groundless and that the demand to outlaw the CPU was an illegal and unlawful act by the authorities. Although the Kyiv District Administrative Court refused to seriously consider the arguments put forward by the CPU, the CPU consistently maintained that the Ministry of Justice’s proposal to “demand the outlawing of the CPU” did not conform to the country’s fundamental law—the Constitution of Ukraine [9]9 The Constitution of Ukraine, adopted in 1996, is the supreme law of the country. The CPU argues that the decommunization laws violate its provisions on political pluralism and freedom of association.. The CPU further pointed out that, in order to implement the “decommunization” law, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine had amended 15 laws, including arbitrarily amending the Law of Ukraine on Political Parties without following the relevant provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine. Article 37 of this law expanded the scope of prohibited political parties. This openly violates the following relevant provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine: Ukraine is a democratic, rule-of-law state (Article 1); social life in Ukraine is based on the principles of political, economic, and ideological diversity, and the state guarantees freedom of political activity not prohibited by the Constitution and laws (Article 15); the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution are guaranteed and cannot be abolished by the adoption of new laws or the amendment of existing laws, and (new laws and amended laws) shall not reduce the content and scope of existing rights and freedoms (Article 22); everyone has the right to freedom of thought and speech (Article 35); citizens of Ukraine have the right to form political parties and freedom of association (Article 36); and so on [10]10 These are specific articles of the 1996 Constitution of Ukraine that the CPU claims are violated by the decommunization laws..

乌共针对“去共产主义化”法案违背《乌克兰宪法》展开反诉讼。乌克兰司法部根据所谓的“去共产主义化”法案，禁止使用“共产党”这一名称并宣传（使用）其各种象征物。基辅地区行政法院则在此基础上，根据《关于乌克兰谴责共产主义和国家社会主义（纳粹）极权主义政权并禁止宣传其标识》法案第3条第3款，于2015年12月16日作出禁止乌共活动的决定。在基辅地区行政法院的审判过程中，乌共根据《乌克兰宪法》、国内法、国际司法实践和实际数据，力求在一审法院的诉讼中证明司法部提起的诉讼毫无根据，要求取缔乌共系当局的非法、违法行为。尽管基辅地区行政法院不肯认真对待乌共提出的论据，但乌共始终坚持司法部“要求取缔乌共”的提议不符合国家的根本大法——《乌克兰宪法》（9）。乌共进一步指出，为了使“去共产主义化”法案能够付诸实施，乌克兰最高拉达前后已经修改了15项法律，这其中包括未按《乌克兰宪法》有关规定被随意修改的《乌克兰政党法》，在该法的第37条当中扩大了禁止成立的政党的范围。这公然违反了《乌克兰宪法》如下相关规定：乌克兰是民主、法治国家（宪法第1条）；乌克兰的社会生活奉行政治、经济、意识形态多元化的原则，国家保障自由的政治活动不受宪法和法律禁止（宪法第15条）；宪法规定的权利和自由得到保障，不能通过制定新法律和修改现有法律来取消，（新法律和修改后的法律）不得减少现有权利和自由的内容和范围（宪法第22条）；人人享有言论和价值观的自由（宪法第35条）；乌克兰公民有组织政党和结社自由（宪法第36条）；等等（10）。

The CPU exposes and criticizes the “decommunization” law for maliciously conflating communism and fascism. Supporters of the Ukrainian authorities claim that the “decommunization” law was long overdue to liberate Ukraine from its painful past and to build a new national identity based on a reassessment of Ukrainian history during the Soviet period. Symonenko believes that equating communism with Nazism is a conspiracy of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Communist ideology is fundamentally different from Nazi-fascist ideology; the former is an ideology pursuing social justice and popular sovereignty, while the latter pursues ethnic hatred and terror. This move is intended to cover up their crimes (referring to Ukrainian nationalists) committed in collusion with German fascists against the people of their own country and the anti-fascist allied nations during the Great Patriotic War and the early post-war period.

乌共揭批“去共产主义化”法案恶意混淆共产主义和法西斯主义 。乌克兰当局的支持者称“去共产主义化”法案早就应该出台，以便把乌克兰从痛苦的过去中解放出来，并在重新评价苏联时期乌克兰历史的基础上建立新的国家认同。西蒙年科认为，将共产主义和纳粹相提并论是乌克兰最高拉达的阴谋。共产主义意识形态与纳粹法西斯意识形态截然不同，前者是追求社会公正和人民主权的意识形态，而后者追求的是种族仇视和恐怖。此举是为了掩盖他们（指乌克兰民族主义者）勾结德国法西斯分子在卫国战争期间和战后初期对本国和反法西斯盟国人民犯下的罪行。

Local organizations of the CPU actively participate in the struggle to preserve their party. All organs of the CPU, from grassroots organizations to the Central Committee, together with the CPU Central Committee and the legal team, protect the party from the arbitrary actions of the authorities. The Kyiv city Communist Party organization has for years protested to the Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeal, demanding a fair legal assessment of the first-instance court’s decision to outlaw the Communist Party. On May 31, 2017, after the “Say No to the Outlawing of the Communist Party” event in the city of Tarutyne, Odesa Oblast, 110 communists jointly sent a telegram to the Kyiv Court of Appeal of Ukraine, demanding the cancellation of the ruling made by the Kyiv District Administrative Court on December 16, 2015 [11]11 The Kyiv Court of Appeal is the appellate court that heard the CPU’s appeal against the 2015 ban.. Grassroots party organizations in the city of Shchors, Chernihiv Oblast, and the Ivano-Frankivsk region distributed leaflets to their compatriots, calling on them to support the demand to stop the authorities’ persecution of the Communist Party, not to create disputes or sow hatred in society, and collected 107 and 280 signatures from compatriots respectively. On May 31, 2017, during the final trial of the lawsuit against the CPU, 188 telegrams were sent to the Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeal, including those sent in individual names and those sent in collective names. 95 collective appeals were sent to the President of Ukraine, the Prime Minister, and the Minister of Justice respectively. Mobilized by CPU party organizations at all levels, nearly 30,000 citizen signatures were collected in major cities and settlements across Ukraine, and 94 demonstrations and 19 protest actions were held, demanding the cancellation of the ruling of the Kyiv District Administrative Court on the case of the Ministry of Justice v. the CPU, because this ruling violated the current laws of Ukraine [12]12 These figures represent the CPU’s claimed level of grassroots mobilization against the ban in 2017..

乌共地方组织积极参与保全自己政党的斗争。乌共从基层组织到中央委员会的所有机构与乌共中央委员会和律师团队一起保护党不受当局恣意妄为的伤害。基辅市共产党组织连年向基辅行政上诉法院抗议，要求对一审法院取缔共产党的决定进行公正的法律评估。2017年5月31日，在敖德萨州塔鲁季诺市举办的“对取缔共产党说不”活动结束之后，有110位共产党人联名向乌克兰基辅上诉法院发电报，要求取消基辅地区行政法院于2015年12月16日作出的裁决（11）。切尔尼戈夫州邵尔斯市和伊凡诺—弗兰科夫斯克地区的基层党组织向同胞分发传单，呼吁他们支持要求当局停止迫害共产党的行为，不要在社会上制造纠纷、播种仇恨，并分别收集了107个同胞和280个同胞签名。2017年5月31日，在对乌共诉讼案件最终审判的过程中，188封电报发往了基辅行政上诉法院，其中既有以个人名义发送的电报，也有以集体名义发送的电报。95封集体呼吁书分别发送给乌克兰总统、总理和司法部。在各级乌共党组织的动员下，乌克兰的各大城市和居民点共收集了近3万个公民签名，举行了94场示威活动和19次抗议行动，要求撤销基辅地区行政法院对司法部诉乌共一案的裁决，因为该裁决违反了乌克兰现行法律（12）。

The CPU is confident about the future, pointing out that this is not the first time the CPU has faced a life-and-death test. During the fascist occupation, the Communist Party was banned, but communists could not be killed off. In August 1991, the CPU was banned from activity, but the party ultimately survived and restored its strength, so the outlawing of the Communist Party, which was recognized by the Constitutional Court, is illegal and unconstitutional.

乌共对未来充满信心，指出这已经不是乌共第一次经历生死考验。在法西斯占领期间，共产党曾被禁止，但共产党人是杀不完的。1991年8月，乌共曾被禁止活动，但是党最终幸存下来并恢复了力量，因此被宪法法院所认可的共产党遭到取缔的行为是非法的、违宪的。

III. New Resistance: Utilizing International Platforms to Expose the Right-Wing Authorities

三、新抗争：利用国际平台揭批右翼当局

While carrying out the struggle to preserve the party domestically, the CPU actively participates in international conferences, voices its views in foreign news media, and expands the arena of struggle to the international stage. In response to the Ukrainian government’s outlawing of the Communist Party of Ukraine, communist parties from various countries have also actively expressed solidarity with the Communist Party of Ukraine and criticized the Ukrainian right-wing authorities.

乌共在国内开展保全党的斗争的同时，积极参加国际会议，在国外新闻媒体上发声，把斗争的舞台扩展到了国际舞台。针对乌克兰政府取缔乌克兰共产党的行为，各国共产党也积极声援乌克兰共产党，批判乌克兰右翼当局。

(I) The CPU Exposes the Fascist Tendencies of the Ukrainian Right Wing

（一）乌共揭批乌克兰右翼的法西斯主义倾向

In November 2017, Symonenko spoke at the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, exposing the fascist tendencies of the Ukrainian right-wing authorities. At the end of 2017, a revised version of that speech was published in the Russian newspaper *Pravda* under the title “The Revival of Fascism Is a Threat to Humanity.” The article pointed out that the restored capitalist system is destroying Ukraine. The restoration of capitalism in Ukraine and the formation of a national bourgeoisie have not only destroyed the country’s socialist economic model but also the high-tech enterprises created by the Soviet regime in Ukraine. Reforms carried out according to the model prescribed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have caused Ukraine’s “economy to hit rock bottom”; the wealth created by the labor of several generations of Soviet people has been looted through privatization [13]13 Symonenko’s article in *Pravda* (the newspaper of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) cites specific data on Ukraine’s economic collapse and billionaire rankings, which the author presents as evidence of capitalist restoration.. Ukraine is currently experiencing severe social polarization between rich and poor: on the one hand, the workforce has lost its skills, the number of workers has plummeted, and the people have been massively impoverished; on the other hand, in terms of the number of billionaires measured in hundreds of billions of dollars, Ukraine ranks first in the world, almost twice as many as Switzerland, the United States, and Brazil, more than twice as many as India, and three times as many as the United Kingdom. The Ukrainian people have not only become victims of the “color revolution” but also victims of policies of social genocide, fascistization, and ethnic genocide [14]14 “Color revolution” refers to the 2014 Euromaidan protests that led to the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovych, which the CPU and its allies characterize as a Western-backed coup.. Today, the Ukrainian people are paying a heavy price for Ukraine’s political crisis. Because the Kyiv regime has taken retaliatory actions against dissidents living in Donbas, a fratricidal civil war has broken out, destroying the lives of tens of thousands and rewriting the fate of millions. At the same time, the core geopolitical forces led by the United States are not prepared to stop this war, nor do they intend to help Ukraine restore its territorial integrity. With U.S. support, the Kyiv regime deliberately sabotaged the “Minsk Agreement-2” [15]15 The Minsk Agreement-2 (February 2015) was a ceasefire and peace plan for the Donbas war, brokered by Germany, France, Russia, and Ukraine; the CPU accuses Kyiv of deliberately violating it. and continues to escalate the situation in Donbas. Symonenko pointed out that the anti-Russian and militaristic policies of the Ukrainian oligarchic regime rely primarily on radical nationalist and neo-fascist parties, namely illegal gangs such as “Azov” (Азов) and “Aidar” (Айдар) [16]16 Azov and Aidar are volunteer battalions that fought in the Donbas war; Azov in particular has been widely described as having far-right and neo-Nazi affiliations.. The law of the jungle has replaced the rule of law. Freedom of speech applies only to those who serve the system; worldviews inconsistent with the authorities’ stance are regarded as threats to the state, and civic values are replaced by ethnic values. Attacks on the rights, traditions, languages, and cultures of ethnic minorities are intensifying. The CPU pointed out that the Ukrainian oligarchic-nationalist parliament passed, and President Petro Poroshenko (Пётр Порошенко) signed and promulgated, a new Education Law, the purpose of which is to “purge” non-Ukrainians from Ukraine, i.e., to achieve ethnic genocide. Political persecution of dissidents, moral and physical terror, and political murder have all become “norms” of the ruling system. Any ideology other than fascist ideology is equated with treason. A dictatorial system has been established in Ukraine, under which the implementation of universally recognized democratic values is impossible [17]17 The 2017 Ukrainian Education Law restricted minority-language education, which the CPU interprets as an attack on ethnic minorities, especially Russian speakers.. Symonenko emphasized that the increasing threat of fascism is one of the most dangerous trends in the world today, especially in European countries such as the three Baltic states and Ukraine. Capital uses “fascists” to prevent economic struggles from transforming into political struggles, into struggles to overthrow the bourgeois regime. National Socialist ideology has become an attribute of daily life in Ukraine; this is a manifestation of the political line of the authorities [18]18 “National Socialist ideology” here refers to Nazism; the CPU uses the term to equate contemporary Ukrainian nationalism with German National Socialism..

2017年11月，西蒙年科在第十九届世界共产党和工人党国际会议上发言，揭批乌克兰右翼当局的法西斯主义倾向。2017年年底，该发言稿的修订版以《法西斯的复兴是对人类的威胁》为题在俄罗斯《真理报》上发表。文章指出，复辟的资本主义制度正在毁掉乌克兰。乌克兰资本主义的复辟和民族资产阶级的形成，不仅破坏了国家的社会主义经济模式，而且破坏了苏联政权在乌克兰创建的高科技企业。按照世界银行和国际货币基金组织给出的模式进行的改革使乌克兰“经济触底”，几代苏维埃人民劳动创造的财富被以私有化的形式洗劫一空（13）。乌克兰目前社会贫富分化严重：一方面，劳动力丧失了劳动技能、劳动力人数遽减和人民大规模贫困化；另一方面，在以千亿美元统计的亿万富翁人数中，乌克兰的富翁人数位居世界第一，几乎是瑞士、美国、巴西的2倍，是印度的2倍多，是英国的3倍。乌克兰人民不仅成了“颜色革命”的受害者，而且成了社会种族灭绝、法西斯化和民族灭绝政策的受害者（14）。今天，乌克兰人民因乌克兰政治危机付出了惨重的代价。由于基辅政权对居住在顿巴斯的持不同政见者采取报复行动，爆发了一场兄弟阋墙的内战，数万人的生活被毁，数百万人的命运被改写。同时，以美国为首的地缘政治核心力量不准备停止这场战争，也不打算帮助乌克兰恢复领土完整。在美国的支持下，基辅政权故意破坏“明斯克协议—2”（15），并继续让顿巴斯的局势升级。西蒙年科指出，乌克兰寡头政权实行的反俄和军国主义政策，首先依靠的是激进的民族主义和新法西斯主义政党，即“亚佐夫”（Азов）“艾达尔”（Айдар）这类非法帮派（16）。丛林法则取代了法律。言论自由仅适用于为制度服务的人，与当局立场不一致的世界观都被视为国家的威胁，公民价值观被种族价值观取代。对少数民族权利、传统、语言和文化的攻击正在加剧。乌共指出，乌克兰的寡头民族主义议会通过、总统彼得·波罗申科（Пётр Порошенко）签署并颁布了新的《教育法》，其目的是“肃清”乌克兰的异族人，也就是要实现民族灭绝。对持不同政见者的政治迫害、道德和肉体上的恐怖、政治谋杀都成了统治制度的“准则”。法西斯主义意识形态以外的任何意识形态都等同于叛国。在乌克兰建立起了专政制度，在这种制度下，实行公认的民主价值观是不可能的（17）。西蒙年科强调，法西斯主义威胁不断增加是当今世界最危险的趋势之一，特别是在波罗的海沿岸三国和乌克兰等欧洲国家。资本利用“法西斯分子”防止经济斗争转变成政治斗争、转变成推翻资产阶级政权的斗争。民族社会主义思想成为乌克兰日常生活的属性，这是当局政治方针的体现（18）。

In a speech at the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Symonenko pointed out that, due to the armed rebellion launched by Ukrainian nationalists with Western support in February 2014, a “triple alliance” of comprador oligarchs, descendants of radical nationalist followers of the Nazi invaders during World War II, and organized crime groups seized power. A terrorist regime of bourgeois dictatorship was established in Ukraine, possessing all the characteristics of fascism. Fascistization, anti-communism, and Russophobia have been elevated to the level of state policy; the Ukrainian people live in fear. A severe economic recession heavily dependent on external credit, a sharp decline in living standards—Ukraine has lost its economic sovereignty and political independence. This is the result of Ukraine’s fascistization; the country is effectively under external control [19]19 The “February 2014 armed rebellion” is the CPU’s characterization of the Euromaidan protests and the subsequent change of government..

西蒙年科在参加俄罗斯联邦共产党第十七次全国代表大会时发言指出，由于2014年2月乌克兰民族主义分子在西方支持下发动了武装叛乱，买办寡头、第二次世界大战期间纳粹侵略者的民族激进派追随者后裔和有组织犯罪集团的“三方联盟”夺取了政权。在乌克兰建立起了资产阶级专政的恐怖主义政权，该政权具有法西斯主义的所有特征。法西斯化、反共主义和仇俄被提升到国家政策层级，乌克兰人民生活在恐惧中。严重依赖外部信贷的经济衰退，生活水平的急剧下降，乌克兰已经丧失了经济主权和政治独立，这就是乌克兰法西斯化的结果，国家实际上处于外部控制之下（19）。

(II) Progressive Forces of the International Community Express Solidarity with the Communist Party of Ukraine

（二）国际社会进步力量声援乌克兰共产党

In response to the Ukrainian authorities’ banning of the CPU, “European authorities hold double standards regarding the CPU’s plight; Europe remains silent about what is happening in Ukraine. European authorities only pay lip service to caring about the protection of citizens’ rights” [20]20 The CPU’s claim about European double standards reflects its view that Western institutions condemn human rights abuses elsewhere but ignore the CPU’s banning.. However, the CPU did receive expressions of solidarity from progressive forces in the international community. Organizations such as the World Federation of Trade Unions, the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, and the Human Rights Council are closely monitoring the processes related to the CPU’s banning; they hold a negative stance toward the court’s decision to halt the CPU’s activities.

针对乌克兰当局取缔乌共的行为，“欧洲当局对乌共的遭遇持双重标准，欧洲对乌克兰发生的事情保持沉默。欧洲当局只是口头上吹嘘关注维护公民权”（20）。但乌共还是获得了国际社会进步力量的声援。世界工会联合会、世界律师—民主人士大会、人权理事会等组织，都在密切关注与乌共遭取缔事件相关的进程，他们对法院停止乌共活动的审判决定持否定立场。

Communist and workers’ parties from around the world issued statements expressing solidarity with the Communist Party of Ukraine and condemning the Ukrainian right-wing authorities. At the same time, these parties also waged struggles criticizing capitalism and imperialism. Communist and workers’ parties from France, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Greece, Denmark, India, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, Lebanon, Mexico, Pakistan, Portugal, the United States, Turkey, the Czech Republic, and other countries, as well as European left-wing factions, sent letters expressing solidarity with the CPU and all working people of Ukraine, supporting their struggle against the oligarchic-Nazi regime, and condemning the banning of the CPU. The CPU’s like-minded comrades abroad emphasized that the CPU is the only party in Ukraine that has consistently defended the interests of the working people, advocated for an end to the fratricidal civil war, and guaranteed Ukraine’s territorial integrity on the basis of expanding regional powers and federalization [21]21 The CPU’s platform for federalization and expanded regional powers was a key demand in the Minsk negotiations, rejected by the post-2014 Ukrainian government..

世界各国共产党和工人党纷纷发表声明声援乌克兰共产党，谴责乌克兰右翼当局。同时，这些政党还展开了批判资本主义和帝国主义的斗争，法国、比利时、英国、希腊、丹麦、印度、西班牙、意大利、塞浦路斯、黎巴嫩、墨西哥、巴基斯坦、葡萄牙、美国、土耳其、捷克等国家的共产党和工人党以及欧洲左翼派别纷纷发函声援乌共和乌克兰全体劳动人民，支持他们进行反对寡头纳粹制度的斗争，谴责取缔乌共的行为。乌共在国外的志同道合者强调，乌共是乌克兰唯一的一个始终捍卫劳动人民利益，主张结束兄弟阋墙的内战，以扩大地区权力和联邦制为基础保证乌克兰领土完整的政党（21）。

The Polish Workers’ Party, the German Communist Party, the New Communist Party of the Netherlands, and the Communist Party of Luxembourg issued a joint statement specifically pointing out that those who came to power through the “February coup” brutally suppress their domestic opponents, encourage gangsters to persecute those who resist the usurpation of power, and use tanks, aircraft, and artillery against participants in protests. In their struggle against their political opponents, the regime established in Ukraine distorts facts and openly lies. The statement pointed out that the oligarchic regime is attempting to legalize fascist organizations (such as Ukraine’s “Svoboda” party and “Right Sector”) and has received support from the EU and NATO in this regard. Furthermore, the forces that launched the coup received tens of billions of dollars in financial support from the EU and the United States to ultimately eliminate their political opponents. Communists are the only party in Ukraine that advocates for peace in eastern Ukraine without any preconditions, and therefore they are persecuted. Today’s Kyiv regime resembles the Pinochet regime in Chile, combining extreme liberalism with dictatorial rule. The Polish Workers’ Party, the German Communist Party, the New Communist Party of the Netherlands, and the Communist Party of Luxembourg strongly oppose the persecution of Ukrainian communists and all anti-fascists. These communist parties demand that their own governments take a tougher stance toward the fascists who seized power in Ukraine [22]22 The Pinochet regime (1973–1990) in Chile was a U.S.-backed military dictatorship known for extreme neoliberal economic reforms and brutal political repression; the comparison is used to frame the post-2014 Ukrainian government as both economically liberal and politically authoritarian..

波兰工人党、德国共产党、荷兰新共产党和卢森堡共产党发表联合声明特别指出，那些因“二月政变”而上台的人残酷镇压本国的反对者，鼓励匪徒迫害那些抵抗篡夺权力的人，用坦克、飞机和大炮来对付抗议活动的参与者。在反对其政治对手的斗争中，在乌克兰建立起来的政权歪曲事实，公然撒谎。声明指出，寡头建立的政权正在试图使法西斯组织（例如乌克兰“自由党”和“右区党”）合法化，并在此方面得到了欧盟和北约的支持。此外，发动政变的力量从欧盟和美国获得数十亿美元的财政支持用于最终消灭政治对手。共产党人是乌克兰唯一没有任何附加条件，主张在乌克兰东部实行和平的政党，因而受到迫害。今天的基辅当局类似于智利的皮诺切特政权，将极端自由主义和独裁统治结合在一起。波兰工人党、德国共产党、荷兰新共产党和卢森堡共产党强烈反对迫害乌克兰共产党人和所有反法西斯主义者。这些共产党要求他们的本国政府对在乌克兰夺取政权的法西斯分子采取更强硬的立场（22）。

More than 100 Italian politicians, social activists, university professors, and trade union members signed a joint statement expressing solidarity with the Communist Party of Ukraine. The statement specifically noted: “In the past few months, there have been repeated incidents of beatings and threats against Ukrainian Communists and the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Petro Symonenko. We are shocked to learn that the Kyiv government, with the support of neo-Nazi forces such as the ‘Svoboda’ party and the ‘Right Sector’ party, has arbitrarily declared the CPU outlawed. This decision by the Ukrainian government flagrantly violates the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaimed by the French Revolution of 1789, principles which were reaffirmed in 2000 in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union adopted by the EU. By supporting the Ukrainian government—that is, a government that allows neo-Nazis to serve as ministers and intends to ban the Communist Party—the EU itself violates the principles affirmed in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.” [23]23 The Italian statement references the “Svoboda” (Freedom) party and the “Right Sector” party, Ukrainian far-right nationalist organizations with neo-Nazi elements. This statement has been forwarded to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the European Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of Europe, calling on them not to support this illegal act, asserting that the principles of freedom of speech and assembly are inviolable, and that the principle of cultural pluralism, which constitutes the foundation of civil society, is inviolable.

意大利的100多位政治家、社会活动家、大学教授和工会会员签署联合声明声援乌克兰共产党。声明特别谈道：“在过去几个月，多次发生殴打和威胁乌克兰共产党人和乌克兰共产党中央委员会第一书记彼得·西蒙年科的事件。我们惊悉，基辅政府在诸如‘自由党’‘右区党’这些新纳粹力量的支持下，武断地宣布乌共被排除在法律之外。乌克兰政府的这一决定公然破坏了1789年法国大革命所宣布的《人权和公民权宣言》原则，而在2000年，《人权和公民权宣言》的原则在欧盟通过的《欧盟基本权利宪章》中得到了确认。欧盟支持乌克兰政府，即支持一个允许新纳粹分子出任部长并打算禁止共产党的政府，这等于欧盟自己违背了《人权和公民权利宣言》和《欧盟基本权利宪章》确认的原则。”（23）这份声明已抄送给乌克兰宪法法院、欧盟法院、欧洲议会、欧盟欧洲理事会和欧洲委员会，他们呼吁不要支持这一非法行为，言论和集会自由原则不可侵犯，构成公民社会基础的文化多元主义原则不可侵犯。

The CPU calls on the international community never to forget Marx’s warning. In 1864, Marx pointed out in the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s Association: “To neglect the fraternal bond of union which ought to exist between the working men of different countries, and to encourage them to stand firmly by each other in all their struggles for emancipation, would be to chastise them with a common failure—a failure of their isolated efforts.” [24]24 This is a quotation from Karl Marx’s *Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s Association* (1864). The CPU states that, at present, the threats of fascism and a third world war are growing ever stronger, and it is necessary to resolutely strengthen international ties among fraternal parties and workers in various countries, to launch a large-scale anti-fascist resistance movement, and to prevent the tragedy that occurred in Europe in the 1930s from being repeated.

乌共呼吁国际社会一定不要忘记马克思的警告。1864年，马克思在《国际工人协会成立宣言》中指出：“忽视在各国工人间应当存在的兄弟团结，忽视那应该鼓励他们在解放斗争中坚定地并肩作战的兄弟团结，就会使他们受到惩罚——使他们分散的努力遭到共同的失败。”（24）乌共表示，当前法西斯主义和第三次世界大战的威胁日益增强，应该果断地加强各个国家兄弟党以及工人之间的国际联系，开展大规模的反法西斯抵抗运动，不要让20世纪30年代在欧洲发生过的悲剧重演。

References:

参考文献：

1. See Wang Siyu, “The Characteristics and Influence of Ukrainian Populism,” *Russian Studies*, No. 1, 2020.

1.参见王思羽：《乌克兰民粹主义的特征及影响》，《俄罗斯研究》2020年第1期。

2. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

2.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

3. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

3.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

4. The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Unified Communist Party of Georgia, Pipia Temur, participated in the Ninth World Socialist Forum (2018) hosted by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Information on the members of the Unified Communist Party of Georgia comes from his personal introduction of the party’s situation.

4.格鲁吉亚统一共产党中央委员会第一书记皮皮亚·捷穆尔（Пипия Темур）曾参加中国社会科学院主办的第九届世界社会主义论坛（2018年），有关格鲁吉亚统一共产党成员的情况，来自于他本人关于该党情况的介绍。

5. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

5.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

6. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

6.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

7. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

7.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

8. See Symonenko P.N. et al., *Forty-Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine: Verbatim Report*, Kyiv, LLC “Drukarnya ‘Biznespoligraf’,” 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf.

8.参见Симоненко П.Н.и др. Сорок девятый съезд коммунистической партии Украины. стенографическийотчёт.К.，ООО 《Друкарня 《Бｉзнесполｉграф》 2015. https://www.kpu.ua/uploads/2015/03/49y_chist.284858.pdf。

9. Symonenko P.N., “The Struggle to Preserve the Party,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 66.

9.Симоненко П.Н.Борьба за сохранение партии// Правда.2017.№ 66.

10. Symonenko P.N., “The Struggle to Preserve the Party,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 66.

10.Симоненко П.Н.Борьба за сохранение партии// Правда.2017.№ 66.

11. Symonenko P.N., “The Struggle to Preserve the Party,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 66.

11.Симоненко П.Н.Борьба за сохранение партии// Правда.2017.№ 66.

12. Symonenko P.N., “The Struggle to Preserve the Party,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 66.

12.Симоненко П.Н.Борьба за сохранение партии// Правда.2017.№ 66.

13. Symonenko P.N., “The Revival of Fascism—A Threat to Humanity,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 146.

13.Симоненко П.Н.Возрождение фашизма-угроза человечеству//Правда.2017.№ 146.

14. Symonenko P.N., “The Revival of Fascism—A Threat to Humanity,” *Pravda*, 2017, No. 146.

14.Симоненко П.Н.Возрождение фашизма-угроза человечеству//Правда.2017.№ 146.

15. The “Minsk Agreements” refer to a protocol signed in February 2015 by Germany, Russia, France, and Ukraine to address the Ukraine crisis. Because it was not concretely implemented, a “Minsk II” agreement was subsequently signed, but it too was not implemented.

15.“明斯克协议”是指在2015年2月由德国、俄罗斯、法国、乌克兰四国签署生效的一份关于处理乌克兰危机的协议书。因未能具体落实，后来又签署了“明斯克协议—2”，但依然未能落实。

16. “Azov” and “Aidar” are two of the four Ukrainian battalions that supported right-wing radical factions during the 2014 Ukraine crisis.

16.“亚佐夫”“艾达尔”是2014年乌克兰危机中支持乌克兰右翼激进派别的4个乌克兰营之中的两个。

17. Simonenko P.N. “The Revival of Fascism Is a Threat to Humanity” // Pravda. 2017. No. 146.

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(The author is an associate research fellow at the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者系中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院副研究员）

Online editor: Xinran

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