“Greening”: The Ecological Dimension of the Adaptive Transformation of European Communist Parties

In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic swept the globe, further heightening European citizens’ sensitivity to the green movement. Mainstream European Green Parties called for attention to the ecological crisis and climate change, as these changes had become major factors in recurrent and emerging infectious diseases. The European Left Party — the pan-European alliance of European communist parties and other anti-capitalist radical left forces — pointed out that mainstream Green Parties are essentially still pro-capitalist, and that anti-capitalist left forces such as communist parties, which truly represent the interests of the working class, should jointly initiate a process of “socio-ecological transformation.”

2020年，新冠肺炎疫情席卷全球，进一步激发了欧洲民众对绿色运动的敏感性。欧洲主流绿党呼吁关注生态危机与气候变化，因为这些变化已经成为复发和新发传染病的主要因素。而欧洲共产党与其他反资本主义激进左翼在泛欧层面的联盟——欧洲左翼党则指出，主流绿党本质上仍是亲资本主义的，真正代表劳动者阶层利益的共产党等反资本主义左翼力量应协力开启一个“社会—生态转型”进程。

In fact, because the serious ecological problems caused by the capitalist mode of production and consumption were fully exposed at the end of the “Golden Age” and the green movement flourished, some European communist parties had already attempted to initiate “greening” adjustments as early as the 1970s and 1980s. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, European communist parties, caught in a crisis of organizational atrophy and political identity, actively responded to the ecological rights demands of the people and the “pan-greening” phenomenon in European politics in recent years, accelerating their “greening” adjustments. “Green” has become a new expression of the European left’s anti-capitalism and its movement for capitalist alternatives. Tracking and comparing the political activities and theoretical innovations of communist parties in different European countries on the ecological dimension helps to better grasp the development trends, commonalities, and differences of socialist movements in different European countries in the 21st century.

事实上，由于资本主义生产和消费模式引发的严重生态问题在“黄金时代”末期的充分暴露和绿色运动的蓬勃发展，部分欧洲国家共产党最早在20世纪七八十年代就曾尝试开启“绿色化”调整。苏东剧变后，陷入组织力量萎缩和政治认同危机困境的欧洲共产党，积极应对近年来民众的生态权利诉求和欧洲政治“泛绿”现象，加速“绿色化”调整。“绿色”已成为欧洲左翼反资本主义和进行资本主义替代运动的新表达。对欧洲不同国家共产党在生态维度的政治活动与理论革新进行跟踪和比较，有助于更好地把握21世纪欧洲不同国家社会主义运动的发展趋势、共性与差异。

This article selects for analysis three communist parties with significant influence and representativeness in Europe: the French Communist Party (hereinafter “PCF”), which has a tradition of Eurocommunism, and the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy (hereinafter “PRC”), as well as the Portuguese Communist Party (hereinafter “PCP”), which adheres to the Marxist-Leninist tradition. First, it analyzes the internal and external causes of each party’s “greening”; second, it evaluates the content and methods of each party’s “greening” from the aspects of theoretical propositions, organizational setup, and political activities; finally, it analyzes the impact of “greening.”

本文选取了在欧洲具有较大影响和代表性的三支共产党——具有欧洲共产主义传统的法国共产党(以下简称“法共”)和意大利重建共产党(以下简称“意大利重建共”),以及坚守马克思列宁主义传统的葡萄牙共产党(以下简称“葡共”)进行分析。首先，对各党“绿色化”的内外因进行解析；其次，从理论主张、组织设置和政治活动等方面，对各党“绿色化”的内容和方式进行评析；最后，对“绿色化”的影响进行分析。

I. Internal and External Drivers of the “Greening” Adjustment of European Communist Parties

一、欧洲共产党进行“绿色化”调整的内外部动因

As Engels said: “Communism is not a doctrine but a movement; it proceeds not from principles but from facts.” [1]1 Eurocommunism: A trend within Western European communist parties during the 1970s and 1980s that advocated for a democratic, non-revolutionary path to socialism independent of the Soviet model. The drivers of the “greening” adjustment of European communist parties lie, on the one hand, in the reality of the intertwined economic and ecological crises in Europe and the multiple demands of the people for economic democracy and ecological rights, and on the other hand, in the internal requirement of European communist parties for theoretical and organizational self-renewal in response to the aforementioned changes.

正如恩格斯所言：“共产主义不是教义，而是运动。它不是从原则出发，而是从事实出发。”1欧洲共产党“绿色化”调整的动因，一方面在于欧洲经济与生态危机交织的现实和民众的经济民主与生态权利等多重诉求，另一方面则是欧洲共产党基于上述变化而就理论与组织发展进行自我更新的内在要求。

(I) Deterioration of the Ecological Crisis and the Flourishing of Green Politics

(一)生态危机恶化，绿色政治蓬勃发展

After World War II, a tension had already emerged between the unlimited expansion of the capitalist industrialist mode of production and the finite resources of nature. The neglected ecological problems gradually evolved into a crisis affecting all regions of the globe and all of the Earth’s ecosystems. This crisis triggered discussions in European intellectual circles and the media on the dialectical relationship between the “quantity” and “quality” of economic and social development, which in turn aroused European citizens’ concern and anxiety about the natural living environment, contributing to the formation of a post-materialist value system. Thus, the green movement arose in response and flourished. By the end of the 1970s, Green Parties transformed from ecological and environmental protection organizations or green new social movements had sprung up across Western Europe. Between 1980 and 1984 alone, Green Parties emerged in twelve Western European countries. As Luciana Castellina pointed out in the mid-1980s in her article “Why ‘Red’ Must Be ‘Green’”: “In the past few years, a new color has been added to the political map of Europe: green. Green has become the symbol of a mass movement... strictly speaking, it is now also the symbol of newly formed political parties.” [2]2 Italian Communist Refoundation Party (PRC): A communist party founded in 1991 by a split from the Italian Communist Party, opposed to the latter's transformation into the social democratic Democratic Party of the Left.

二战后，资本主义无限扩张的工业主义生产模式与大自然的有限资源之间已经呈现出紧张关系，未能得到重视的生态问题逐渐演变为一场波及全球各地和地球各生态圈的危机。这场危机引发了欧洲知识界和媒体等对经济社会发展的“量”和“质”之间辩证关系的讨论，进而引发了欧洲民众对自然生存环境的关注和忧虑，助推了一种后物质主义价值观的形成。由此，绿色运动应声而起，蓬勃发展。到20世纪70年代末，由生态环保组织或绿色新社会运动转化而来的绿党在西欧如雨后春笋般涌现。仅在1980—1984年就有12个西欧国家出现了绿党。正如20世纪80年代中期，卢西亚娜·卡斯特林那(Luciana Castellina)在《为什么“红的”必须是“绿的”》一文中所指出的：“在过去几年里，欧洲的政治地图上又增添了一种新的颜色：绿色。绿色已经成为大规模群众运动的标志……严格地说，它现在也是新产生的政党的标志。”2

The green camp can be broadly divided into the “green-green faction” and the “red-green faction.” The former includes the “deep green” movement centered on ecological philosophy values and the “light green” movement centered on technological and economic means of innovation; the latter takes the replacement of the capitalist economic and political system as its core goal. From the end of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century, European Green Parties focused on alliances with left forces, their agendas became more diverse, and besides environmental issues, they also incorporated economic democracy into their political programs. As the influence of the green movement expanded, other radical left forces, center-left forces, and even the right wing incorporated ecological and environmental issues into their platforms. European politics exhibited a “pan-greening” phenomenon.

绿色阵营中大致可分为“绿绿派”和“红绿派”。前者包括以生态主义哲学价值观为核心的“深绿”运动、以经济技术手段革新为核心的“浅绿”运动；后者则以实现资本主义经济政治制度的替代为核心目标。从20世纪末到21世纪初，欧洲绿党注重与左翼力量的联合，议题更加多元，除环保问题外，还将经济民主纳入政治议程。随着绿色运动影响的扩大，其他激进左翼力量、中左翼，甚至右翼都在纲领中写入了生态与环保的议题。欧洲政治呈现出“泛绿”现象。

However, the “left-wing” label of the Green Parties has created strong competition for political discourse power, primarily with communist parties belonging to the same left camp. Furthermore, in 2004, European Green Parties formed a pan-European alliance — the “European Green Party” — making their actions at the international level more coordinated and institutionalized. [3]3 Portuguese Communist Party (PCP): A Marxist-Leninist communist party founded in 1921, historically aligned with the Soviet Union and known for its strong organizational base and influence in Portuguese trade unions. This also created a certain external pressure on the exploration of supra-national alliances by communist and workers’ parties.

但是，绿党的“左翼”标签使其主要与同属左翼阵营的共产党形成了有力的政治话语权竞争。此外，欧洲绿党于2004年在泛欧层面组建了绿党的联盟——“欧洲绿党”,在国际层面的行动更加协调和制度化。3这也对共产党、工人党在超国家层面的联盟探索形成了一定的外部压力。

(II) The Internal Requirement for Self-Renewal of European Communist Parties

(二)欧洲共产党自我更新的内在要求

Because the early European green new social movements developed without a direct connection to the traditional workers’ movement, in the 1970s and 1980s, traditional left-wing politics based on class mobilization did not recognize its own need for the green movement, and even denied that it possessed a certain anti-capitalist character.

由于早期的欧洲绿色新社会运动是在与传统工人运动没有直接联系的情况下发展起来的，因此，在20世纪七八十年代，以阶级动员为基础的传统左翼政治没有意识到自身对绿色运动的需要，甚至否认其具有一定的反资本主义属性。

However, ecological socialism, which matured in the 1980s and 1990s, not only shares an inherent affinity with the social ideals of European communist parties in terms of transcending capitalism and systemic alternatives, but its explanation of the dual economic and ecological exploitation of the working class, and of capitalist accumulation being blocked by internal economic obstacles and external natural and social obstacles, [4]4 French Communist Party (PCF): A major communist party in France, founded in 1920, which transitioned from a pro-Soviet stance to Eurocommunism in the 1970s. also provides inspiration for the development of European communist parties’ critique of capitalism. As James O’Connor put it: “The contradictions of world capitalism themselves create the conditions for an ecological socialist trend.” [5]5 Party of the European Left: A pan-European political party founded in 2004, bringing together socialist, communist, and other left-wing parties from across the European Union. Therefore, the “greening” of European communist parties at the theoretical level is an internal requirement for their self-renewal to maintain vitality in response to changes in the external situation.

然而，在20世纪八九十年代趋于成熟的生态社会主义，不仅在超越资本主义和制度替代方面与欧洲共产党的社会理想存在内在相通性，而且其对工人阶级遭遇经济和生态的双重剥削，对资本主义积累受阻于内在的经济障碍和外在的自然和社会性障碍的阐释4,对欧洲共产党资本主义批判理论的发展也具有启发意义。恰如詹姆斯·奥康纳(James O' Connor)所言：“世界资本主义的矛盾本身为一种生态学社会主义趋势创造了条件。”5因此，欧洲共产党在理论层面的“绿色化”,是其基于外部形势变化而进行自我更新以保持生机活力的内在要求。

After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the widespread dissemination of the “end of history” thesis and the renaming and change of banner by some communist parties, most notably the Italian Communist Party, which had been the most influential in Western Europe, not only profoundly impacted the younger generation in Europe but also, to a certain extent, dissolved the working class’s consciousness of struggle, plunging the European socialist and workers’ movements into a trough. At the same time, communist parties in many European countries fell into a predicament of organizational splits and marginalization. For example, the PRC maintained a membership of over 80,000 from the 1990s until before 2008. After 2008, organizational splits and restructuring led to a cliff-like decline in membership, dropping to about 17,000 in 2018. [6]6 Unitary Democratic Coalition (CDU): An electoral and political coalition in Portugal formed in 1987 between the Portuguese Communist Party and the Ecologist Party "The Greens" (PEV). After suffering major organizational splits and massive loss of members, the PRC’s support rate fell below 3%, and its vote share in the 2018 national parliamentary elections and the 2019 European Parliament elections even dropped below 1%. The PCF underwent a similar process of marginalization, with its support rate plummeting to 2.49% in 2019. The support rates of other European communist parties, such as the Communist Party of Spain and the Swiss Party of Labour, also hovered at low levels. Furthermore, the PCP, which still maintains significant influence, faces a serious problem of aging. According to statistics from the 18th Congress of the PCP, members under 40 accounted for only 15.9%, members aged 41–64 accounted for 49.3%, and members over 64 accounted for 34.9%. [7]7 Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten): A Danish socialist political party founded in 1989, uniting former communists, socialists, and other left-wing groups, with a strong focus on environmental and anti-capitalist issues. Meanwhile, the growing green movement won the support of an increasing number of middle-class strata and youth. Among them, “red-green” parties even dominated the radical left political arena in countries like Italy for a time. Therefore, expanding their own allies within the anti-capitalist camp, winning the support of more young reserves, and achieving organizational innovation and growth are also inherent meanings of the “greening” of European communist parties’ political activities.

苏东剧变后，“历史终结论”的广泛传播和以原西欧影响最大的意大利共产党为代表的一些共产党的更名易帜，不仅对欧洲的青年一代产生了深刻影响，还在一定程度上消解了工人阶级的抗争意识，使得欧洲的社会主义运动和工人运动陷入了低潮。同时，不少欧洲国家的共产党也陷入了组织分裂和边缘化的困境。如意大利重建共在20世纪90年代至2008年之前，党员人数一直维持在8万名以上。2008年后，组织分裂重组，党员人数呈断崖式下跌，2018年降至约1.7万名。6在遭遇重大组织分裂和党员大规模流失之后，意大利重建共的支持率降至3%以下，在2018年国家议会选举和2019年的欧洲议会选举中得票率甚至跌到了1%以下。法共也经历了同样的边缘化过程，2019年的支持率暴跌至2.49%。西班牙共产党、瑞士劳动党等其他欧洲共产党的支持率也一直在低水平徘徊。此外，仍保持了较大影响力的葡共等还面临较为严峻的老龄化问题。据葡共十八大统计，40岁以下党员仅占15.9% ,41—64岁党员占49.3%,64岁以上老年党员占34.9%。7而日趋壮大的绿色运动赢得了越来越多中间阶层和青年的支持。其中，“红绿派”政党甚至一度在意大利等国的激进左翼政治领域占据了主导地位。因此，扩展自身在反资本主义阵营的盟友，赢得更多青年后备军的支持，实现组织上的革新和壮大，也是欧洲共产党政治活动“绿色化”的题中之义。

II. The “Greening” of European Communist Party Theory, Organization, and Political Activities

二、欧洲共产党理论、组织与政治活动的“绿色化”

“Socialism is not a movement proceeding from certain theoretical principles, but from historical facts and social changes.”[8]8 Left Alliance (Vasemmistoliitto): A Finnish left-wing political party founded in 1990, succeeding the Finnish People's Democratic League, with a platform combining socialism, feminism, and environmentalism. Therefore, in an era where the capitalist economic crisis and ecological crisis are superimposed and green politics is flourishing, the impetus for the European socialist movement increasingly originates from the encounter and alliance between the traditional working class and those emerging anti-capitalist subjects expressing ecological demands. For these factors to produce effects, European communist parties need both to renew their political programs—transcending economism, responding to and answering new ecological demands—and to change their modes of political action—strengthening alliances with green forces and expanding the anti-capitalist coalition.

“社会主义不是从一定的理论原则出发，而是基于历史事实和社会变化的运动。”8因此，在资本主义经济危机与生态危机叠加且绿色政治蓬勃发展的时代，欧洲社会主义运动的动力，越来越多地源于传统工人阶级与那些表达生态诉求的新兴反资本主义主体之间的遭遇和联合。若要使这些因素都产生效果，欧洲共产党既需要革新政治纲领——超越经济主义，回答并响应新的生态诉求，又要改变政治行动方式——加强与绿色力量的联合，扩展反资本主义联盟。

(I) The “Greening” of Theoretical Positions and Organizational Structures

(一)理论主张与组织结构的“绿色化”

From the perspective of theoretical positions, the French Communist Party (PCF), the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC) of Italy, and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) have mostly undergone a process from denial and hesitation to acceptance, absorption, and drawing lessons from the green movement. At the same time, this “greening” has produced both similar and divergent results within the political, economic, and social environments and communist traditions of different countries.

从理论主张的角度来看，法共、意大利重建共和葡共对绿色运动大都经历了一个从否定、犹疑到接纳和吸收借鉴的过程。同时，这种“绿色化”在不同国家的政治经济社会环境和共产主义传统中，产生了既相似又相异的结果。

In its self-renewal, the PCF has constructed green concepts with distinct communist characteristics, such as “ecological communism.” In the early 1970s, the PCF did not recognize the scientific nature or rationality of the green movement, but with the vigorous development of the green movement and the worsening of ecological problems, it added content on controlling noise, water and air pollution, and nuclear waste to its program for the first time in 1978. In the 1989 European Parliament elections, the PCF put forward the campaign slogan “Forward for disarmament, environmental protection, and the development of the Third World.” After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the PCF proposed the so-called “new communism” theory, which included content on strengthening environmental protection and building a “blue planet.” Entering the 21st century, the PCF incorporated ecological issues such as environmental protection and resource sharing into the documents of successive national congresses, making them part of the evolution of the “new communism theory.” In the current wave of green politics that has flourished since 2016, the PCF has clearly put forward the assertion that ecology is one of the core tenets of communism. In 2018, the program released by the 38th Congress of the PCF regarded ecology as the core tenet of sustainable development. At the same time, the PCF also added a “green leaf” design to its new party flag to explicitly indicate that ecology is one of the identifiers of the communist party. At the Communist Ecology Conference held the same year, then PCF National Secretary Pierre Laurent clearly stated that “communism must be ecological,” and that without environmental protection, there is no communism.[9]9 Pierre Laurent was National Secretary of the French Communist Party from 2010 to 2018. Productivism and consumerism together exacerbate the social livelihood crisis of the people and the deterioration of the natural living environment, and the ecological crisis has become an international challenge. Therefore, the PCF calls on communists to harbor internationalist ambitions and unremittingly struggle against the minority in the world who stubbornly adhere to destructive ecological lifestyles and modes of production; at the same time, they should unify the struggle against social inequality and ecological inequality, regarding ecology as a core content of class struggle and the struggle for communism.[10]10 This paragraph summarizes positions from the 2018 PCF Congress and related conferences. Thus, the PCF’s theoretical construction of “ecological communism” possesses a relatively complete ideological implication.

法共在自我更新中，构建出了具有鲜明共产主义特色的绿色概念，如“生态共产主义”。法共在20世纪70年代早期并不承认绿色运动的科学性及其合理性，但随着绿色运动的蓬勃发展和生态问题的恶化，它于1978年在纲领中首次加入了控制噪音、水和空气污染，控制核废料等内容。1989年欧洲议会选举中，法共又提出了“为裁军、环境保护和第三世界的发展前进”的竞选口号。苏东剧变后，法共提出了所谓的“新共产主义”理论，其中就有加强环境保护和建设“蓝色星球”的内容。进入21世纪后，法共将环境保护和资源共享等生态议题，写入历次全国代表大会文件，使之成为“新共产主义理论”演进的一部分。在此轮勃兴于2016年后的绿色政治风潮中，法共明确提出了生态乃是共产主义核心要义之一的论断。2018年，法共三十八大发布的纲领把生态视为可持续发展的核心要义。同时，法共还在新党旗中加入了“绿叶”设计，以明示生态是共产党的标识之一。在同年举办的共产主义生态学会议上，时任法共总书记皮埃尔·洛朗(Pierre Laurent)立场鲜明地提出了“共产主义必然是生态的”,没有环境保护，就没有共产主义。9生产主义与消费主义共同加剧了民众的社会生计危机和自然生存环境的恶化，而生态危机已经成为一场国际性挑战。因此，法共呼吁共产党人应怀有国际主义抱负，坚持不懈地与世界上顽固坚持破坏生态的生活和生产方式的少数人作斗争；与此同时，还应将反对社会不平等和生态不平等的斗争统一起来，把生态视为阶级斗争和为共产主义奋斗的核心内容。10因此，法共对“生态共产主义”的理论构建具有较完整的意识形态意蕴。

The PRC, also belonging to the Eurocommunist faction, directly regards ecosocialism as one of the guiding theories of the party, explicitly advocating for a balance between employment and ecological rights in an era where economic crisis and ecological crisis are intertwined. From the late 1960s to the 1980s, the original Italian Communist Party (1921–1991) also primarily held an attitude of denial and rejection towards the green movement, believing that the theoretical propositions of the movement had a prominent “utopian character,” were detached from the reality of economic and social development, were disconnected from the political culture of the traditional industrial workers’ movement, and were unsustainable. In the 1990s, the PRC, which inherited the communist tradition of the original Italian Communist Party, adopted an attitude of acceptance, drawing lessons, and absorption towards ecosocialism, explicitly regarding environmental protection, the atmosphere, water resources, and food safety as among the most basic social rights of workers. Entering the 21st century, especially after the outbreak of the 2008 international financial crisis, the “greening” adjustment of the PRC’s theory increasingly reflected its proposition of achieving a balance between workers’ right to employment and ecological rights. After the ecologist faction within the party left in 2009, the majority of PRC members reaffirmed in the document passed at the 8th Congress in 2011 the proposition that Italy’s industrial policy should give equal weight to ecological protection and employment protection. In 2013, the document approved by vote at the 9th Congress of the PRC explicitly incorporated “ecological economy and green employment” into the new agenda of “21st-century socialism” as an alternative to capitalism.[11]11 The “21st-century socialism” agenda refers to a broad leftist project for systemic alternatives to capitalism, debated within various radical left parties. Thereafter, the PRC has basically adhered to the position of the 9th Congress on balancing workers’ employment protection and ecological rights, maintaining a strongly critical attitude towards practices that pursue profit and harm workers’ rights in the name of environmental protection. For example, in October 2020, the National Committee of the PRC issued an appeal for “Jobs and the Environment: No Ransom, We Want to Build Alternatives,” opposing the environmentally destructive activities of multinational industrial enterprises in Italy and insisting on defending the work rights of people in vulnerable groups and vulnerable regions.[12]12 This refers to a specific appeal by the PRC’s National Committee in October 2020.

同属欧洲共产主义派的意大利重建共，则直接将生态社会主义视为党的指导理论之一，明确主张在经济危机与生态危机交织的时代应实现就业与生态权利的平衡。从20世纪60年代末到80年代，原意大利共产党(1921—1991年)对绿色运动的态度也是以否定和排斥为主，认为该运动的理论主张具有突出的“乌托邦性”,脱离了经济社会发展的现实，与传统产业工人运动的政治文化脱节，难以持续。20世纪90年代，承袭了原意大利共产党的共产主义传统的意大利重建共，则对生态社会主义采取了接纳并借鉴吸收的态度，明确地将环保、大气、水资源和食品安全等视为劳动者最基本的社会权利之一。进入21世纪后，尤其在2008年国际金融危机爆发后，在意大利重建共理论的“绿色化”调整中，更多体现了其实现劳动者的就业权利与生态权利之间平衡的主张。在党内生态主义派于2009年脱党出走后，意大利重建共多数党员在2011年八大上通过的文件中重申了应推动意大利产业政策生态保护与就业保护并重的主张。2013年，意大利重建共九大上表决通过的文件中则明确将“生态经济和绿色就业”纳入了对资本主义进行替代的“21世纪社会主义”新议程中。11此后，意大利重建共基本坚持了九大中关于兼顾劳动者就业保护与生态权利的立场，对以环保之名追逐利润并损害工人权益的做法持强烈的批判态度。如2020年10月，意大利重建共全国委员会发出“就业与环境：不要赎金，我们要构建替代方案”的呼吁，反对跨国工业企业在意大利进行的破坏环境活动，坚持捍卫脆弱群体和脆弱地区民众的工作权利。12

As a backbone force among European communist parties adhering to the Marxist-Leninist tradition, the PCP’s theoretical “greening” adjustment has been relatively slow and cautious. Although the PCP included environmental protection in its concerns as early as the 1980s, and did not ignore environmental issues when proposing the idea of building a new society in the 1990s, it never placed it in a particularly prominent position, let alone regarded ecosocialism as a guiding theory. Entering the 21st century, especially after the outbreak of the 2008 international financial crisis, the PCP’s critique of the structural crisis of capitalism existing at multiple levels—economic, political, social, cultural, and environmental—still did not introduce too many post-materialist concepts. With the rise of a new wave of green politics after 2016, the PCP has significantly increased its attention to environmental issues at the theoretical level. For instance, the PCP General Secretary pointed out at the 21st Congress of the PCP in November 2020 that the pressure of the commodification of natural resources hinders the introduction of policies that safeguard ecological balance; Portugal’s environmental policy, natural resource management, and territorial planning all yield to the interests of monopoly groups; shifting the responsibility for environmental problems onto individuals obscures the root cause of environmental degradation, namely the destructiveness of the capitalist mode of production and consumption.[13]13 The 21st Congress of the Portuguese Communist Party was held in November 2020.

作为欧洲共产党中坚守马克思列宁主义传统的中坚力量，葡共在理论上的“绿色化”调整相对缓慢且审慎。尽管早在20世纪80年代葡共就将环境保护列入其所关注的议题，且在20世纪90年代提出构建新社会主张时，也未忽视环境问题，但始终未将之置于特别突出的位置，更未将生态社会主义视为指导理论。进入21世纪后，尤其是2008年国际金融危机爆发后，葡共对存在于经济、政治、社会文化和环境等多个层面的资本主义结构性危机进行的批判中，仍未引入过多的后物质主义观念。随着2016年后新一轮绿色政治风潮的兴起，葡共在理论层面较大地提升了对环境问题的关注度。如葡共总书记在2020年11月葡共二十一大上指出，自然资源商品化的压力妨碍了捍卫生态平衡政策的出台；葡萄牙的环境政策、自然资源管理和国土规划均屈服于垄断集团的利益；将环境问题的责任转嫁给个人，掩盖了环境恶化问题的本源，即资本主义生产方式和消费方式的破坏性。13

Furthermore, the PCF and the PRC have also established environment departments responsible for organizing and initiating the party’s struggles in the field of ecological protection. The PCF’s environment department has been renamed the Ecology Committee, which is not only responsible for fielding green candidates in political elections but also for initiating seminars and protest activities on global ecological issues, striving to change the French public’s prejudiced perception of communism as non-ecological.[14]14 The PCF’s Ecology Committee is a renamed version of its earlier environment department, tasked with ecological advocacy and electoral work.

此外，法共和意大利重建共还设立了环境部，负责组织和发起党在生态保护领域的斗争。法共的环境部已更名为生态委员会，不仅承担在政治选举中推出绿色候选人的责任，还负责发起关于全球生态问题的研讨会和抗议活动，着力改变法国民众关于共产主义的非生态性偏见认知。14

(II) The “Greening” Adjustment of Political Activities

(二)政治活动的“绿色化”调整

Since the 1980s, European communist parties have mainly formed relatively close political alliances with the “red-green” faction within the green camp. Among these, the Party of the European Left is a typical practice of this alliance at the pan-European level. At the same time, the PCF, the PRC, and the PCP have also engaged in years of attempts at alliance with Green parties in their domestic political activities.

20世纪80年代以来，欧洲共产党主要与绿色阵营中的“红绿派”结成了较为紧密的政治联盟。其中，欧洲左翼党是该联盟在泛欧层面实践的典型。同时，法共、意大利重建共和葡共也在国内政治活动中与绿党进行了多年的联盟尝试。

1. Practice of Political Alliance at the Pan-European Level—The Party of the European Left

1.泛欧层面的政治联盟实践——欧洲左翼党

Driven by the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, the French Communist Party, the Red-Green Alliance of Denmark, and the Left Alliance of Finland, the Party of the European Left was established in 2004. It is a decentralized political association composed of fully autonomous left-wing parties.[15]15 The Party of the European Left (European Left) is a pan-European political party founded in 2004, bringing together communist, socialist, and other left-wing parties from across Europe. The Party of the European Left defines itself as a platform uniting all democratic, anti-imperialist, feminist, and eco-socialist left-wing forces, referencing traditions of communism, socialism, the labor movement, and the environmental movement, with the goal of achieving an “alternative” to capitalism from a social and ecological dimension.[16]16 Eco-socialism is a political ideology that merges socialism with environmentalism, arguing that capitalism is inherently destructive to the environment and that a socialist system is necessary for ecological sustainability. Through triennial congresses, European Parliament election mobilizations, summer universities, and joint political initiatives, the Party of the European Left promotes unity and collaboration among communist parties, “red-green” Greens, and other anti-capitalist left-wing forces at the pan-European level.

在意大利重建共、法共、丹麦红绿联盟和芬兰左翼联盟等的推动下，欧洲左翼党于2004年成立。它是一个由充分享有自主权的左翼政党组成的去中心化的政治协会。15欧洲左翼党将自身界定为团结所有民主的、反帝国主义的、女权主义和生态社会主义等左翼力量的平台，以共产主义、社会主义、劳工运动和环境运动等传统为参照，其目标是从社会和生态的维度实现对资本主义的“替代”。16欧洲左翼党通过三年一次的代表大会、欧洲议会选举动员、夏季大学、发起共同的政治倡议等方式，推动共产党与“红绿派”绿党及其他反资本主义左翼力量在泛欧层面的团结与协作。

The Party of the European Left’s critique of capitalism’s anti-ecological nature and its alternative proposals are reflected in documents from successive congresses. Notably, at its Second Congress in 2007, the Party of the European Left predicted that the severe social inequality and environmental disasters brought about by the neoliberal economic, social, and ecological development model would inevitably lead to the rise of populism in Europe.[17]17 Neoliberalism refers to an economic and political model emphasizing free-market capitalism, deregulation, privatization, and reduction of government spending, which became dominant in many Western countries from the 1980s onwards. To address the impact of the international financial crisis, the Third and Fourth Congresses of the Party of the European Left focused on the struggle against poverty and austerity. At the Fifth Congress in 2016, the Party of the European Left articulated its social and green transformation proposals more clearly, and finally, at the Sixth Congress in 2019, it formally proposed the initiative of launching a “social-ecological transformation.” The Party of the European Left points out that although mainstream European Green parties sometimes hold social and ecological positions very close to those of the Party of the European Left, their essence is not anti-capitalist; more often, they are allies of conservative or social democratic coalitions within the green capitalist camp. The “social-ecological transformation” initiative launched by the Party of the European Left is a necessary and urgent class struggle, requiring member parties to effectively combine domestic struggles with pan-European struggles to change Europe’s industrial production methods, restructure production organizations, and ultimately achieve fundamental social change.[18]18 A “social-ecological transformation” is a concept promoted by the European Left advocating for a fundamental restructuring of society and the economy to achieve both social justice and ecological sustainability, moving beyond mere “green capitalism.”

欧洲左翼党对资本主义的反生态性批判及替代主张，在历届代表大会文件中均有体现。值得注意的是，欧洲左翼党在2007年第二次代表大会上，预言了新自由主义的经济社会和生态发展模式所带来的严重社会不平等和环境灾难，将难以避免地导致民粹主义在欧洲兴起。17为应对国际金融危机的冲击，欧洲左翼党的第三次和第四次代表大会都聚焦于反贫困和反紧缩的斗争。2016年第五次代表大会，欧洲左翼党较清晰地阐述了其社会和绿色转型主张，并最终于2019年的第六次代表大会文件中正式提出了开启“社会—生态转型”的倡议。欧洲左翼党指出，尽管欧洲主流绿党时而持有与欧洲左翼党十分接近的社会和生态主张，但其本质并非是反资本主义的，更多时候是保守派或社会民主党联盟在绿色资本主义阵营的盟友。而欧洲左翼党发起的“社会—生态转型”倡议，是一场必要且紧迫的阶级斗争，须推动成员党将国内斗争与泛欧层面的斗争有力地结合，以改变欧洲的工业生产方式，重构生产组织，最终实现根本性的社会变革。18

Member parties of the Party of the European Left also coordinate positions and engage in joint struggles through European Parliament elections. Before each European Parliament election, member parties such as the French Communist Party, the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, and the “red-green” parties of Northern Europe formulate election platforms with relatively consistent themes, combining their national conditions with Europe’s green political reality. For example, in the 2019 European Parliament election, the French Communist Party, based on France’s reality as a major nuclear energy country, called for managing and applying nuclear energy in a more democratic and scientific manner, while simultaneously increasing the proportion of railway transport as much as possible and developing new energy sources capable of replacing carbon energy.[19]19 The French Communist Party (PCF) is a major communist party in France, historically influential in French politics, particularly in the post-World War II period. The Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, based on the severe industrial pollution in its country, called on the public to pay attention to the deterioration of the natural environment and climate, and to promote the signing of a new Green Deal by EU member states and the transition of the economic development model to an ecological one.[20]20 The Communist Refoundation Party of Italy (PRC) is an Italian communist party formed in 1991 from a split in the Italian Communist Party. After the European Parliament elections, members of parliament from the Party of the European Left joined the “European United Left/Nordic Green Left” group, playing an active role in promoting the green transformation of the EU’s development model.

欧洲左翼党成员党还通过欧洲议会选举协调立场，联合斗争。在历次欧洲议会选举前，法共、意大利重建共和北欧的“红绿派”等成员党，都会结合本国国情和欧洲的绿色政治现实，制定出主旨相对一致的选举纲领。如在2019年欧洲议会选举中，法共基于法国核能源大国的现实，呼吁以更民主、科学的方式管理应用核能，同时尽可能地提高铁路运输的比重，研发能够替代碳能源的新能源。19意大利重建共基于本国工业污染较严重的情况，呼吁民众注意自然环境与气候的恶化态势，推动欧盟成员国签署新的绿色公约及经济发展模式向生态型过渡。20在欧洲议会选举结束后，欧洲左翼党成员党议员都加入了“欧洲联合左翼/北欧绿色左翼”党团，在推动欧盟发展模式的绿色转型中发挥了积极作用。

Organizing summer universities and establishing other anti-capitalist initiative platforms are also main methods of political activity for communist parties such as the French Communist Party and the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, as well as other radical left-wing forces, relying on the Party of the European Left. The Party of the European Left has held nine summer universities to date, with the main purpose of promoting the development and dissemination of ideas such as communism, eco-socialism, peace, and feminism. Global climate change, environmental pollution, and the challenges faced by the left in dealing with the overlapping crises of economy and ecology are all among the themes of the summer university seminars. Furthermore, after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, facing the harm suffered by grassroots workers due to lack of medical and health security and the worsening livelihood problems under economic stagnation, the Party of the European Left built the “Protect Our Europe” platform to promote Europe’s transition to a social-ecological development model that is not market-centered.[21]21 The COVID-19 pandemic refers to the global outbreak of the coronavirus disease 2019, which began in late 2019 and had profound social and economic impacts worldwide.

组织夏季大学以及建立其他反资本主义倡议平台，也是法共、意大利重建共等共产党和其他激进左翼力量以欧洲左翼党为依托进行政治活动的主要方式。欧洲左翼党迄今已举办了九次夏季大学，其主旨是推动共产主义、生态社会主义、和平、女权主义等思想的发展与传播。全球气候变化、环境污染以及左翼如何面对经济与生态危机叠加带来的挑战等，都在历次夏季大学研讨会的主题之列。此外，2020年新冠肺炎疫情暴发后，面对底层劳动者因缺乏医疗卫生保障而遭遇的伤害以及经济停滞下生计问题的恶化，欧洲左翼党构建了“保护我们的欧洲”平台，以推动欧洲向不以市场为中心的社会生态发展模式转型。21

2. “Red-Green” Alliances in Domestic Political Activities

2.国内政治活动中的“红绿”联盟

The development of green politics in Europe is uneven. Green parties have stronger political influence in Western and Northern Europe, and weaker in Southern Europe; communist parties are roughly the opposite, with stronger influence in Southern Europe and weaker in Western and Northern Europe. Therefore, the French Communist Party, the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, and the Portuguese Communist Party have more practical experience with “red-green” alliances and often have greater say within these alliances.

绿色政治在欧洲的发展并不均衡。绿党在西欧和北欧地区政治影响力较强，在南欧地区较弱；而共产主义政党则大致相反，即在南欧影响力较强而在西欧和北欧较弱。因此，法共、意大利重建共和葡共有着更多的“红绿”联盟实践经验，且在联盟中往往也有较大的话语权。

As early as the 1990s, the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy formed a relatively close alliance with the Italian Federation of the Greens in street protests. Notably, the Communist Refoundation Party and the Federation of the Greens successfully launched four referendums in 2002 on issues such as workers’ rights, food safety, and environmental protection. Although these issues were not approved, they attracted widespread attention. Before 2008, the two parties were also stable allies in political elections. They jointly joined center-left-led political alliances, such as “The Olive Tree” and “The Union,” by independently proposing candidate lists. Leaders of the two parties respectively served as Italy’s Minister of Environment and Deputy Minister, exerting significant influence on the center-left government’s environmental policy. After 2008, the ecologist faction within the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy left to form the Left Ecology Freedom party. The Communist Refoundation Party of Italy suffered a huge blow from this split and has yet to emerge from marginalization. Subsequently, the Federation of the Greens also began its transformation towards a mainstream Green party, gradually drifting apart from the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy.

意大利重建共早在20世纪90年代就与本国的绿色联盟党在街头抗议中结成了较紧密的盟友关系。值得一提的是，重建共和绿色联盟党曾在2002年成功发起过四次全民公投，涉及劳动者权利、食品安全、环境保护等议题，这些议题虽未获得通过但也引发了广泛关注。在2008年之前，两党也是政治选举中的稳定盟友。它们以独立提出候选人名单的方式共同加入了中左翼主导的政治联盟，如“进步联盟”“橄榄树联盟”等，两党各自的领导人曾分别担任意大利环境部部长和副部长，在环保政策领域对中左政府产生了重大影响。2008年之后，意大利重建共内部的生态主义派脱党出走，组建了左翼生态与自由党。意大利重建共因此次分裂遭遇巨大打击，至今仍未走出边缘化困境。此后，绿色联盟党也开启了向主流绿党转型的进程，与意大利重建共渐行渐远。

The Portuguese Communist Party and the Portuguese Ecologist Party “The Greens” have formed a stable political alliance that is both independent and closely cooperative. The Portuguese Ecologist Party “The Greens” belongs to the “red-green” faction within the green movement. Since 1987, it has participated in local, national, and European Parliament elections under the name of the Unitary Democratic Coalition with the Portuguese Communist Party, consistently achieving good and relatively stable support rates. Although the two parties have consistent positions and close relations in political activities, there are still significant differences in their policy platforms. These differences often clearly reflect their respective core ideologies and identity characteristics. For example, in the 2019 national parliamentary election, both the Portuguese Communist Party and “The Greens” focused on domestic economic development, public services, and progress in science, education, culture, and health. However, “The Greens” placed more emphasis on green political issues such as climate change, biodiversity protection, and maintaining peace, while the Portuguese Communist Party’s platform highlighted traditional left-wing political positions that better reflect its communist party identity, such as protecting the working class and safeguarding workers’ rights.

葡共与葡萄牙生态主义党“绿党”则结成了既相互独立又紧密合作的稳固政治联盟关系。葡萄牙生态主义党“绿党”属于绿色运动中的“红绿派”,自1987年便与葡共以联合民主联盟的名义参加地方、国家和欧洲议会选举，且一直获得了良好并较为稳定的支持率。尽管两党在政治活动中立场一致且关系紧密，但其政策纲领仍存在较大差异，这种差异往往清晰地体现了各自的核心意识形态及身份特征。如在2019年国家议会选举中，葡共和“绿党”都关注国内经济发展、公共服务、科教文卫等事业的进步，但“绿党”更侧重于气候变化、保护生物多样性、维护和平等体现绿色政治的主张，而葡共的纲领中则更突出保护工人阶级、维护工人的权利等更能体现其共产主义政党身份特征的传统左翼政治主张。

As in Italy and Portugal, the Green party is also an important ally for the French Communist Party in the fields of environmental protection and social rights struggles, although the closeness of this alliance is somewhat less. Since the mid-to-late 1990s, the French Communist Party has promoted its opening up to social movements including feminism, anti-racism, and ecologism. In this process, the Green party became one of the French Communist Party’s important political allies. However, the political alliance between the two parties in presidential and parliamentary elections at various levels is neither stable nor continuous; it is more of a strategic expedient, and the results sometimes fail to meet expectations. For example, the “red-green” alliance formed by the French Communist Party and the Green party in the 2020 local municipal elections barely managed to preserve the French Communist Party’s local political base but helped the Green party achieve a significant breakthrough.

一如在意大利和葡萄牙的情况，绿党也是法共在环保和社会权利斗争领域的重要盟友，只是这种联盟的紧密度要稍逊一筹。自20世纪90年代中后期以来，法共就开始推动自身向包括女权主义、反种族主义和生态主义等社会运动开放。在此过程中，绿党也成为法共重要的政治盟友之一。但是，两党在总统选举和各级议会选举中的政治联盟并不稳固，也不具有连续性，更多是策略性的权宜之计，结果有时并不能达到预期。如2020年法共与绿党在地方市政选举中结成的“红绿”联盟，仅勉强保住了法共的地方政治基本盘，但却助力绿党取得了较大的突破。

III. The Impact of the “Greening” Adjustment of European Communist Parties

三、欧洲共产党“绿色化”调整的影响

The “greening” of European communist parties can largely be seen as a new exploration, new content, and new expression of the European socialist movement under the superposition of intensified economic and ecological crises and political changes. In their “greening” adjustment, European communist parties have constructed new theoretical concepts and expanded anti-capitalist alliances, but have not fundamentally improved their own political marginalization predicament.

欧洲共产党的“绿色化”,很大程度上可以被视为经济和生态危机加剧与政治变局叠加之下欧洲社会主义运动的新探索、新内容和新表达。欧洲共产党在“绿色化”调整中，构建了新的理论概念，扩大了反资本主义联盟，但尚未从根本上改善自身的政治边缘化困境。

(I) Enhancing the Influence of Communism within Green New Social Movements

(一)在绿色新社会运动中提升了共产主义的影响

European communist parties—whether of the Eurocommunist or the traditional Marxist-Leninist school—have, through their timely initiation of a "greening" adjustment, enhanced the influence of communist parties within the green new social movements, and have also yielded beneficial insights for the new development of Marxism in Europe.

欧洲共产党——无论是欧洲共产主义派还是传统马列派，适时开启的“绿色化”调整，都提升了共产党在绿色新社会运动中的影响，也对欧洲马克思主义的新发展产生了有益启示。

The "greening" of the theoretical positions of European communist parties has, to varying degrees, exhibited a characteristic of giving equal weight to "employment and ecology," and is embedded with a systemic critique of the root causes of the capitalist ecological crisis. It possesses an anti-capitalist progressive attribute that pursues social fairness, justice, and ecological equality, and is fundamentally different in nature from the "green capitalism" or ecological capitalist stance of mainstream European green parties. The "greening" of European communist party theory has successfully integrated the value pursuit of ecological rights with the communist ideal, helping to propel European Marxism out of textbooks and academic textual research to confront the greatest practical challenges of the contemporary world. This "greening" adjustment has also, to a certain extent, narrowed the distance between the green movement, green movement theorists, and communism and Marxism. If ecological Marxism is the most influential school within Western Marxism, and even represents the developmental direction of contemporary European Marxism, then the significance of the "greening" adjustment in European communist party theory is self-evident.

欧洲共产党理论主张的“绿色化”,均不同程度地表现出了“就业与生态”并重的特点，且内嵌着对资本主义生态危机根源的制度性反思，具有追求社会公平正义和生态平等的反资本主义进步属性，与欧洲主流绿党的“绿色资本主义”或生态资本主义立场存在本质区别。欧洲共产党理论的“绿色化”,成功地将对生态权利的价值追求与共产主义理想融合在了一起，有助于推动欧洲的马克思主义从教科书和学院派的文本研究中走出来，去面对当代世界最大的现实难题。这种“绿色化”调整，也在一定程度上拉近了绿色运动、绿色运动理论家与共产主义和马克思主义的距离。如果说生态马克思主义是西方马克思主义中最有影响的一个派别，甚至代表了当代欧洲马克思主义的发展方向，那么，欧洲共产党理论的“绿色化”调整在其中的意义不言自明。

However, in the "greening" adjustment of its theoretical positions, the Italian Communist Refoundation Party (Partito della Rifondazione Comunista, PRC) failed to clearly distinguish between ecological socialism, which encompasses social democracy, and ecological Marxism. The Italian PRC explicitly listed ecological socialism as one of the guiding theories and ideologies to which the party adheres, while also adopting a tolerant attitude towards the fundamentalist positions and techno-reformist proposals of mainstream green parties. The ideological pluralism of the party and the growth of the internal ecologist faction ultimately led to a serious organizational split within the Italian PRC in 2009. One of the then-main leaders of the Italian PRC, Nichi Vendola, after failing to gain majority support for his proposal to rename the party the Ecological Left Party and de-communize it, led his supporters to establish a "red-green" Left Ecology Freedom Party. This split greatly weakened the vanguard position of the Italian PRC in European radical left politics and had a highly negative impact on the communist movement across Europe.

不过，意大利重建共在其理论主张的“绿色化”调整中，未能就包含社会民主主义的生态社会主义与生态马克思主义进行明确区分。意大利重建共明确将生态社会主义列为党的指导理论和所坚守的意识形态之一，同时对主流绿党的原教旨主义主张、技术派改良主张，也持有包容态度。党的意识形态多元性及党内生态主义派的壮大，最终导致意大利重建共在2009年发生了一场严重的组织分裂。意大利重建共当时的主要领导人之一尼基·文多拉(Nichi Vendola),在将党更名为生态左翼党的去共产主义化主张未得到多数支持后，带领支持者成立了具有“红绿”性质的左翼生态自由党。这场分裂极大地削弱了意大利重建共在欧洲激进左翼政治中的先锋地位，也对整个欧洲的共产主义运动产生了极为负面的影响。

If the Italian PRC failed to clarify the boundary between ecologism and Marxism, and the Portuguese Communist Party's (Partido Comunista Português, PCP) stance was insufficiently radical, then the French Communist Party's (Parti Communiste Français, PCF) "ecological communism" is perhaps one of the most noteworthy outcomes of the theoretical "greening" development of European communist parties. This concept, possessing a relatively complete ideological connotation, vividly demonstrates that communism not only does not reject the green movement aimed at promoting harmonious development between humanity and nature, nor the cultural values it carries, but can also absorb and draw upon the latter's essence. The "social-ecological transformation" of the Party of the European Left is a joint theoretical innovation achievement of European communist parties and European "red-green" left-wing forces, encompassing a critical reflection on the capitalist system and a strategic plan for a future green society, and is also worthy of continued attention. The dissemination of European communist parties' distinctive new "green" concepts may, in the future, influence European public perceptions of communism.

如果说意大利重建共没有明晰生态主义与马克思主义的边界，葡共的立场不够激进，那么法共的“生态共产主义”,或许是欧洲共产党理论“绿色化”发展中最值得关注的成果之一。这一具有相对完整意识形态意蕴的概念，生动地表明了共产主义不仅不排斥旨在促进人与自然和谐发展的绿色运动及其所承载的文化价值观，而且能够吸收和借鉴后者的精华。欧洲左翼党的“社会—生态转型”是欧洲共产党与欧洲“红绿派”左翼力量共同的理论革新成果，包含了对资本主义制度的批判反思和对未来绿色社会的战略规划，也是值得继续关注的。欧洲共产党具有标识性的“绿色”新概念的传播，或将在未来影响欧洲民众对共产主义的认知。

(II) The Paradox of Expanded Political Alliances and Unimproved Influence

(二)政治联盟扩大与影响力未能提升的悖论

The PCP has maintained its political influence and appeal through its alliance with the Green Party. The Unitary Democratic Coalition (Coligação Democrática Unitária, CDU) formed by the two parties is the fourth-largest parliamentary group in the Portuguese Assembly of the Republic. Its support rate in national parliamentary elections has generally remained above 8%, its support in municipal assemblies hovers around 10%, while its support rate in European Parliament elections fluctuates significantly—falling to 6.88% in 2019, with the two elected Members of the European Parliament both coming from the PCP. Therefore, the PCP holds considerable discursive power within the CDU, and the close cooperation between the two parties has enabled the coalition to maintain significant influence in Portugal.

葡共通过与绿党的联盟维持了自身的政治影响力和号召力。两党组建的联合民主联盟是葡萄牙议会第四大党团，历年国家议会选举支持率基本都在8%以上，市政议会的支持率维持在10%上下，而在欧洲议会的选举支持率波动较大——在2019年降至6.88%,其中当选的两名欧洲议会议员均来自葡共。因此，葡共在联合民主联盟中拥有较大的话语权，两党的紧密合作使联盟在葡萄牙保持了较大的影响力。

However, the alliances formed by Eurocommunist parties such as the Italian PRC and the PCF with anti-capitalist forces, including green parties, have created a paradox: the objects of the alliance have become increasingly diverse, yet their own influence and recognition have declined. Before 2008, the Italian PRC was able to maintain considerable influence within its alliances with green parties and the centre-left, affecting government policies on the environment and nuclear energy. But after 2008, the Italian PRC encountered a split crisis, fell into a severe predicament of fragmentation, and the political alliances it formed with green parties and other anti-capitalist progressive forces failed to win broader support and recognition. The results of the PCF's alliance with the Green Party in the 2020 municipal elections once attracted significant attention. In reality, however, this alliance did not greatly benefit the PCF's expansion of political influence.

但是，意大利重建共和法共等欧洲共产主义派与包括绿党在内的反资本主义力量的联盟形成了一种悖论：联盟的对象越来越多元，但自身的影响力和所获认同却在下降。2008年之前，意大利重建共也能在与绿党和中左翼的联盟中保有较大影响力，影响政府的环境政策、核能源政策等。但2008年之后，意大利重建共遭遇了分裂危机，陷入了严重的碎片化困境中，与绿党及其他反资本主义进步力量组建的政治联盟，未能赢得更广泛的支持和认同。法共与绿党联盟在2020年市政选举中取得的战果一度备受关注。但实际上，此次联盟对法共拓展政治影响力并未产生太大助益。

The influence of Eurocommunist parties in pan-European-level alliances has also declined. Until 2014, parties like the Italian PRC and the PCF still held seats in the European Parliament; for example, the Italian PRC won five seats in 2004, the PCF won two seats in both 2004 and 2009, and one seat in 2014. In the 2019 European Parliament elections, however, neither the Italian PRC nor the PCF won any seats. Yet, the Nordic member parties of the Party of the European Left, such as the Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) in Denmark and the Left Alliance (Vasemmistoliitto) in Finland—that is, the "red-green" factions within the ecological movement—maintained stable support rates and numbers of seats.

欧洲共产主义派在泛欧层面联盟中的影响也有所下降。至2014年之前，意大利重建共和法共等尚能在欧洲议会中拥有席位，如意大利重建共在2004年获得了五个席位，法共在2004年和2009年都获得了两个席位，2014年获得了一个席位。而在2019年的欧洲议会选举中，无论意大利重建共还是法共都没有再赢得欧洲议会席位。但是，欧洲左翼党的北欧成员党，如丹麦红绿联盟和芬兰左翼联盟等，即生态运动中的“红绿派”则保持了稳定的支持率和席位数。

The political alliances between European communist parties and green parties, along with the "green" adjustment of their programmatic positions, have increasingly struggled to achieve expected results in recent years. On the one hand, this is because the European socialist movement has consistently failed to emerge from its low ebb, and the organizational and political influence of the communist parties themselves is shrinking. On the other hand, with the vigorous development of the ecological movement, a phenomenon of the universalization of green values has emerged in European politics. This means that mainstream parties, as well as far-right parties and emerging populist parties, have all "borrowed" certain clauses from the green agenda, absorbing the parts that align better with their own platforms while casually discarding the more radical parts. The universalization of green politics and the role of communist parties as followers in the field of green politics have both weakened the appeal and influence of the "greening" adjustment within their own political platforms.

欧洲共产党与绿党的政治联盟及其纲领主张的“绿色”调整，近年来愈发难以取得预期效果。这一方面是由于欧洲社会主义运动一直未能走出低潮，共产党自身的组织和政治影响力都在萎缩；另一方面是由于随着生态运动的蓬勃发展，欧洲政治中出现了绿色价值观泛化的现象。这意味着主流政党，以及极右翼政党和新兴的民粹主义政党，都“借鉴”了绿色议程中某些条款的内容，吸纳其中与自身纲领更契合的部分，同时漫不经心地抛弃了更激进的部分。绿色政治的泛化以及共产党在绿色政治领域的跟随者角色，都削弱了自身政纲中“绿色化”调整的吸引力和影响力。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

The relatively strong adaptability and diversity exhibited by European capitalism in recent years, under the superposition of ecological and economic crises, has made the task of replacing capitalism more complex and difficult. This means that European communist parties must both adapt to the new demands for theoretical renewal posed by economic and social crises and political changes, and also address the negative impact that the diversification and fragmentation of the radical left camp has on building anti-capitalist alliances. In this regard, the accelerated "greening" undertaken by European communist parties from the dual dimensions of theory and political practice represents a positive response to multiple crises and difficulties.

欧洲资本主义近年来在生态危机与经济危机的叠加之下所表现出的较强的调适性和多样性，使得资本主义替代任务变得更为复杂艰难。这意味着欧洲共产党既要适应经济社会危机与政治变局对共产党理论更新的新要求，又要应对激进左翼阵营的多元化与碎片化给构建反资本主义联盟带来的消极影响。就此而言，欧洲共产党从理论与政治实践的双重维度加速进行的“绿色化”,是对多重危机和困境的一种积极应对。

From the perspective of theoretical innovation, the Italian PRC and the PCP have yet to construct a distinctive "red-green" concept, whereas the PCF, being relatively adept at absorbing and drawing upon the essence of new green issues and cultural theories, is more likely to become the vanguard of theoretical exploration and innovation in the "greening" of European communist parties in the short term. In current political practice, alliances between European communist parties and "red-green" green parties and other anti-capitalist forces are not only necessary but often urgent. Even mainstream green parties, broadly considered left-wing forces, sometimes become objects of competitive cooperation for communist parties at the local, national, and EU supranational levels in order to expand the political influence of the anti-capitalist movement. However, based on the experiences of Italy and France, alliances between communist parties, whose organizational strength and political influence are tending to weaken, and green parties cannot effectively halt the overall trend of marginalization of European communist forces.

从理论革新的角度而言，意大利重建共和葡共尚未构建出独具一格的“红绿”概念，而法共相对擅长汲取和借鉴新绿色议题和文化理论的精华，更有可能在短期内成为欧洲共产党的“绿色化”理论探索与革新的先锋。在当前的政治实践中，欧洲共产党与“红绿派”绿党及其他反资本主义力量之间的联盟不仅是必要的而且常常也是紧迫的。甚至，广义上被视为左翼力量的主流绿党，有时也成为共产党为扩大反资本主义运动政治影响而在地方、国家和欧盟超国家层面进行竞争性合作的对象。不过，就意大利和法国的经验来看，组织力量和政治影响力趋于弱化的共产党与绿党的联盟，并不能有效遏止欧洲共产主义力量总体上的边缘化态势。

Therefore, in an era where ecology is increasingly regarded by the European left as a new expression of an effective alternative to capitalism, whether in theoretical innovation or political practice, how to break the monopoly of the green parties’ vanguard role on ecological issues and the challenge this poses to class identity, and to promote popular recognition that “red is the new green,” by strengthening the communist parties’ own political construction, theoretical construction, and organizational construction, is an issue that European communist parties should actively attend to in their future “greening” process.

因此，在生态日益被欧洲左翼视为对资本主义有效替代的新表达的时代，无论在理论革新还是政治实践中，如何通过加强共产党自身的政治建设、理论建设和组织建设，去打破绿党在生态议题方面先锋性角色的垄断及其对阶级认同构成的挑战，并推动民众认同“红即新绿”,是欧洲共产党在未来的“绿色化”进程中应予以积极关注的问题。

Notes

注释

1 *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 1, 2009 edition, p. 672.

1《马克思恩格斯文集》第1卷2009年版第672页。

2 [Italian] Luciana Castellina, “Why ‘Red’ Must Also Be ‘Green’,” in [Yugoslav] Milos Nikolić, ed., *Socialism on the Threshold of the 21st Century*, Chongqing Publishing House, 1989, p. 57.

2[意]卢西亚娜·卡斯特林那《为什么“红的”也必须是“绿的”》,载于[南斯拉夫]米路斯·尼科利奇编《处在21世纪前夜的社会主义》重庆出版社1989年版第57页。

3 Xuan Chuanshu, “From Movement Type to Institutionalization: A Study of the Development Process of European Green Parties,” in *Theory and Review*, 2018, Issue 5.

3轩传树《从运动型到体制化:欧洲绿党发展进程研究》,载于《理论与评论》2018年第5期。

4 James O’Connor, *Natural Causes: Essays in Ecological Marxism*, New York: The Guilford Press, 1998, Preface, p. xi.

4James O' Connor,Natural Causes:Essays in Ecologicol Marxism,New York:The Guildford Press,1998,Preface,Xi.

5 James O’Connor, *Natural Causes: Essays in Ecological Marxism*, New York: The Guilford Press, 1998, p. 272.

5James O' Connor,Natural Causes:Essays in Ecologicol Marxism,New York:The Guildford Press,1998,p.272.

6 “Tesseramento Nazionale PRC,” http://web.rifondazione.it/home/images/2018/180504tesseramento.png.

6“Tesseramento Nazionale PRC”,http://web.rifondazione.it/home/images/2018/180504tesseramento.png.

7 PCP, “Theses – Draft Political Resolution,” http://www.pcp.pt/en/theses-draft-political-resolution-0#47.

7PCP,“Theses-Draft Political Resolution”,http://www.pcp.pt/en/theses-draft-political-resolution-0#47.

8 Jiang Hui, *New Characteristics of World Socialism in the 21st Century*, Social Sciences Academic Press, 2016, p. 21.

8姜辉《21世纪世界社会主义的新特点》社会科学文献出版社2016年版第21页。

9 “Assises Communistes de l’Écologie, le PCF Se Met au Vert,” https://www.lavantgarde.fr/assises-communistes-de-lecologie-pcf-se-met-vert/.

9“Assises Communistes de l'Ecologie,le PCF Se Met au Vert”,https://www.lavantgarde.fr/assises-communistes-de-lecologie-pcf-se-met-vert/.

10 “L’écologie au Coeur du Combat Communiste,” https://www.pcf.fr/ecologique_au_coeur_du_combat_communiste.

10“L'écologie au Coeur du Combat Communiste”,https://www.pcf.fr/ecologique_au_coeur_du_combat_communiste.

11 “Documento Finale Approvato dal IX Congresso Nazionale di Rifondazione Comunista,” http://www2.rifondazione.it/primapagina/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/documento_approvato_me.pdf.

11“Documento Finale Approvato dal IX Congresso Nazionale di Rifondazione Comunista”,http://www2.rifondazione.it/primapagina/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/documento_approvato_me.pdf.

12 “Rifondazione Comunista – Sinistra Europea all’ Assemblea nazionale ‘Ambiente e Lavoro: no al ricatto, costruiamo l’alternativa’ Brindisi – sabato 24-25 ottobre 2020,” http://web.rifondazione.it/home/index.php/territorio-e-ambiente/21972-rifondazione-comunista-sinistra-europea-all-assemblea-nazionale-ambiente-e-lavoro-no-al-ricatto-costruiamo-lalternativa-brindisi-sabato-24-25-ottobre-2020.

12“Rifondazione Comunista-Sinistra Europea all' Assemblea nazionale ‘Ambiente e Lavoro:no al ricatto,costruiamo l'alternativa’ Brindisi-sabato 24-25 ottobre 2020”,http://web.rifondazione.it/home/index.php/territorio-e-ambiente/21972-rifondazione-comunista-sinistra-europea-all-assemblea-nazionale-ambiente-e-lavoro-no-al-ricatto-costruiamo-lalternativa-brindisi-sabato-24-25-ottobre-2020.

13 “Opening of the XXI Congress of the PCP,” https://www.pcp.pt/en/xxi-congress/opening.

13“Opening of the XXI Congress of the PCP”,https://www.pcp.pt/en/xxi-congress/opening.

14 “Des Assises Communistes pour Affirmer nos Partis-pris Écologique,” https://www.pcf.fr/article_ecologie8.

14“Des Assises Communistes pour Affirmer nos Partis-pris Écologique”,https://www.pcf.fr/article_ecologie8.

15 “Statute,” https://www.european-left.org/statute/.

15“Statute”,https://www.european-left.org/statute/.

16 “Manifesto of the Party of the European Left,” https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Manifesto-European-Left_ENG.pdf.

16“Manifesto of the Party of the European Left”,https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Manifesto-European-Left_ENG.pdf.

17 “The European Left: Building Alternatives,” https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/political_theses_final_version_04.12.07_0-12.pdf.

17“The European Left:Building Alternatives”,https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/political_theses_final_version_04.12.07_0-12.pdf.

18 “Reset Europe, Go left! Overcoming Capitalism to Build a Europe of Peoples, Save the Planet and Guarantee Peace,” https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Political-Document-Final-version-EL-Congress-2019.pdf.

18“Reset Europe,Go left! Overcoming Capitalism to Build a Europe of Peoples,Save the Planet and Guarantee Peace”,https://www.european-left.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Political-Document-Final-version-EL-Congress-2019.pdf.

19 “Européennes: le Programme du Parti Communiste Français (PCF) en 2 minutes,” http://europe.vivianedebeaufort.fr/europeennes-le-programme-du-parti-communiste-francais-pcf-en-2-minutes/.

19“Européennes:le Programme du Parti Communiste Français (PCF) en 2 minutes”,http://europe.vivianedebeaufort.fr/europeennes-le-programme-du-parti-communiste-francais-pcf-en-2-minutes/.

20“Il Programma della Sinistra per le Elezioni Europee 2019”,https://www.ilpost.it/2019/05/08/programma-sinistra-elezioni-europee-2019/.

20“Il Programma della Sinistra per le Elezioni Europee 2019”,https://www.ilpost.it/2019/05/08/programma-sinistra-elezioni-europee-2019/.

21“Launching of the EL Platform on the COVID-19 Crisis”,https://www.european-left.org/campaigns/the-corona-crisis-and-the-consequences-for-european-politics/.

21“Launching of the EL Platform on the COVID-19 Crisis”,https://www.european-left.org/campaigns/the-corona-crisis-and-the-consequences-for-european-politics/.

Online editor: Zhang Jian

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