The Ideology and Political Values of European Radical Left Parties

In a historical period of deep adjustment in the international system and international order, world party politics is also amid “changes unseen in a century.” Global pandemics, economic recession, refugee crises, and other factors have triggered political upheaval and the reshaping of political forces in many countries and regions, such as the overall rise of radical right-wing parties in Europe. Equally noteworthy are the increasingly prominent European radical left forces on the European political stage, which present themselves as an alternative to neoliberal politics, hoping to offer a policy alternative distinct from mainstream European politics and the nationalist politics of the radical right. After the end of the Cold War, European communist parties generally underwent a reshaping and adjustment of political ideology, party image, political stance, and organizational structure. Since the beginning of the 21st century, European radical left parties have, on the one hand, achieved political recovery and electoral breakthroughs in many countries, becoming significant political forces and prominent presences in domestic politics, even forming governing parties or participating in government, such as the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) in Greece, Podemos in Spain, and the Left-Green Movement in Iceland. On the other hand, radical left forces remain relatively weak in Eastern Europe and parts of Western Europe, with some parties experiencing fragmentation, decline, adaptation, and transformation.

在国际体系和国际秩序深度调整的历史时期，世界政党政治也处于“百年未有之大变局”之中。全球疫情、经济衰退、难民危机等引发很多国家、地区的政坛变动和政治力量的重塑，如激进右翼政党在欧洲的整体性崛起。同样值得关注的是在欧洲政治舞台上表现日益抢眼的欧洲激进左翼力量，它们以新自由主义政治替代者的形象亮相，希望提供一种不同于欧洲主流政治、不同于激进右翼的民族主义政治的替代性政策。冷战结束后，欧洲共产党普遍经历了政治意识形态、政党形象、政治立场和组织结构的重塑与调整。进入21世纪以来，欧洲激进左翼政党一方面在很多国家实现政治上的复苏和选举突破，成为国内政坛举足轻重的政治力量和显著性存在，甚至成为执政党或政府参与者，如希腊激进左翼联盟、西班牙“我们可以”党、冰岛左翼绿色运动等。另一方面，激进左翼力量在东欧和部分西欧国家依然比较弱势，一些政党正经历着分裂、衰落、调适与变革。

In recent years, European radical left parties and the radical left politics they represent have attracted increasing academic attention both domestically and internationally, and related scholarly achievements have also made breakthrough progress. However, there are still many weak links in the current academic research on radical left parties, such as studies on the issue tendencies, policy platforms, and ideology of the European radical left from a holistic perspective. Although some scholars have focused on the ideology and platform policies of radical left parties at the national level through case studies, there is still a lack of systematic interpretation and analysis of the overall political values of radical left parties at the macro level. Therefore, this article aims to systematically sort out and distill the common political values and political orientations of the European radical left party family, starting from the theoretical research framework of party family ideology, and thereby grasp the ideology and basic political theory of this party family. On the one hand, this research can not only further expand the academic dimensions and perspectives for studying radical left parties but also lay the foundation for comparative party politics research. On the other hand, European radical left parties are an important force in world left-wing politics. Analyzing and interpreting their basic theories and political ideology can help us better understand the experiences and lessons of European left-wing party theoretical innovation and party transformation, provide useful references for the Chinese Communist Party’s governance, and thereby deepen the understanding of the laws of party political development.

近些年来，欧洲激进左翼政党及其所代表的激进左翼政治引起了国内外学界越来越多的关注，相关学术成果也取得了突破性进展。但目前学术界对激进左翼政党的研究依然存在许多薄弱环节，如整体性视野下欧洲激进左翼的议题倾向、政策纲领和意识形态研究等。虽然一些学者从个案研究层面关注了国家层面激进左翼政党的意识形态和纲领政策，但尚缺乏宏观层面对激进左翼政党的整体性政治价值观的系统性阐释和分析。因而，本文旨在从政党家族意识形态的理论研究框架出发，系统梳理和提炼欧洲激进左翼政党家族共同的政治价值观和政治取向，进而把握该政党家族的意识形态和基本政治理论。一方面，这一研究不仅可以进一步拓展学界对激进左翼政党的研究维度和视角，而且为比较政党政治研究奠定基础。另一方面，欧洲激进左翼政党是世界左翼政治的重要力量，对其基本理论和政治意识形态的分析和阐释，可以帮助我们更好地了解欧洲左翼政党理论创新、政党变革的经验和教训，为中国共产党治国理政提供有益借鉴，进而深化对政党政治发展规律的认识。

I. Party Ideology and the “Left-Right” Political Divide

一、政党意识形态与“左—右”政治分野

“Ideology” is a concept in contemporary philosophy and social sciences that is highly contested, rich in connotation, and difficult to define precisely. In the field of political science, it is commonly defined as a belief system, a set of normative and factual assumptions about the world. Ideology undoubtedly holds an indisputable central position in party politics; parties are distinguished from one another by the ideology in which they are rooted. Party ideology is like the soul of a political party; it is the sum total of a party’s values, theoretical thought, political propositions, and belief system, and it is the fundamental attribute that distinguishes one party from others. Ideology is the main reference standard for parties in formulating policy, and specific value orientations and political preferences are also the main reasons parties attract supporters. In the view of Ian Budge, in addition to the functions of marking party identity and promoting political participation, ideology also provides politicians with a broader conceptual map of politics: on the one hand, it frames the basic principles and direction of a party’s platform and policy, serving as the fundamental guideline for parties in drafting election platforms; on the other hand, it also delineates the basic policy boundaries and policy space for parties and party leaders. In this sense, because ideology embodies a party’s basic political stance and political positioning, it thus becomes an important marker for distinguishing parties. Klaus von Beyme, based on the historical origins of parties—parties spawned by similar historical conditions or representing similar interest groups—distinguished nine different “spiritual families” or “party families” in European politics: liberal and radical parties, conservative parties, socialist parties, Christian democratic parties, communist parties, peasant parties, regional and ethnic parties, extreme right-wing parties, and ecological parties.

“意识形态”是当今哲学社会科学领域中一个充满争议、内涵丰富且较难精确定义的概念。在政治科学领域，它通常被定义为一种信仰体系，一种对世界的规范性和事实性的假设。意识形态在政党政治中无疑具有不可争辩的中心地位，政党因其所根植的意识形态而相互区别。政党意识形态好比政党的灵魂，它是一个政党的价值观、思想理论、政治主张和信仰体系的总和，是一个政党区别于其他政党的基本属性。意识形态是政党制定政策的主要参照标准，特定的价值取向和政治偏好也是政党吸引支持者的主要缘由。在伊恩·巴奇（Ian Budge）看来，除了标示政党认同、推动政治参与的功能之外，意识形态还为政治家们提供一个关于政治的更加广阔的概念地图：一方面，它框定了政党纲领政策的基本原则和方向，是政党编写选举纲领的基本遵循；另一方面，它还为政党和政党领袖划定了基本的政策边界和政策空间。在此意义上，由于意识形态体现了政党的基本政治立场和政治定位，它也因此成为区分政党的重要标志。克劳斯·冯·拜梅（Klaus von Beyme）根据政党的历史起源——以类似历史条件或代表类似利益群体所催生的政党，区分了欧洲政坛中9种不同的“精神家族”或“政党家族”：自由党和激进党、保守党、社会党、基督教民主党、共产党、农民党、地区性政党和种族性政党、极右翼政党、生态党。

The “left-right” political divide has long been a core political analysis paradigm in Western political science for studying voter behavior, party positioning, and party identification. Scholars such as Russell J. Dalton have pointed out that the “left-right” political divide is the most important political cleavage in Western societies, an important marker for identifying citizen identity and party positions. The “left-right” political divide originally originated from class-based definitions of party identity. S. Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, in their explanation of different aspects of European party systems, proposed four main structural cleavages: center-periphery, church-state, urban-rural, and employer-employee, each of which generates specific issue conflicts. With the outbreak of the Industrial Revolution, the intensification of conflict between employers and employees (the bourgeoisie and the proletariat), i.e., the “class cleavage,” became the most prominent political divide and largely promoted the emergence and rise of socialist parties. Because economic issues related to class cleavages have long been central issues in the social and political life of Western societies, especially European countries, different political stances and preferences on questions such as how social resources should be distributed and how the state should intervene in the economy have also shaped the basic meaning of the “left-right” political divide. “Equality” is the most frequently used criterion to distinguish left-wing from right-wing parties. Generally speaking, the left believes that people are born equal, but social inequality is caused by political power, institutional factors, etc., and therefore advocates for achieving equality through collective ownership, economic regulation, and redistribution of social wealth; the right believes that people are born unequal, and wealth distribution is mainly the result of individual talent and effort, thus supporting private ownership and a free market system.

“左—右”政治分野一直是西方政治学界研究选民投票行为、政党定位和政党认同的核心政治分析范式。罗素·道尔顿（Russell J. Dalton）等学者指出，“左—右”政治分野是西方社会最重要的政治分野，是辨别公民认同和政党位置的重要标志。“左—右”政治分野最初缘起于以阶级为基础的政党身份认同界定。马丁·利普塞特（S. Martin Lipset）和斯坦因·罗坎（Stein Rokkan）曾在对欧洲政党体系不同面相的解释中，提出了四种主要的结构性分歧，即中央与边缘、教会与国家、城市与乡村、雇主与雇工，而每一种分歧都会产生特定的议题冲突。随着工业革命的爆发，雇主与雇工（资产阶级与无产阶级）之间冲突加剧即“阶级分歧”成为最突出的政治分野，并在很大程度上推动了社会主义政党的产生和崛起。由于与阶级分歧相关的经济议题长期以来一直是西方社会，尤其是欧洲各国社会政治生活的中心议题，而在社会资源该如何分配以及国家该如何干预经济等问题上的不同政治立场和政治偏好，也塑造了“左—右”政治分野的基本意涵。“平等”是最经常被用来区分左翼与右翼政党的标准。通常而言，左翼认为人生而平等，但由于政治权力、制度性因素等造成了社会不平等，因而主张通过集体所有制、经济规制和社会财富再分配来实现平等；右翼则认为人生而不平等，财富分配主要是个人天赋和努力的结果，因而支持私有制和自由市场制度。

II. The Ideology of European Radical Left Parties

二、欧洲激进左翼政党的意识形态

Currently, there are four main theoretical methods for determining “party families”: origin and sociology, transnational federation, party ideology or policy, and party name or label. Peter Mair and Cas Mudde point out that the core of party family classification lies in discovering a group of parties with common political goals, and a combination of the two theoretical methods of party origin and party ideology can more accurately reveal party identity characteristics. Party origin, or more precisely, based on the common “genetic” identity of parties, allows for historical analysis and long-term tracking of the identity of a specific party family, while the theoretical method of party ideology is more suitable for synchronic analysis and can reveal cross-national differences among parties.

目前，学术界对“政党家族”的判定主要有四种理论方法：起源和社会学、跨国联邦、政党意识形态或政策、政党名称或标签。彼得·梅尔（Peter Mair）和卡斯·穆德（Cas Mudde）指出，政党家族分类的核心在于发现具有共同政治目标的一组政党，而政党起源和政党意识形态两种理论方法的结合能够更加准确地揭示政党身份特征。政党起源，或者更加准确地说，基于政党共同的“基因”身份，可以对特定政党家族的身份认同进行历史分析和长期追踪，而政党意识形态理论方法更适合于共时性分析，能够揭示政党的跨国差异性。

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the “communist family” underwent intense upheaval and reorganization. Some communist parties changed their party names and ideologies, yet retained a radical left identity. Based on the common characteristics and value appeals of these parties, Western academic circles have identified a new party family within the left-wing political spectrum—the “radical left parties.” On the one hand, in terms of party origins, they are inextricably linked to communist parties, either as traditional communist parties, reformed communist parties, or left-wing or democratic socialist parties that split from communist parties. On the other hand, in terms of ideology, they either adhere to Marxism, pursue democratic socialism, or advocate a combination of socialism and post-materialism. Differences in revolutionary strategy do not hinder the ideological similarity among radical left parties. In the view of Dimitri Almeida, the similarity in radical left party identity is mainly reflected in their defense of the interests of low- and middle-income groups, their more or less explicit criticism of the existing political and economic order—especially neoliberal policies—and their occupation of a specific political space.

苏联解体东欧剧变后，“共产党家族”经历了剧烈变动与重组，一些共产党改变了政党名称和意识形态，但依然保留着激进左翼的身份认同。基于这些政党的共同特性和价值诉求，西方学界在左翼政治光谱中判定了一个新的政党家族——“激进左翼政党”。一方面，就政党起源而言，它们与共产党有着千丝万缕的关系，或者是传统的共产党，或者是经过改革了的共产党，或者是从共产党分离出来的左翼政党或民主社会主义政党；另一方面，就意识形态而言，它们或者坚守马克思主义，或者追求民主社会主义，或者主张社会主义与后物质主义的结合，革命策略的分歧并不妨碍激进左翼政党在意识形态上的相似性。在迪米特里·阿尔梅达（Dimitri Almeida）看来，激进左翼政党身份认同的相似性主要体现在，它们都捍卫中低层收入人群的利益，或多或少地批评既存的政治与经济秩序，特别是批判新自由主义政策，并占据特定的政治空间。

Currently, academia generally defines European radical left parties more precisely from the two dimensions of “radical” and “left-wing.” A classic summary comes from Luke March. “European radical left parties are ‘radical’ mainly in that: first, they oppose the basic socio-economic structure of contemporary capitalism and its values and practices (such as opposing consumerism, neoliberalism, private property, and the profit mechanism of capitalism); second, they advocate alternative economic and power structures, including the redistribution of resources from current political elites. European radical left parties are ‘left-wing’ mainly in that: first, they regard economic inequality as the foundation of existing political and social arrangements and make the realization of collective economic and social rights a primary political agenda; second, anti-capitalism is expressed more consistently than anti-democratic sentiment, although the redistributive goals of many parties may imply a thorough subversion of liberal democracy; finally, the left is internationalist, committed not only to transnational networks and global solidarity but also to seeking the global structural roots of national and regional socio-political problems (such as ‘imperialism’ or ‘globalization’).” On the one hand, as left-wing parties, European radical left parties view the capitalist system as the root of social inequality, advocate abolishing or thoroughly transforming the capitalist system, and pursue systematic, structural social change and transformation, while hoping to achieve social equality and justice through collective ownership and redistribution of social wealth. On the other hand, unlike other left-wing parties such as European social democratic parties and European green parties, European radical left parties have a more radical anti-capitalist discourse and tendency. Different degrees of left-wing radicalism are an important aspect of distinguishing left-wing parties. In comparative terms, radical left parties criticize the economic and political systems of capitalism—especially contemporary capitalist neoliberalism, market capitalism, and globalized capitalism—more fiercely than social democratic parties. They seek to further undermine the legitimacy of the capitalist political system, thereby carrying out a radical transformation of the economic and social system.

目前，学界通常从“激进”和“左翼”两个维度对欧洲激进左翼政党进行更加准确的概念界定。一个较为经典的概括来自卢克·马奇（Luke March）。“欧洲激进左翼政党之所以是‘激进的’主要表现在：首先，它们反对当代资本主义基本的社会经济结构及其价值观和实践（如反对消费主义、新自由主义、私有制和资本主义的利润机制等）；其次，它们倡导替代性的经济和权力结构，包括从当前政治精英手中进行资源的重新分配。欧洲激进左翼政党之所以是‘左翼的’主要表现在：首先，它们认为经济不平等是现有政治、社会安排的基础，并将实现集体经济和社会权利作为主要政治议程；其次，反资本主义比反民主情绪有更加一致的表达，尽管许多政党的再分配目标可能隐含着对自由民主的彻底颠覆；最后，左翼是国际主义者，它们不仅致力于跨国网络和全球团结，同时还寻求国家和区域社会政治问题的全球结构性根源（如‘帝国主义’或‘全球化’）。”一方面，作为左翼政党，欧洲激进左翼政党将资本主义制度视为社会不平等的根源，主张废除或彻底改造资本主义制度，进行系统性、结构性的社会变革与转型，同时希望通过集体所有制、社会财富的再分配来实现社会平等与正义；另一方面，区别于欧洲社会民主党、欧洲绿党等其他左翼政党，欧洲激进左翼政党有着更加激进的反资本主义话语和倾向。不同程度的左翼激进主义是区分左翼政党的重要方面。从比较意义上而言，激进左翼政党比社会民主党更加激烈地批判资本主义的经济制度和政治制度，特别是当前资本主义的新自由主义、市场资本主义、全球化的资本主义等，它们希望进一步消解资本主义政治制度的合法性，进而对经济和社会制度进行激进转型。

Although a relatively similar ideology and policy platform is sufficient to conceptualize “radical left” as a party family, the heterogeneity and diversity within the left-wing party family cannot be ignored. For example, Uwe Baches and Patrick Moreau, combining party origins and ideological characteristics, have classified contemporary radical left parties into three types: traditional Marxist-Leninist parties, “reformed” communist parties, and “red-green” parties (parties that supplement traditional economic concerns with “new left” issues). Luke March divides radical left parties into four categories: communist parties, democratic socialist parties, populist socialist parties, and social populist parties. In the view of scholars such as Raul Gomez, Luke March’s classification of radical left parties based on ideological similarity inevitably involves overlap and pays insufficient attention to differences in the degree of radicalism among parties. Accordingly, they roughly divide radical left parties into “traditional” and “new left” types. The internal differences and diversity of contemporary European radical left parties largely stem from the different historical legacies of the parties and the tortuous development of the history of the international communist movement. Since the 20th century, European communist parties have experienced multiple splits, reorganizations, and transformations. For example, in the 1970s and 1980s, some Nordic countries established “new left” or “green left” parties, and the Spanish Communist Party formed the “United Left.” At the end of the 20th century, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and the fall of the Berlin Wall, Western European communist parties faced an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy and underwent varying degrees of party reform and transformation, such as the communist parties in Italy, Germany, Finland, and Sweden. Since the 21st century, new radical left parties or new party alliances have continuously emerged, such as the German Left Party, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left, and the Spanish Podemos party. This has placed the radical left in different European countries at different stages of historical development, with varying emphases in revolutionary struggle strategies and programmatic policies.

虽然较为相同的意识形态和政策纲领足以将“激进左翼”概念化为一个政党家族，但左翼政党家族的异质性与多元性却不容忽视。例如，乌韦·巴奇（Uwe Baches）和帕特里克·莫罗（Patrick Moreau）曾结合政党起源和政党意识形态特征将当代激进左翼政党分为三种类型：传统的马克思列宁主义政党、“改革”了的共产党和“红绿”政党（在传统的经济关切基础上补充了“新左翼”议题的政党）。卢克·马奇则将激进左翼政党分为四类：共产党、民主社会主义政党、民粹社会主义政党以及社会民粹主义政党。在劳尔·戈麦斯（Raul Gomez）等学者看来，卢克·马奇基于意识形态相似性对激进左翼政党的划分不可避免地会存在重复现象，且对政党之间激进程度的差异性关注不足，据此，他们将激进左翼政党大致划分为“传统的”和“新左翼”两种类型。当代欧洲激进左翼政党内部的差异性和多样性很大程度上源于政党的不同历史遗产和国际共运史的曲折发展。20世纪以来，欧洲共产党经历了数次分裂、重组与转型。例如，20世纪70—80年代，北欧一些国家成立“新左翼”或“绿色左翼”政党，西班牙共产党组建“联合左翼”；20世纪末苏联解体东欧剧变、柏林墙倒塌后，西欧共产党面临前所未有的合法性危机，并纷纷进行了不同程度的政党变革和转型，如意大利、德国、芬兰、瑞典等国的共产党等；进入21世纪以来，一些新的激进左翼政党或新的政党联盟不断涌现，如德国左翼党、希腊激进左翼联盟、西班牙“我们可以”党等。这使得欧洲各国的激进左翼处于不同的历史发展阶段，革命斗争策略和纲领政策也各有侧重。

The European radical left parties referred to in this article are primarily those that have joined the “Party of the European Left” or hold seats in the “European United Left–Nordic Green Left” parliamentary group in the European Parliament. As a transnational party of the radical left party family, the Party of the European Left, founded in 2004, aims to build a society that transcends the logic of capitalism and patriarchy. The programmatic declaration of the Party of the European Left states: “At the domestic and international levels, we uphold the traditions and values of socialism, communism, the workers’ movement, feminism, the feminist movement and gender equality, the environmental movement and sustainable development, peace and international solidarity, human rights, humanitarianism and anti-fascism, and uphold progressive and free thought.” This also reflects, to a certain extent, the complexity of radical left forces, especially the differences in policy preferences shaped by divergent historical origins and political environments. Overall, some European radical left parties still adhere to the guiding role of Marxist theory, while other radical left parties, such as “new left” parties, have made significant adjustments and reinterpretations of their ideology, particularly in theoretical responses to currents such as democratic socialism and eco-socialism.

本文所指的欧洲激进左翼政党主要是加入 “欧洲左翼党”或在“欧洲联合左翼—北欧绿色左翼”欧洲议会党团拥有席位的政党。作为激进左翼政党家族的跨国政党，成立于2004年的“欧洲左翼党”旨在建立一个超越资本主义和父权主义逻辑的社会。“欧洲左翼党”的纲领宣言指出，“在国内以及国际层面上，我们坚持社会主义、共产主义、工人运动、女性主义、女权主义运动与性别平等、环境运动与可持续发展、和平与国际团结、人权、人道主义与反法西斯主义的传统与价值观，坚持进步与自由的思想”，这也能在一定程度上反映出激进左翼力量的复杂性，特别是相异的历史起源和政治环境所造就的政策偏好的差异。整体而言，一些欧洲激进左翼政党依然坚持马克思主义理论的指导地位，另一些激进左翼，如“新左翼”政党则对其意识形态进行了较大的调整和重新阐释，特别是对民主社会主义和生态社会主义等理论思潮进行了理论回应。

Traditional radical left parties, such as the Communist Party of Greece, the Portuguese Communist Party, the French Communist Party, and the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy, continue to regard classical Marxism as the guiding ideology of the party. For example, the Portuguese Communist Party states in its party program: “The ideological foundation of the Portuguese Communist Party is Marxism-Leninism, a dialectical materialist worldview, a scientific tool for analyzing reality, and a practical guide for action, which is continuously renewed and enriched through the progress of knowledge and experience.” “The highest goal of the party is to build socialism and communism, freeing society from capitalist exploitation and oppression.” The Communist Party of Greece also states in its program that its guiding ideology is the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary worldview. Apart from communist parties, some radical left parties also take Marxism as one of the guiding ideologies of the party, particularly incorporating Marxism’s political-economic critique of capitalist society and its ideas for constructing a future socialist and communist society.

传统的激进左翼政党，如希腊共产党、葡萄牙共产党、法国共产党、意大利重建共等，继续将经典马克思主义作为政党的指导思想。例如，葡萄牙共产党在党纲中指出，“葡萄牙共产党的意识形态基础是马克思列宁主义，一个辩证唯物主义的世界观，一个分析现实的科学工具，一个实践的行动指南，它通过知识和经验的进步而不断得到更新，变得更加丰富”，“党的最高目标是建设社会主义和共产主义，使社会摆脱资本主义的剥削和压迫”。希腊共产党也在纲领中指出，希共的指导思想是马克思列宁主义的革命世界观。除共产党之外，有的激进左翼政党也将马克思主义作为政党指导思想之一，特别吸纳了马克思主义对资本主义社会的政治经济学批判和对未来社会主义、共产主义社会的构建等思想。

The successor parties of Western European communist parties (democratic left-wing parties) and newly established “new left-wing” parties have basically ceased to uphold communist convictions, undergoing ideological de-radicalization. Since the 1990s, as European social democratic parties moved to the right on the political spectrum, “democratic socialism” began to be used as a term by some radical left-wing parties. The German Left Party, the Spanish United Left, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left, the Czech Social Democratic Party, the Swiss Labour Party, the Dutch Socialist Party, and some Nordic radical left-wing parties all take democratic socialism as their party’s goal. They have abandoned the strategic choice of violent revolution, advocating the realization of socialism through parliamentary democracy, supporting the welfare state and public ownership, and generally opposing the social democratic parties’ neoliberal politics. For example, the German Left Party stated in its 2011 program: “We want to establish a democratic socialist society—a society that recognizes freedom and equality, where the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. We are committed to changing political discourse, hoping to open the way for a fundamental transformation of society, ultimately overcoming capitalism.” In the view of these parties, their “democratic socialism” more firmly holds to the traditional positions of social democratic parties, that is, defending the goals of traditional democratic socialism, emphasizing the relationship between democracy and socialism, economic equality, social justice, public ownership, and state welfarism. Some European radical left-wing parties have potentially become “democratic socialist,” in fact acting as “guardians of traditional social democratic values and policies,” a role that often sparks internal party controversy.

西欧共产党的后继党（民主左翼政党）以及新成立的“新左翼”政党基本上都不再坚守共产主义信仰，进行了意识形态的去激进化。20世纪90年代以来，随着欧洲社民党向政治谱系的右边移动，“民主社会主义”开始成为一部分激进左翼政党的术语。德国左翼党、西班牙联合左翼、希腊激进左翼联盟、捷克民社党、瑞士工党、荷兰社会党以及部分北欧激进左翼政党，都将民主社会主义作为政党奋斗目标。它们放弃了暴力革命的策略选择，主张通过议会民主来实现社会主义，支持福利国家、公有制，整体上反对社民党的新自由主义政治。例如，德国左翼党在2011年的纲领中指出：“我们希望建立一个民主社会主义社会——一个承认自由与平等，每个人的自由发展是所有人发展的条件的社会。我们致力于政治话语的改变，希望为社会的根本转型开辟道路，最终克服资本主义。”在这些政党看来，它们的“民主社会主义”更多固守社民党的传统阵地，即捍卫传统民主社会主义的目标，强调民主与社会主义的关系、经济平等、社会正义、公共所有权与国家福利主义等。一些欧洲激进左翼政党潜在地“民主社会主义化”，事实上已成为“传统社会民主主义价值观和政策的监护人”，这一角色定位也经常引起党内争议。

At the same time, the political ideological positioning of some “new left-wing” radical left-wing parties, especially “green left-wing” parties, is deeply influenced by eco-socialism. Eco-socialism, as a green left-wing social trend of thought, emerged in the 1970s and can be seen as a theoretical response of Marxism (socialism) to global ecological and environmental issues. For example, the Portuguese Left Bloc redefined itself as an “eco-socialist” party at its fifth party congress in 2007. The Portuguese Left Bloc criticized the environmental pollution, large-scale consumption of fossil fuels, climate crisis, and environmental plunder and pollution diffusion in North-South relations caused by capitalist productivist and consumerist models, and called for integrating ecological revolution into the process of socialist transformation, achieving a marriage of environmental justice and social justice. The political stances of radical left-wing parties in Iceland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, and Finland are all close to “eco-socialism.” For instance, the Finnish Left Alliance is committed to achieving an ecologically sustainable and socially equal “red-green” future; the Swedish Left Party positions itself as a socialist and feminist party based on ecological considerations.

同时，一些“新左翼”激进左翼政党，特别是“绿色左翼”政党的政治意识形态定位则深受生态社会主义的影响。生态社会主义作为一种绿色左翼社会思潮，兴起于20世纪70年代，它可以被看作马克思主义（社会主义）对全球生态环境问题的一种理论回应。例如，葡萄牙左翼联盟在2007年召开的第五次党代会上将自己重新定位为“生态社会主义”政党。葡萄牙左翼联盟批判了资本主义的生产主义模式和消费主义模式所造成的环境污染、化石燃料的大规模消耗和气候危机以及南北关系中的环境掠夺和污染扩散，并呼吁将生态革命纳入社会主义转型过程，实现环境正义和社会正义的联姻。冰岛、挪威、丹麦、瑞典、芬兰等国激进左翼党的政治立场，都接近于“生态社会主义”。例如，芬兰左翼联盟致力于实现一个生态可持续和社会平等的“红绿”未来；瑞典左翼党将自己定位为一个基于生态考量的社会主义和女性主义政党。

III. The Political Values of European Radical Left-Wing Parties

三、欧洲激进左翼政党的政治价值观

Although there are still ideological divisions within the European radical left-wing party family—such as the anti-system parties with distinct ideological colors represented by the Communist Party of Greece and the Portuguese Communist Party, and the realist reformist parties that downplay ideology represented by the German Left Party, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left, and the Swedish Left Party—as parties belonging to the same party family, they share considerable commonalities and similarities in political concepts and values. The political identity of European radical left-wing parties is mainly built on two dimensions: comprehensive criticism of capitalism and the core political demands of socialism. Radical left-wing parties at the national level have similar yet different interpretations of the party’s fundamental principles. For example, the German Left Party regards democracy, freedom, equality, justice, internationalism, and solidarity as its most fundamental values; the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic takes building a free, equal, and democratic socialist society as its goal; the basic values of the Finnish Left Alliance are equality, freedom, and sustainable development. By examining the political programs of radical left-wing parties across Europe, we can summarize their common political creeds and value orientations.

虽然欧洲激进左翼政党家族内部依然存在着意识形态的割裂，如以希腊共产党、葡萄牙共产党等为代表的具有鲜明意识形态色彩的反体制政党，以德国左翼党、希腊激进左翼联盟、瑞典左翼党等为代表的淡化意识形态的现实主义改革派政党，但作为同一政党家族的政党，它们在政治理念和价值观层面具有较大的共性和相似性。欧洲激进左翼政党的政治认同主要建立在对资本主义的全方位批判和社会主义的核心政治诉求两个维度之上。国家层面的激进左翼政党对政党的根本原则有着类似却又具有差异性的阐释，如德国左翼党将民主、自由、平等、正义、国际主义与团结视为最根本的价值观；捷克波希米亚和摩拉维亚共产党则将建设一个自由、平等、民主的社会主义社会当作奋斗目标；芬兰左翼联盟的基本价值观是平等、自由与可持续发展。梳理欧洲各国激进左翼政党的政治纲领，我们可以概括其共同的政治信条和价值取向。

1. Equality and Social Justice

1.平等与社会正义

Equality and social justice are the most fundamental value principles and political goals of all left-wing parties, including radical left-wing parties; “equality is the starting point of all left-wing thinking and action.” European radical left-wing parties generally believe that all people are equal and have the right to a quality life, and equality is an important standard for measuring education, work, life, gender, age, and income. European radical left-wing parties are committed to eliminating the huge disparities and inequalities in income, property, and power caused by ownership: “Our goal is human liberation, freeing people from all forms of oppression, exploitation, and exclusion.” In terms of content, this mainly includes economic equality, social equality, and gender equality.

平等与社会正义是所有左翼政党，包括激进左翼政党最根本的价值原则和政治目标，“平等是所有左翼思考和行动的出发点”。欧洲激进左翼政党普遍认为，所有人都是平等的，都有享受优质生活的权利，而平等是衡量教育、工作、生活、性别、年龄、收入的一个重要标准。欧洲激进左翼政党致力于消除因所有权而导致的收入、财产、权力的巨大差别和不平等，“我们的目标是人类解放，使人们免受任何形式的压迫、剥削和排斥”。就其内涵而言，主要包括经济平等、社会平等、性别平等。

First, the equal right of all people to work and income. Defending the basic rights and interests of the working class and middle- and lower-class people is rooted in the core political identity of European radical left-wing parties. Therefore, the basic goal of European radical left-wing parties is to eliminate mass unemployment and create conditions for realizing the right to work for all citizens. In the view of European radical left-wing parties, work is an important part of social status and self-respect, a basic right of citizens, and an important way to realize personal value. European radical left-wing parties hope to provide people with more job opportunities and better jobs through economic growth, eliminate the gap between rich and poor and class differences in society, and achieve the sharing of social wealth. For example, the “Party of the European Left” called in its program document at the fourth congress for stopping austerity policies to avoid human and humanitarian disasters, achieving a general increase in wages in all regions of Europe, and introducing a minimum wage system across Europe through legislation or collective agreements. European radical left-wing parties also oppose all forms of precarious work and propose reducing working hours without lowering wages. For example, the German Left Party advocates banning temporary work, achieving equal pay for contract workers, temporary workers, and regular employees, and introducing flexible wage subsidies for contract and temporary workers.

第一，所有人获得工作和收入的平等权利。捍卫工人阶级以及中下层民众的基本权益根植于欧洲激进左翼政党的核心政治认同，因而，欧洲激进左翼政党的基本目标就是消除大规模失业，为实现所有公民的工作权利创造条件。在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，工作是社会地位和自我尊重的重要组成部分，是公民的基本权利，也是实现个人价值的重要途径。欧洲激进左翼政党希望通过经济增长，为人们提供更多的工作机会与更好的工作，消除社会的贫富差距和阶级差别，实现社会财富的共享。例如，“欧洲左翼党”在第四次代表大会纲领文件中呼吁，停止紧缩政策以避免人类以及人道主义的灾难,实现欧洲所有地区工资的普遍增长，并希望通过立法或者集体协定的方式在整个欧洲范围内引入最低工资制。欧洲激进左翼政党还反对一切形式的不稳定工作，建议在不降低薪水的情况下减少工作时间。例如，德国左翼党主张禁止临时性的工作，实现合同工、临时工与企业员工的同工同酬，引入灵活性的合同工和临时工的工资津贴。

Second, the equal right of all people to social welfare. European radical left-wing parties emphasize that all people have the equal right to enjoy quality medical services, free education, elderly care, quality daily care, and other social services. Therefore, strengthening social public services and welfare state construction, and building a society shared by all based on solidarity and social justice, are the basic visions of these parties. For example, the Finnish Left Alliance points out that the Left Alliance aims to eliminate obstacles to a good life caused by age, gender, ethnic belief, language, health, disability, gender preference, and place of residence, and is committed to achieving the well-being of all people and balanced regional development. The basic prerequisites for achieving these goals are a strong public ownership economy, substantial state investment and subsidies in social welfare, and the public ownership and democratic management of basic public services. In this sense, European radical left-wing parties oppose neoliberal economic policies at the national and EU levels, oppose the privatization of public services, and oppose cuts in public sector spending. In their view, the extreme austerity policies implemented by various countries, the privatization of public goods, cuts in public spending, and the large-scale shrinkage of the welfare state all serve the dominant position and interests of capital, and Europe has fallen into crisis and turmoil due to this extreme liberal EU model.

第二，所有人获得社会福利的平等权利。欧洲激进左翼政党强调，所有人都拥有平等的权利享受优质的医疗服务、免费教育、老年护理、有质量的日常护理以及其他社会服务。因而，强化社会公共服务和福利国家建设，构建一个基于团结、社会正义的全民共享的社会，是这些政党的基本愿景。例如，芬兰左翼联盟指出，左翼联盟旨在消除因年龄、性别、民族信仰、语言、健康、残疾、性别偏好以及居住地而造成的对美好生活的障碍，致力于实现所有人的福祉以及地区的平衡发展。实现这些目标的基本前提是拥有强大的公有制经济、国家对社会福利的大量投资和补贴以及基本公共服务的公有化和民主化管理。正是在这个意义上，欧洲激进左翼政党反对国家和欧盟层面的新自由主义的经济政策，反对公共服务的私有化，反对公共部门开支的削减。在它们看来，各国所推行的极端紧缩政策、公共物品的私有化、公共支出的削减以及福利国家的大规模缩水等都服务于资本的统治地位和利益，欧洲也因这一极端的自由主义欧盟模式而陷入危机和动荡。

Third, gender equality and equal rights for special groups. Equality between men and women, as an important aspect of social equality, is one of the major political demands of the European radical left. Some European radical left-wing parties even directly position themselves as feminist parties, such as the Norwegian Socialist Left Party, the Swedish Left Party, the Austrian Communist Party, and the German Left Party. In the view of European radical left-wing parties, capitalist relations of production and patriarchal social structures subordinate women to men, making women the greatest victims in an oppressed position, with fewer job opportunities and lower wages than men, and gender relations have permeated all areas of social relations. Therefore, European radical left-wing parties argue that gender should not be a determinant of power and resources, that individual freedom cannot be restricted on the basis of gender, and that men’s dominant position and women’s subordinate status are not natural laws. For example, the Norwegian Socialist Left Party regards women’s liberation as the fourth major task of the party and states in its program: “Gender discrimination, male violence against women, and other inequalities between men and women are the biggest problems troubling women. If we are to achieve full equality, we must eliminate this oppressive structure.” The United Left of Spain also takes feminist proposals as one of its core demands and goals, arguing that “the feminist revolution must be at the heart of all left-wing social transformation policies” and that “feminism, as a philosophical and political practice, is a pillar of our political transformation.”

第三，性别平等与特殊群体的平等权利。男女平等作为社会平等的重要方面，是欧洲激进左翼的重要政治诉求之一，一些欧洲激进左翼政党还直接将自己定位于女性主义政党，如挪威社会主义左翼党、瑞典左翼党、奥地利共产党、德国左翼党等。在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，资本主义生产关系以及父权制社会结构使得女性附属于男性，女性成为最大的受害者并处于受压迫的地位，女性比男性拥有更少的工作机会、更少的工资待遇，性别关系已渗透到社会关系的各个领域。因此，欧洲激进左翼政党主张性别不应该成为权力和资源的决定因素，个人自由不能因为性别而受到限制，男性的优势地位以及女性的附属地位并不是自然法则。例如，挪威社会主义左翼党将女性解放视为党的第四大任务，并在纲领中指出：“性别歧视、男性对女性的暴力以及其他的男女不平等现象，是困扰女性最大的问题。如果我们要实现完全的平等，就必须消除这种压迫性结构。”西班牙联合左翼也将女性主义提案作为其核心诉求和奋斗目标之一，认为“女性主义革命必须是左翼所有社会转型政策的核心”，“女性主义作为一种哲学和政治实践，是我们政治转型的支柱”。

In addition, European radical left-wing parties oppose racism, social exclusion, and discrimination, and call for safeguarding the equal rights of special social groups, such as immigrants, refugees, the elderly, the disabled, retirees, and homosexuals. The principle of humanitarianism is the basic stance of radical left-wing parties in various European countries on refugee policy. Their common consensus is that all people seeking political asylum on European soil should be guaranteed a dignified right to survival and equal social rights, so that they are not discriminated against on the basis of race, gender, religious belief, country, nationality, or social background, and that a multicultural society based on peace, social solidarity, equal rights, and understanding should be established. Guaranteeing the rights of the disabled is also an important demand of European radical left-wing parties. For example, the Left Bloc of Portugal emphasizes that obstacles to the independent living of disabled people caused by architectural barriers, inappropriate public transport, and social discrimination should be eliminated, enabling them to better integrate into society and enjoy equal rights in public transport, culture and education, unemployment benefits, vocational training, and employment. At the same time, radical left-wing parties actively advocate respect for sexual orientation and gender identity.

除此之外，欧洲激进左翼政党还反对种族主义、社会排斥与歧视，呼吁保障特殊社会群体,如移民、难民、老年人、残疾人、退休者、同性恋者的平等权利。人道主义原则是欧洲各国激进左翼政党难民政策的基本立场，它们的基本共识是应保障欧洲土地上所有寻求政治庇护的人们体面的生存权利和平等的社会权利，使他们不因种族、性别、宗教信仰、国家、民族或者社会背景而受到歧视，建立一个基于和平、社会团结、平等权利和理解的多元文化社会。保障残疾人的权利也是欧洲激进左翼政党的重要诉求之一。例如，葡萄牙左翼联盟强调应消除因建筑障碍、公共交通不当、社会歧视而对残疾人独立生活造成的障碍，使他们更好地融入社会，享有公共交通、文化与教育、失业救济金、职业培训、就业等方面的平等权利。同时，激进左翼政党还积极倡议尊重性取向和性别认同。

2. Democracy

2.民主

As one of the core political concepts of European radical left-wing parties, democracy is a key element elaborated in the programs of parties in various countries. For example, both the United Left of Spain and the Portuguese Communist Party set their party’s goal as “advanced democracy.” The “advanced democracy” framework of the United Left of Spain is to establish a federal republic that defends freedom and political participation and guarantees the economic, social, and cultural well-being of citizens. The Portuguese Communist Party declares that it strives for the causes of freedom, democracy, social progress, peace, social solidarity, and national sovereignty and independence, and regards “advanced democracy” as an important component of the future vision of socialism and communism, including political democracy, economic democracy, social democracy, and cultural democracy.

作为欧洲激进左翼政党的核心政治理念之一，民主是各国政党纲领中重点阐释的内容。例如，西班牙联合左翼和葡萄牙共产党都将政党的奋斗目标设定为“先进民主”。西班牙联合左翼的“先进民主”框架是建立一个捍卫自由和政治参与，保障公民经济、社会和文化福祉的联邦共和国家。葡萄牙共产党宣称要为自由、民主、社会进步、和平、社会团结和国家主权独立等事业而奋斗，并将“先进民主”作为未来社会主义和共产主义社会愿景的重要组成部分，包括政治民主、经济民主、社会民主和文化民主。

European radical left-wing parties particularly emphasize the intrinsic connection between democracy and socialism in their political programs: “Socialism and democracy are inseparable; without democracy, socialism is merely a form; without democracy, socialism loses its humanistic content.” Radical left-wing parties across Europe unanimously agree that democracy is an important means of achieving socialism and is also an inherent meaning and essential requirement of socialism. Without democracy, it is impossible to truly realize the common decision-making of citizens, and the socialist goal of freedom and liberation for all people will become a mere formality. As the Austrian Communist Party points out: “A truly socialist society must take democratic self-governance as a prerequisite. Socialism must implement the social interests of the majority; democracy and socialism are inseparable.” The Left Alliance of Finland, the French Communist Party, the Socialist Party of the Netherlands, the German Left Party, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia of the Czech Republic, and the Left Party of Luxembourg all emphasize that the realization of the party’s core concepts and basic value goals requires a profound democratic transformation of society. For example, the Left Alliance of Finland states: “The basic values of the Left Alliance (equality, freedom, and sustainable development) can only be truly realized in a democratic state, where every citizen has the right to political action.” In the view of the Left Party of Luxembourg, democracy connects social justice, ecologism, feminism, and practical politics; democracy means that all members of society can participate in shaping their living conditions.

欧洲激进左翼政党在政治纲领中特别强调了民主与社会主义的内在关联：“社会主义与民主是不可分割的，没有民主，社会主义只是一种形式；没有民主，社会主义就失去了其人文内涵”。欧洲各国激进左翼政党一致认为，民主是实现社会主义的重要手段，也是社会主义的题中之义和内在要义。如果没有民主，也就不可能真正地实现公民的共同决定，所有人的自由和解放的社会主义目标也会流于形式。正如奥地利共产党所指出的：“一个真正的社会主义社会必须将民主自治作为前提。社会主义要执行大多数人的社会利益，民主与社会主义不可分割。”芬兰左翼联盟、法国共产党、荷兰社会党、德国左翼党、捷克波希米亚和摩拉维亚共产党、卢森堡左翼党等纷纷强调，政党的核心理念和基本价值目标的实现需要社会进行深刻的民主化转型。例如，芬兰左翼联盟指出：“左翼联盟的基本价值观（平等、自由与可持续发展）只有在民主国家里才能真正实现，在那里，每个公民都享有政治行动的权利。”在卢森堡左翼党看来，民主将社会正义、生态主义、女性主义以及实际政治串联起来，民主意味着所有社会成员能够参与塑造他们的生活条件。

European radical left-wing parties advocate for comprehensive democratization in areas such as politics, economy, education, science, media, and the environment. For example, in the 2015 Spanish general election, the “Podemos” party summarized its issues into six aspects: economic democracy, social democracy, political democracy, civic democracy, international democracy, and grassroots democracy. In the view of European radical left-wing parties, globalized capitalism is leading to the concentration of economic power and the weakening of democratic power. In other words, the power of capital (capital owners) is stronger than the power of democracy, and politics is being hijacked by the economy. “In Europe, in each of our countries, the people are suffering from the globalized capitalist policies implemented by governments for big capital and interest groups, policies that undermine the social solidarity and social welfare won through great struggles.” Therefore, to avoid the privatization and marketization of public services such as social security systems, healthcare, and education, as well as natural resources, it is necessary to overcome the rule of capital over power, so that “the power of democracy must be stronger than capital.” Specifically, the political demands of European radical left-wing parties regarding democracy include: democracy in the economic sphere, limiting the power of capital and financial markets, ensuring the democratization and transparency of macroeconomic decision-making processes, and guaranteeing workers’ democratic planning of the economy; democracy in the political sphere, strengthening citizens’ political participation, establishing democratic control mechanisms and anti-corruption mechanisms, and promoting electoral system and constitutional reforms; democracy in the social sphere, implementing more democratic, decentralized, and modern management of public services to better guarantee everyone’s social rights; and democracy in the environmental sphere, strengthening information disclosure on global climate issues and enhancing the socialization and democratic control of energy and electricity production.

欧洲激进左翼政党主张实现政治、经济、教育、科学、媒体、环境等领域的全面民主化。例如，在2015年西班牙大选中，“我们可以”党将其议题集中概括为经济民主、社会民主、政治民主、公民民主、国际民主、基层民主等六个方面。在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，全球化的资本主义正导致经济权力的集中和民主权力的弱化。换言之，资本（资本所有者）的力量强于民主的力量，政治正被经济所绑架。“在欧洲，在我们每一个国家，人民都在遭受政府为了大资本和利益集团而实施的全球化资本主义政策的痛苦，这些政策损害了通过伟大斗争赢得的社会团结和社会福祉。”因此，要避免社会保障制度、医疗健康和教育等公共服务、自然资源的私有化和市场化，就必须克服资本对权力的统治，使得“民主的力量必须比资本更加强大”。具体而言，欧洲激进左翼政党在民主方面的政治诉求包括：经济领域的民主，限制资本和金融市场的权力，确保宏观经济决策进程的民主化和透明化，保障工人对经济的民主规划；政治领域的民主，强化公民的政治参与，建立民主控制机制和反腐败机制，推动选举制度和宪法改革等；社会领域的民主，对公共服务实施更加民主化、去中心化、现代化的管理以更好地保障每个人的社会权利；环境领域的民主，强化对全球气候问题的信息公开，加强对能源和电力生产的社会化和民主化控制等。

3. Freedom and Solidarity

3.自由与团结

Marx and Engels’ exposition in the *Communist Manifesto* on the future socialist and communist society has become the basic vision of European radical left-wing parties for a future socialist society: “In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” European radical left-wing parties are committed to the liberation of humanity, to the freedom of all people rather than a minority, and to defending everyone’s right to pursue happiness and the right to comprehensive and free development. Freedom and solidarity are key terms in the political programs of these parties. For example, the Portuguese Communist Party emphasizes in its program: “The party’s primary goal is to build socialism and communism—a new society free from exploitation, oppression, inequality, injustice, and social calamity, a new society with highly developed productive forces, scientific and technological progress, and a greater degree of economic, social, political, and cultural democracy sufficient to guarantee the freedom, equality, high living standards, culture, ecological balance, and universal respect of workers and the people.”

马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中关于未来社会主义、共产主义的阐述，成为欧洲激进左翼政党对未来社会主义社会的基本愿景：“代替那存在着阶级和阶级对立的资产阶级旧社会的，将是这样一个联合体，在那里，每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件。”欧洲激进左翼政党致力于实现人的解放，致力于实现所有人而不是少数人的自由，致力于捍卫每个人追求幸福的权利和全面自由发展的权利。自由与团结是这些政党政治纲领的重要关键词。例如，葡萄牙共产党在纲领中强调：“党的首要目标是建设社会主义和共产主义——一个摆脱剥削、压迫、不平等、不正义和社会灾难的新社会，一个生产力高度发展、科学技术进步以及更大程度的经济、社会、政治和文化民主足以保障工人及人民的自由、平等、高标准生活水平、文化、生态平衡和普遍尊重的新社会。”

For European radical left parties, although freedom creates more possibilities for individuals to realize their potential, this does not mean that freedom has no boundaries. Compared with other parties, radical left parties place greater emphasis on freedom based on solidarity, holding that individual freedom is meaningful only within society, and that freedom is always linked to social responsibility and solidarity. In other words, a community based on the principle of solidarity is the prerequisite for freedom. Social solidarity means that in a pluralistic and integrated society, all people are mutually dependent and interdependent. It is in this sense that European radical left parties stress that the community or the state has a responsibility to remove obstacles to the realization of individual freedom and social equality, and to provide assistance and care for socially disadvantaged groups and those who are oppressed and exploited. As the Norwegian Socialist Left Party points out, “Freedom requires the expansion of rights and the enhancement of democracy, while also requiring economic prosperity and social security to provide a foundation for individual choice.”

对于欧洲激进左翼政党而言，虽然自由为个人实现其潜能创造了更多可能性，但这并不意味着自由没有界限。与其他政党相比，激进左翼政党更加强调建立在团结基础上的自由，认为个人自由只有在社会中才有意义，自由总是与社会责任和团结联系在一起。换句话说，基于团结原则的共同体是自由的前提条件。社会团结意味着在一个多元融合的社会中所有人都相互依赖、相互依存。正是在这个意义上，欧洲激进左翼政党强调共同体或国家有责任消除实现个人自由和社会平等的障碍，有责任对社会弱势群体、受压迫和剥削的群体进行帮扶和关照。正如挪威社会主义左翼党所指出的，“自由要求扩大权利和增强民主，同时也需要经济繁荣和社会保障为个人选择提供基础”。

A basic consensus among European radical left parties is that the capitalist system and the patriarchal social structure are the greatest obstacles and threats to the realization of freedom and solidarity. Under the capitalist system, everything is commodified, from labor to relations between people to all aspects of life; “the capitalist economic system considers individuals only in terms of their usefulness as commodities, as producers and consumers of commodities.” At the same time, capitalism intensifies the patriarchal oppression of women, while the commodification of the relationship between humans and nature under capitalist conditions has also triggered a global ecological and environmental crisis. On this basis, European radical left parties call for an end to all forms of exploitation, alienation, domination, discrimination, poverty, and inequality, for the breaking of oppressive power relations and the cessation of the destruction of nature, and ultimately for the replacement of the capitalist system. In the view of European radical left parties, values such as freedom and solidarity do not exist in isolation but are closely linked to values such as equality and democracy; “freedom without equality ultimately leads to oppression, while equality without freedom ultimately leads to exploitation.” For example, the German Left Party emphasizes that a basic idea running through its political program is: “The free development of each individual, under conditions of self-determined life and solidarity, is realized through the equal sharing of social goods; we regard this as the primary guiding principle of a solidarity-based society. There, the dominance of profit will be overcome, and stable, good living conditions for all will be the goal of economic management.” Many European radical left parties point out that the comprehensive democratization of all spheres of society is the most important pathway to achieving value goals such as freedom, solidarity, equality, and social justice.

欧洲激进左翼政党的一个基本共识是，资本主义制度和父权制社会结构是实现自由和团结的最大障碍和最大威胁。在资本主义制度中，一切都被商品化，从劳动到人们之间的关系再到生活的各个方面，“资本主义的经济制度只考虑个人作为商品的有用性，作为一个生产者和商品的消费者”。同时，资本主义还加剧了父权制对女性的压迫，而资本主义条件下人与自然关系的商品化也引发了全球性生态危机和环境危机。基于此，欧洲激进左翼政党呼吁结束所有形式的剥削、异化、统治、歧视、贫穷、不平等，打破压迫性的权力关系并停止对自然的破坏，最终实现对资本主义制度的替代。在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，自由、团结等价值观并非孤立地存在，而是与平等、民主等价值观密切关联，“没有自由的平等最终导致压迫，而没有平等的自由最终导致剥削”。例如，德国左翼党就强调，贯穿其政治纲领的一个基本思想是：“每个人的自由发展在自决生活和团结的条件下，通过社会平等分享而得以实现；我们认为这是一个以团结为基础的社会的首要指导原则。在那里，利润的统治地位将被克服，人人享有稳定的、美好的生活条件将是经济管理的目标。”许多欧洲激进左翼政党指出，社会各个领域的全面民主化是实现自由、团结、平等与社会正义等价值目标的最重要途径。

4. Sustainable Development

4.可持续发展

Although “red-green” parties in the Nordic region, such as the Norwegian Socialist Left Party, began to adopt the “New Left” political agenda as early as the 1960s and 1970s, integrating environmental protection and feminism into traditional left-wing political programs, most European radical left parties’ attention to green and sustainable development issues mainly emerged in the 1990s. The drivers of the “green turn” among European radical left parties are, on the one hand, that green issues successfully achieved “politicization” during this period, becoming an important policy area in Western party competition and domestic political agendas, with the international community and national governments also actively responding to global climate and ecological issues at this time. On the other hand, in addition to the potential electoral threat posed by European Green parties, Western European communist parties after the end of the Cold War generally faced the important tasks of renewing their political programs and transforming their parties. Absorbing “new politics” issues and theoretical discourses such as environmentalism and feminism, thereby reshaping the left-wing image, became a realistic choice for many radical left parties. For example, the Socialist Party of the Netherlands declared in its 1999 basic program its commitment to building a sustainable society. At its 33rd Congress in 2004, the Communist Party of Austria redefined its party identity, stating that socialism requires the greening of the economy. The Icelandic Left-Green Movement, founded in 1999, set its party goals as striving for equality, justice, women’s liberation, environmental protection, and world peace. The Danish Red-Green Alliance, founded in 1989, aims to combine the politics of social change with the politics of addressing major environmental issues, both domestically and internationally.

虽然挪威社会主义左翼党等北欧地区的“红绿”政党早在20世纪六七十年代就开始接受“新左翼”政治议程，将环境保护、女性主义等融入传统左翼的政治纲领，但欧洲大部分激进左翼政党对绿色和可持续发展议题的关注主要发生于20世纪90年代。欧洲激进左翼政党的“绿色转向”的动因，一方面是源于绿色议题在这一时期成功地实现了“政治化”，成为西方国家政党竞争和国内政治议程中的重要政策领域之一，国际社会和各国政府也在此时对全球气候问题、生态问题进行积极回应；另一方面，除了欧洲绿党所带来的潜在选举威胁外，冷战结束后的西欧共产党普遍面临政治纲领革新和政党转型的重要任务，吸纳环境主义、女性主义等“新政治”议题和理论话语，进而实现左翼形象的重塑，成为很多激进左翼政党的现实选择。例如，荷兰社会党在1999年党的基本纲领中宣称，要致力于建立一个可持续发展的社会；在2004年的第33次代表大会上，奥地利共产党对政党的身份认同进行了重新定位，并指出社会主义要求经济的绿化；成立于1999年的冰岛左翼绿色运动的政党目标定位是，争取平等、正义、妇女解放、环境保护和世界和平；成立于1989年的丹麦“红绿”联盟的宗旨是，在国内和国际层面将社会变革的政治与解决重大环境问题的政治结合起来。

European radical left parties view the ecological crisis as an important manifestation of the overall crisis of capitalism, arguing that it is the capitalist system that has led to the imbalance in the relationship between humans and nature and in the global ecosystem. Climate and environmental problems and ecological disasters are “the direct consequence of the pursuit of capital accumulation and profit maximization under capitalist relations of production.” Capitalist development is rooted in market rationality; driven by the logic of profit maximization, all things are commodified, and enterprises produce without considering ecological and social consequences, shifting environmental costs onto the public. In the view of European radical left parties, humanity consumes the earth’s rare and non-renewable resources in the name of progress, only to serve the interests of a minority. Unsustainable models of productivism and consumerism destroy the common foundation of human and natural life. “Solving environmental problems and combating global poverty are the greatest challenges of our time. Without ecological sustainability, a just world is impossible.”

欧洲激进左翼政党将生态危机看作资本主义总体性危机的重要表现，认为正是资本主义制度导致了人与自然关系以及全球生态系统的失衡，气候环境问题和生态灾难是“资本主义生产关系下，追求资本增殖和利润最大化的直接后果”。资本主义的发展根植于市场理性，在利润最大化的逻辑驱动下，所有事物被商品化，企业生产也不考虑生态和社会后果，将环境成本转嫁给公众。在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，人类以进步之名消耗着地球上的稀有资源和难以再生的资源，只是为了服务于少数人的利益，不可持续的生产主义模式和消费主义模式破坏着人与自然共同生活的基础。“解决环境问题以及与全球贫困作斗争是我们时代最大的挑战。没有生态可持续性，就不可能有一个公正的世界。”

European radical left parties call for alternative models to the current development paradigm, redefining commonly concerned modes of production, consumption, and trade, shifting from profit-oriented growth to sustainable development, and overcoming the dominance of capital through democratic, social, and ecological forces. In the long term, socialism requires correctly handling the relationship between human needs and nature, achieving the harmonious coexistence of humans and nature. This means that economic development must conform to ecological principles and the principle of sustainable development; it cannot disregard individual health, education, morality, or cultural development; it must consider the environmental, cultural, and social significance of economic development; resources should be used “better” rather than “more.” European radical left parties are committed, through social-ecological transformation and by incorporating more environmental considerations into political decision-making, to fundamentally changing people’s modes of production and life, achieving environmental justice and social justice. In terms of specific environmental demands, European radical left parties advocate for protecting biodiversity, developing “GMO-free” agriculture, opposing the privatization of public transportation and water resources, encouraging rail and other public transport, promoting the vigorous development of renewable energy, strengthening subsidies for eco-friendly automobiles, public transport, and renewable energy, and gradually phasing out nuclear energy. It is worth noting that, compared with other parties, the green initiatives of European radical left parties have more social dimensions of concern. For example, the Swiss Party of Labour and the Spanish United Left both emphasize that access to water and healthy food is a basic human right, that the ownership and public management of strategic natural resources are crucial, that the commodification of water, energy, air, and soil must be prevented, that the democratization and socialized control of energy production and distribution processes must be achieved, and that the oligopolistic control of the energy sector must be ended to serve society.

欧洲激进左翼政党呼吁寻找当前发展模式的替代性方案，重新定义人们普遍关心的生产、消费、贸易方式，将以利润为导向的增长转换到可持续发展，用民主、社会以及生态的力量来克服资本的统治地位。从长远来看，社会主义要求正确处理人类需求与自然的关系，实现人与自然的和谐共生。这意味着，经济发展必须符合生态原则和可持续发展原则，不能置个人健康、教育、道德、文化发展于不顾，必须考虑经济发展的环境、文化和社会意义，应该“更好”而不是“更多”地利用资源。欧洲激进左翼政党致力于通过社会—生态的转型，通过在政治决策中纳入更多的环境因素考量，从根本上改变人们的生产、生活方式，实现环境正义和社会正义。从具体环境诉求看，欧洲激进左翼政党倡导保护生物多样性，发展“无转基因”农业，反对公共交通、水资源的私有化，鼓励铁路等公共交通运输，主张大力发展可再生能源，加强对生态友好型汽车与公共交通、可再生能源的补贴，逐步淘汰核能。值得指出的是，与其他政党相比，欧洲激进左翼政党的绿色倡议有更多社会维度的关切。例如，瑞士工党和西班牙联合左翼都强调水资源的获取、饮食健康是一项基本人权，战略性自然资源的所有权和公共管理至关重要，要防止水、能源、空气和土壤的商品化，要实现能源生产和分配过程的民主化和社会化控制，结束能源部门的寡头垄断并为社会服务。

5. Peace and Internationalism

5.和平与国际主义

Internationalism was once a very important principle of the Communist Party. According to the vision of Marx and Engels, communism and socialism can only be realized on a worldwide scale; therefore, they called for “proletarians of all countries, unite!” European radical left-wing parties have inherited the value pursuit of internationalism, committing themselves to promoting worldwide peace and disarmament, changing the unequal world economic order, fostering fair international cooperation and trade, and eliminating all forms of oppression and exploitation on a global scale. For example, the Communist Party of Greece points out that “from its founding, the Communist Party of Greece has always been loyal to the principle of proletarian internationalism, defending the socialist construction of the Soviet Union, Europe, Asia, and other countries such as Cuba,” and “expressing solidarity with the struggles of the world working class, fighting for the people’s national liberation and socialism.” The Communist Party of Austria also emphasizes that “internationalism is a core of communist politics,” and that “overcoming the capitalist system, although requiring the basic framework of nation-state social and political struggle, also requires international trade unions and left-wing forces.” The Portuguese Communist Party also positions itself as a party of patriotism and internationalism, a party united with other communist and revolutionary progressive forces in the world, and considers it crucial to strengthen and develop the operational capacity of the international communist and revolutionary movement.

国际主义曾是共产党非常重要的原则，根据马克思恩格斯的设想，共产主义、社会主义只有在全世界范围内才能实现，因此，他们呼吁“全世界无产阶级联合起来”。欧洲激进左翼政党传承了国际主义的价值追求，致力于推动世界范围内的和平与裁军，改变不平等的世界经济秩序，促进国际间公平的合作和贸易，消除全球范围内各种形式的压迫和剥削。例如，希腊共产党指出，“从成立之初，希腊共产党就一直忠诚于无产阶级国际主义的原则，捍卫了苏联、欧洲、亚洲和古巴其他国家的社会主义建设”，“声援世界工人阶级的斗争，为争取民族解放和社会主义的人民而奋斗”。奥地利共产党也强调，“国际主义是共产主义政治的一个核心”，“克服资本主义制度尽管需要民族国家社会和政治斗争的基本框架，但也需要国际的工会、左翼力量”。葡萄牙共产党也将自己定位为一个爱国主义和国际主义的政党，一个同世界其他共产党和革命进步力量团结在一起的政党，并认为强化和发展国际共产主义和革命运动的行动能力至关重要。

From the perspective of European radical left-wing parties, peace is a prerequisite for all human development. Therefore, they oppose all forms of imperialism and war, militarism, military conflicts at the national or regional level, arms races, weapons of mass destruction, and oppose their own country’s military participation in any war. They advocate for peace and disarmament, ban arms exports, and hope to dissolve NATO and other military alliances, promote the global disarmament process, and rebuild the international economic order. Building a world of peace, sharing, solidarity, and without weapons is the political vision of European radical left-wing parties. European radical left-wing parties call for full respect for international law and human rights, maintaining world peace and international security based on the fundamental principles of the United Nations, strengthening international solidarity and civil rights, promoting economic development, ending the economic exploitation of the Third World, and enabling everyone to live a dignified life through the equal sharing of world resources.

在欧洲激进左翼政党看来，和平是人类一切发展的先决条件。因此，它们反对一切形式的帝国主义与战争、军国主义、国家或地区层面的军事冲突、军备竞赛、大规模杀伤性武器，反对本国军队参与任何战争，倡导和平与裁军，禁止武器出口，同时希望解散北约以及其他军事同盟，推动世界裁军进程，重建国际经济秩序。建立一个和平、分享、团结、没有武器的世界，是欧洲激进左翼政党的政治愿景。欧洲激进左翼政党呼吁充分尊重国际法和人权，基于联合国基本原则维护世界和平与国际安全，加强国际团结和公民权利，促进经济发展，结束对第三世界的经济剥削，通过平等地分享世界资源使得每个人都能过上体面的生活。

European radical left-wing parties point out that the currently dominant process of capitalist globalization clearly has imperialist characteristics, at the expense of the interests of the majority. To build a more democratic, peaceful, and united world, power and resources must be redistributed on a global scale—that is, global economic power relations must be adjusted in favor of poor countries. This is also an important task facing European radical left-wing parties. “To have a just and peaceful world, a thorough redistribution of power and resources is needed.” European radical left-wing parties take the global resistance to the neoliberal order and the capitalist system as important goals, calling for the unity of the global workers’ movement with Europe’s left-wing movements and progressive forces, strengthening exchanges and cooperation with Latin America, the Mediterranean region, the African continent, and the BRICS countries, to replace the neoliberal capitalist hegemony. “In the current struggle for European economic, social, and political integration, an internationalist dimension needs to be incorporated, so that the popular elements of the European continent can synchronize with progressive solidarity forces around the world.” Based on the value recognition and consensus of a community with a shared future for mankind, European radical left-wing parties call for strengthening the unity and cooperation of the international left, jointly building a fairer, more united, and more democratic world. In terms of specific policy demands, European radical left-wing parties call for the universalization of basic rights for workers in work and life, and the right to collective bargaining; full cooperation on global climate issues, with responsible global efforts to avoid ecological disasters and achieve global justice and sustainable development; global taxation on speculative capital transfers to avoid tax evasion by the rich, building a fairer, more effective, and more supportive global economic and financial system; and safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of immigrants and the right to asylum for refugees, preventing xenophobia and racism.

欧洲激进左翼政党指出，当前占支配地位的资本主义全球化进程明显地具有帝国主义的特征，以牺牲大多数人的利益为代价。如果要建立一个更加民主、和平、团结的世界，就必须在全球范围内重新分配权力和资源，即全球的经济权力关系必须向着有利于贫穷国家的方向调整，这也是摆在欧洲激进左翼政党面前的重要任务。“为了拥有一个公正与和平的世界，需要对权力和资源进行彻底的重新分配。”欧洲激进左翼政党将全球性的反抗新自由主义秩序、反抗资本主义制度作为重要目标，呼吁全球范围内的工人运动与欧洲的左翼运动、进步力量联合起来，加强与拉丁美洲、地中海地区、非洲大陆以及金砖四国的交流与合作，以替代新自由主义的资本主义霸权。“在当前欧洲经济、社会和政治一体化的斗争中，需要纳入国际主义的维度，以便使欧洲大陆的流行元素能与世界各地的进步团结力量同步。”基于人类命运共同体的价值认知和共识，欧洲激进左翼政党呼吁加强国际左翼的团结和合作，共同建设一个更加公平、更加团结、更加民主的世界。在具体政策诉求方面，欧洲激进左翼政党呼吁在全世界普及工人工作生活的基本权利、集体谈判的权利；在全球气候问题上通力合作，以负责任的全球努力避免生态灾难，实现全球正义和可持续发展；在全球范围内对投机性资本转移进行征税，避免富人们的逃税政策，建设一个更公平、更有效和更具支持性的全球经济和金融体系；保障移民的合法权益和难民庇护权，防止仇外心理和种族主义等。

IV. Conclusion

四、结 语

Equality and social justice, democracy, freedom and solidarity, sustainable development, peace and internationalism constitute the political ideas and value pursuits of most European radical left-wing parties, and these basic political creeds and values are important foundations for the governance programs and political demands of parties in various countries. The ideology of European radical left-wing parties is a radicalization of mainstream political concepts; they criticize the capitalist system more sharply and thoroughly than the center-left social democratic parties. Whether communist parties or democratic left-wing parties, they position themselves in fundamental opposition to capitalism, neoliberalism, and imperialism, believing that it is the capitalist system that has caused unprecedented economic crises, financial crises, ecological crises, civilizational crises, social crises, wars, exploitation of workers, and oppression of women. Therefore, they have launched comprehensive and systematic sharp critiques of the capitalist system. European radical left-wing parties hope to achieve socialism and social equality through structural social-ecological transformation, collective ownership, and redistribution of social wealth, building a democratic, social, ecological, and peaceful socialist society.

平等与社会正义、民主、自由与团结、可持续发展、和平与国际主义构成了大部分欧洲激进左翼政党的政治理念和价值追求，而这些基本的政治信条和价值观是各国政党施政纲领和政治诉求的重要依托。欧洲激进左翼政党的意识形态是主流政治观念的激进化，它比中左翼的社民党更加鲜明、更加彻底地批判资本主义制度。无论是共产党，还是民主左翼政党，都将自己置于资本主义、新自由主义以及帝国主义的根本性的反对地位，认为正是资本主义制度造成了前所未有的经济危机、金融危机、生态危机、文明危机、社会危机、战争、对工人的剥削和对女性的压迫等，因而，它们对资本主义制度进行了全方位、系统性的尖锐批判。欧洲激进左翼政党希望通过结构性的社会生态转型、集体所有制、社会财富再分配等来实现社会主义与社会平等，构建一个民主的、社会的、生态的与和平的社会主义社会。

Overall, European radical left-wing parties exhibit common “party family” characteristics, with key identity markers and relatively consistent value concepts that distinguish them from other parties, such as center-left social democratic parties and center-right conservative parties. Of course, it should be noted that the commonality of ideas is also constrained by specific national contexts. In fact, there are significant differences among European radical left-wing parties in terms of discourse systems, party goals, methods of struggle, alliance strategies, and policy demands. The ideology of European radical left-wing parties reflects contradictions and tensions between consistency and heterogeneity, stability and innovation, and ideals and reality. On the one hand, European radical left-wing parties share a common anti-capitalist political identity; on the other hand, their ideologies are diverse, with some believing in Marxism while others resort to democratic socialism or eco-socialism. At the same time, European radical left-wing parties have a relatively stable and sustained radical left-wing political identity, but they also adjust and innovate their ideologies according to changes in the conditions of the times to maintain the flexibility and adaptability of their political ideology, such as absorbing “new politics” like environmentalism and feminism. Thus, their political programs reflect, to varying degrees, a blend of “old politics” and “new politics.” European radical left-wing parties also face the conflict between ideals and reality, namely, how to transcend the capitalist constitutional order within the capitalist system. Some European radical left-wing parties, especially communist parties, position themselves as anti-system parties. They generally face the task of systemic integration and need to carefully handle the “party ideology paradox.” The Communist Party of Greece and the Portuguese Communist Party have consistently maintained relatively distinct ideologies, defending the firmness and purity of communist ideology, adhering to the traditional revolutionary political discourse system, and making fewer compromises with realism; while the Left Bloc in Portugal, the Coalition of the Radical Left in Greece, the Left Alliance in Finland, and the Left Party in Sweden have more moderate ideologies. They have gradually embraced “new politics” issues, established a more flexible “new left” party image, and maintained pragmatism at an invisible level.

总体而言，欧洲激进左翼政党展现出共同的“政党家族”特征，其关键的身份标识和较为一致的价值理念使之区别于其他政党，如中左翼的社民党和中右翼的保守党等。当然，需要指出的是，理念的共通性也受制于具体的国家情境，事实上，欧洲各国激进左翼政党在话语体系、政党目标、斗争方式、联盟策略、政策诉求等方面也存在着较大的差异。欧洲激进左翼政党的意识形态体现出一致性与异质性、稳定性与创新性、理想与现实之间的矛盾与张力。一方面，欧洲激进左翼政党有着共同的反资本主义政治认同，另一方面，欧洲激进左翼政党的意识形态却呈现出多样性，一些信仰马克思主义，而另一些则诉诸民主社会主义或生态社会主义。同时，欧洲激进左翼政党拥有较为稳定与持续的激进左翼政治认同，但也会根据时代条件变化而对意识形态进行调适和创新，以保持政治意识形态的弹性和适应性，如对环境主义、女性主义等“新政治”的吸收，因而，它们的政治纲领在不同程度上体现着“旧政治”和“新政治”的糅合。欧洲激进左翼政党还面临理想与现实之间的矛盾冲突，即如何在资本主义制度内实现对资本主义宪政秩序的超越。一些欧洲激进左翼政党，特别是共产党将自己定位为反体制政党，它们普遍面临体制性整合的任务，需审慎地处理“政党意识形态悖论”。希腊共产党、葡萄牙共产党一贯保持着较为鲜明的意识形态，捍卫共产主义意识形态的坚定性和纯粹性，坚守着传统的革命政治话语体系，较少向现实主义妥协；而葡萄牙左翼联盟、希腊激进左翼联盟、芬兰左翼联盟、瑞典左翼党等政党的意识形态则更加温和，它们逐渐接纳了“新政治”议题，树立起更有弹性的“新左翼”政党形象，在不可见层面保持着实用主义。

Although in the current turbulent situation full of uncertainty and risk, European radical right-wing parties, whose main political demands are anti-immigration, anti-EU and racism, are more obviously the harvesters of floating voters and protest voters dissatisfied with mainstream politics, yet under the increasingly radicalized socioeconomic and political situation of intensifying inequality, European radical left parties still have the space and potential to mobilize their core voters. The political ideology and values of European radical left parties are not only important guides and basic principles for their specific programs and policies, but also significantly influence the reality and possibility of party alliances and transnational cooperation. Influenced by factors such as historical origins and political culture, communist parties in some European countries refuse to cooperate and form alliances with domestic parties with a "new left" tendency, and also refuse to join the European-level "Party of the European Left." [6]6 The Party of the European Left is a pan-European political party founded in 2004, bringing together socialist, communist, and left-green parties from EU member states and other European countries. Moreover, the historical ties, even historical entanglements, between European radical left parties and social democratic parties also affect alliances and cooperation between them, such as the German Left Party. In addition, many radical left parties that are increasingly becoming "social democratic" and "de-radicalized," especially the "green left" parties in the Nordic region, have achieved better institutional integration and political cooperation due to the commonality in political concepts with left-wing parties such as social democratic parties and green parties, but they also face the risk of being "tamed" by power and having a blurred image.

尽管在当前充满不确定性和风险的动荡时局中，以反移民、反欧盟和种族主义为主要政治诉求的欧洲激进右翼政党更明显地是流动选民和对主流政治不满的抗议选民的收割者，但在日益激进化、不平等加剧的社会经济、政治形势下，欧洲激进左翼政党依然具有动员其核心选民的空间和潜能。欧洲激进左翼政党的政治意识形态和价值观不仅是其具体纲领政策的重要指引和基本遵循，而且在很大程度上影响着政党联盟、跨国合作的现实性和可能性。受历史起源、政治文化等因素影响，欧洲一些国家的共产党拒绝与国内具有“新左翼”倾向的政党进行合作与联盟，也拒绝加入欧洲层面的“欧洲左翼党”。而欧洲激进左翼政党与社民党之间的历史渊源甚至是历史纠葛，也影响着彼此之间的联盟与合作，如德国左翼党。此外，很多日渐“民主社会主义化”和“去激进化”的激进左翼政党，特别是北欧地区的“绿色左翼”政党，虽由于与社民党、绿党等左翼政党在政治理念层面的共通性更好地实现了体制性融合和政治合作，但它们也面临被权力“驯服”和形象模糊的风险。

References:

参考文献：

[1]1 The BRICS countries originally referred to Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa; the term has since expanded to include other major emerging economies. Ren Junfeng: *Beyond Left and Right? A Comparative Study of Party Politics in the Five Nordic Countries*, Shanghai: Shanghai Joint Publishing Press, 2012.

[1]任军锋：《超越左与右？——北欧五国政党政治比较研究》，上海：上海三联书店，2012年。

[2]2 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) is a Western military alliance founded in 1949, often criticized by left-wing parties as an instrument of U.S. imperialism. Yang Yunzhen: *A Study of Contemporary Western European Extreme Right-Wing Parties*, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2012.

[2]杨云珍：《当代西欧极右翼政党研究》，上海：上海人民出版社，2012年。

[3]3 The Third World is a Cold War-era term for countries not aligned with either the capitalist or communist blocs, often used to refer to developing nations. Yu Wujin: *On Ideology*, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2009.

[3]俞吾金：《意识形态论》，北京：人民出版社，2009年。

[4]4 A community with a shared future for mankind is a key concept in Xi Jinping Thought, emphasizing global cooperation and mutual benefit. Huan Qingzhi: "Western Green Left Political Theory Since the 21st Century," *Marxism and Reality*, No. 3, 2011.

[4]郇庆治：《21世纪以来的西方绿色左翼政治理论》，《马克思主义与现实》2011年第3期。

[5]5 The Left Bloc (Portugal), Coalition of the Radical Left (Greece), Left Alliance (Finland), and Left Party (Sweden) are examples of European radical left-wing parties that have moderated their ideologies compared to traditional communist parties. Paolo Chiocchetti, *The Radical Left Party Family in Western Europe, 1989-2015*, Abingdon, New York: Routledge, 2017.

[5]Paolo Chiocchetti， The Radical Left Party Family in Western Europe，1989-2015，Abingdon， New York: Routledge， 2017.

[6]6 The Party of the European Left is a pan-European political party founded in 2004, bringing together socialist, communist, and left-green parties from EU member states and other European countries. Yiannos Katsourides, *Radical Left Parties in Government: The Cases of SYRIZA and AKEL*, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

[6]Yiannos Katsourides，Radical Left Parties in Government：The Cases of SYRIZA and AKEL,London: Palgrave Macmillan，2016.

[7] Christoffer Green-Pedersen, *The Reshaping of West European Party Politics: Agenda-Setting and Party Competition in Comparative Perspective*, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019.

[7]Christoffer Green-Pedersen, The Reshaping of West European Party Politics: Agenda-Setting and Party Competition in Comparative Perspective，Oxford: Oxford University Press，2019.

(The author is an associate professor at the School of Marxism, Beihang University)

（作者系北京航空航天大学马克思主义学院副教授）

Online editor: Xinran

网络编辑：欣然

Source: *Studies on Marxism*, Issue 1, 2021.

文章来源：《马克思主义研究》2021年第1期。