On the Characteristics and Development Trends of American Left-Wing Thought in the Post-Crisis Era

The capitalist economic crisis triggered by the 2008 international financial crisis was a total eruption of the inherent contradictions of capitalism, and its essence was a crisis of the capitalist system. In recent years, although some countries have gradually emerged from the quagmire of the economic crisis, their inherent basic contradictions have not been fundamentally resolved, crises in various fields are intertwined, and most capitalist countries are struggling. In this complex situation, left-wing individuals express their political views and interest demands through various means, causing left-wing thought to exhibit some new characteristics. This article attempts to analyze the main characteristics and development trends of American left-wing thought in the post-crisis era, striving to provide a unique perspective for our understanding of the development of capitalist countries under the changes unseen in a century.

2008年国际金融危机引发的资本主义经济危机，是资本主义固有矛盾的总爆发，其实质是资本主义制度危机。近年来，虽然一些国家逐步走出了经济危机的泥潭，但其固有的基本矛盾并未得到根本解决，各领域危机相互交织，多数资本主义国家举步维艰。在这种复杂情况下，左翼人士通过各种方式表达政治主张和利益诉求，使左翼思潮呈现出一些新特征。本文试图分析后危机时代美国左翼思潮的主要特征及发展趋势，尝试为我们理解百年未有之大变局下资本主义国家的发展提供一个独特视角。

I. Main Characteristics of American Left-Wing Thought in the Post-Crisis Era

一、后危机时代美国左翼思潮的主要特征

Since entering the post-crisis era, combined with actual development, various political forces and their representative figures in capitalist countries have put forward various plans to resolve the crisis, forming a variety of social trends of thought in fields such as philosophy, economics, political science, sociology, and Marxist theory. In the United States, left-wing individuals use the annual Left Forum in New York to express their political views and interest demands, proposing different plans to change the multiple crises of capitalist countries. These plans exhibit the following three new characteristics.

进入后危机时代以来，结合发展实际，资本主义国家的各种政治力量及其代表人物纷纷提出解决危机的各种方案，在哲学、经济学、政治学、社会学、马克思主义理论等领域形成各种各样的社会思潮。在美国，左翼人士利用一年一度的纽约左翼论坛表达自己的政治主张和利益诉求，为改变资本主义国家的重重危机提出不同方案，这些方案呈现出以下三方面新特征。

First, different viewpoints exhibit characteristics of both mutual superimposition and integration. In the international financial crisis, capitalist countries faced a situation where economic crises, ecological crises, social crises, and other crises were superimposed. Correspondingly, left-wing trends of thought such as eco-socialism, democratic socialism, feminist socialism, and Marxism have all put forward relevant insights. Eco-socialists propose that the capitalist mode of production is the chief culprit leading to the global ecological crisis, and that capitalist countries need a socialist revolution, which should be both people-oriented and ecological in nature. This trend of thought attempts to use Marxist methods to re-examine the relationship between humanity and nature, as well as the relationship between ecological issues and the capitalist system, seeking realistic plans and pathways for realizing eco-socialism. Democratic socialists propose that left-wing individuals should fully utilize the existing electoral system of capitalism, adopt correct strategies, win elections, and ultimately achieve social change. This trend of thought claims to be "socialism," but it is actually the "petty-bourgeois socialism" long criticized by Marx and Engels; it advocates reforming existing relations of production without changing the capitalist system. Feminist socialists pay more attention to issues such as gender discrimination and racial oppression, proposing that true women's liberation should be comprehensive liberation, including the economic sphere. Although this trend of thought has a certain progressive role in women's opposition to the capitalist system, it has significant limitations because many of its propositions are divorced from reality, or even contain elements of utopian socialism. Marxists focus on interpreting classical Marxist theory, proposing the need for thorough revolution, ultimately achieving the transition to socialism. On one hand, these left-wing trends of thought are mutually superimposed because they all propose their own plans targeting the crisis of the capitalist system, with different emphases and thus different interest demands; on the other hand, they are mutually integrated, as most plans point towards a transition to socialism, differing only in pathways, methods, and means.

第一，不同观点呈现出既相互叠加又融合的特征。在国际金融危机中，资本主义国家出现经济危机、生态危机、社会危机等各种危机叠加的局面。与之相对应，生态社会主义、民主社会主义、女权社会主义、马克思主义等左翼思潮均有针对性地提出了相关见解。生态社会主义者提出，资本主义生产方式是导致全球生态危机的罪魁祸首，资本主义国家需要社会主义革命，应兼具人民性和生态性。该思潮试图通过马克思主义方法，重新检讨人类与自然界的关系以及生态问题与资本主义制度的关系，寻求生态社会主义实现的现实方案和途径。民主社会主义者提出，左翼人士要充分运用资本主义现有选举制度，采取正确的策略，获取选举的胜利，最终实现社会变革。该思潮号称“社会主义”，但却是马克思、恩格斯早就批判过的“小资产阶级的社会主义”，它主张在不改变资本主义制度的基础上改良现有生产关系。女权社会主义者则更多关注性别歧视、种族压迫等问题，提出真正的妇女解放应是包括经济领域在内的全面解放。该思潮虽然在妇女反对资本主义制度上有一定进步作用，但由于许多主张脱离实际，甚至带有空想成分，具有很大的局限性。马克思主义者则注重对马克思主义经典理论进行阐释，提出要进行彻底的革命，最终实现向社会主义过渡。这些左翼思潮一方面相互叠加，是因为它们都针对资本主义制度危机提出了各自的方案，侧重点不同，利益诉求也就不同；另一方面它们又相互融合，大多数方案指向过渡到社会主义，只是途径、方式、手段有所不同。

Second, some major American left-wing trends of thought attempt to move towards practice. Currently, most left-wing trends of thought remain at the level of academic discussion, on one hand criticizing the existing capitalist system, and on the other hand also defending the existing capitalist system. In the post-crisis era, left-wing individuals use the Left Forum, the largest activity platform in North America, to gradually attempt to convert their political demands into action plans. On this platform, left-wing organizations and political parties such as the Union for Radical Political Economics, the Democratic Socialists of America, the Communist Party USA, the Socialist Party USA, and the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA are all active. They propose that, facing the situation of intensified capitalist injustice and prominent social contradictions, it is necessary to identify weaknesses in the capitalist system and establish a united and independent left-wing political party, thereby enabling the proletariat to compete politically with bourgeois parties. This independent left-wing political party should be an autonomous party, the most conscious and purposeful part of the proletariat. They also propose that left-wing political parties and organizations should formulate unified strategies and tactics to accelerate the transition to socialism in the United States. They believe that the rise of socialist thought in the United States in recent years and the growth of radical left-wing alliances in Europe have made left-wing forces in the capitalist world increasingly powerful. Therefore, left-wing individuals should strengthen the anti-monopoly alliance. This indicates that, in the post-crisis era, left-wing individuals are not satisfied with academic discussion but are eager to convert left-wing thought into action plans; they are not satisfied with making piecemeal repairs within the capitalist framework but aim to achieve thorough social change.

第二，美国一些主要左翼思潮尝试走向实践。当前左翼思潮大多停留于学术探讨层面，一方面对现存资本主义制度进行批判，另一方面也为现存资本主义制度进行辩护。后危机时代，左翼人士利用左翼论坛这个北美最大的活动舞台，逐渐尝试将自己的政治诉求转换成行动方案。在这一舞台上，激进政治经济学联盟、民主和社会主义联合委员会、美国民主社会主义联盟、美国共产党、美国社会主义党、美国革命共产党等左翼组织和政党均活跃其中。他们提出，面对资本主义不公平加剧、社会矛盾突出的局面，要找出资本主义体制中的弱点，建立一个联合且独立的左翼政党，从而使无产阶级在政治上与资产阶级政党相互竞争。这个独立的左翼政党应是一个自治的政党，是无产阶级中最自觉、最有目的的一部分。他们还提出，左翼政党和组织要制订统一的战略和战术，加快美国向社会主义转变。他们认为，近年来社会主义思潮在美国的兴起以及欧洲激进左翼联盟的壮大，使资本主义世界的左翼力量日益强大。因而，左翼人士应当加强反垄断联盟。这表明，在后危机时代，左翼人士并不满足于学术探讨，而是迫不及待地要将左翼思潮转换为行动方案；并不满足于在资本主义框架内的修修补补，而是要实现社会的彻底变革。

Third, socialist thought is gradually reviving in the United States. In the 1960s, accompanied by the New Left movement in the United States, Marxism spread rapidly in America, forming some influential academic groups and schools of thought. However, as neoliberalism came to dominate capitalist countries, Marxism gradually declined. In the post-crisis era, Western societies generally recognize that Marxism is a powerful weapon for understanding and criticizing capitalism, and that resolving the crisis of the capitalist system cannot be separated from Marxism. In the 2016 U.S. presidential election, Bernie Sanders stirred up a "socialist" whirlwind, rekindling American society's interest in "socialism." Some young people who were originally indifferent to politics began to develop a favorable impression of socialism. They believe that the socialist label is not so frightening, that socialism is not an improvement of capitalism but an alternative to capitalism, and that it will ultimately succeed. In fact, in recent years, Marxism has produced a large number of research results in fields such as economics, philosophy, political science, and international relations in the United States, to a certain extent leading to a revival of Marxism in America.

第三，社会主义思潮逐渐在美国走向复兴。20世纪60年代，伴随着美国新左派运动的开展，马克思主义在美国迅速传播，形成了一些影响较大的学术团体和学术流派。但随着新自由主义在资本主义国家占据主导地位，马克思主义逐渐走向低谷。后危机时代，西方社会普遍认识到马克思主义是认识和批判资本主义的强大武器，破解资本主义制度危机，离不开马克思主义。在2016年美国大选中，伯尼·桑德斯掀起“社会主义”旋风，重新引发了美国社会对“社会主义”的兴趣。一些原本对政治漠不关心的青年群体，开始对社会主义产生好感。他们认为，社会主义标签并不那么可怕，社会主义不是资本主义的改良，而是资本主义的替代品，且最终会取得成功。事实上，近年来马克思主义在美国的经济学、哲学、政治学、国际关系学等领域产生了大量研究成果，一定程度上使马克思主义在美国走向了复兴。

It is worth noting that some left-wing scholars and left-wing organizations hope to establish a unified left-wing political party to realize the conversion of left-wing thought "from thought to action." However, due to their unclear objectives, theoretical disunity, and uncoordinated actions, this goal is difficult to achieve. Some left-wing scholars conduct in-depth research on Marxism, proposing new viewpoints based on the current development status of capitalism. However, their research exhibits a tendency towards "re-examination" and "re-study," as well as "communication" and "synthesis" with the theories of other schools, causing it to show theoretical inclinations towards Sraffian, Post-Keynesian, modern institutional, and some neoclassical economics. Therefore, regarding American left-wing thought in the post-crisis era, we must conduct dialectical analysis and objective understanding.

值得注意的是，一些左翼学者和左翼组织希望通过建立一个统一的左翼政党，实现左翼思潮“从思潮到行动”的转换，但由于他们目的不明确、理论不统一、行动不协调，这一目标很难实现。一些左翼学者深入研究马克思主义，结合资本主义发展现状提出了一些新观点，但他们的研究具有“重新探讨”和“重新研究”以及与其他流派的理论进行“沟通”和“综合”的趋势，使之呈现出斯拉法、后凯恩斯学派、现代制度学派以及一些新古典经济学的理论倾向。因此，对于后危机时代的美国左翼思潮，我们要辩证分析、客观认识。

II. Cultural Roots of the Development of American Left-Wing Thought in the Post-Crisis Era

二、后危机时代美国左翼思潮发展的文化根源

Looking at American left-wing thought in the post-crisis era, pragmatism is ubiquitous. The renowned scholar Laski pointed out in his introduction to Tocqueville's *Democracy in America*: "The Americans are a practical people, not very good at thinking. They consider immediate interests in everything, rather than pursuing long-term interests. What they value is what can be reached, touched, actually exists, and can be valued in money." This pragmatic spirit permeates all aspects of American society, and left-wing thought is no exception.

纵观后危机时代的美国左翼思潮，实用主义无处不在。著名学者拉斯基在为托克维尔《论美国的民主》所做的导言中指出：“美国人是一个讲究实际的民族，不大善于思考。他们凡事考虑眼前的利益，而不大追求长远的利益。他们所重视的，是够得到、摸得着、切实存在并能用金钱估价的东西。”这种实用精神渗透于美国社会的各个方面，左翼思潮也不例外。

American pragmatism originated in the late 19th century, with its representative figures being William James and Charles Sanders Peirce, and was later developed and expanded by John Dewey and others. Supported by the American bourgeoisie, it became the most representative philosophical school native to the United States. In his collection of lectures *Pragmatism and Other Essays*, James argued that truth is instrumental and beneficial. He said: “Ideas (which themselves are but parts of our experience) become true just in so far as they help us to get into satisfactory relations with other parts of our experience, to summarize them and get about among them by conceptual short-cuts instead of following the interminable succession of particular phenomena. Any idea upon which we can ride, so to speak; any idea that will carry us prosperously from any one part of our experience to any other part, linking things satisfactorily, working securely, simplifying, saving labor; it is true for just so much, true in so far forth, true *instrumentally*.” [1]1 “American socialist exceptionalism” (美国社会主义例外论): A thesis arguing that the absence of a strong socialist movement in the United States is due to unique American conditions, such as high wages, political democracy, and social mobility. Peirce, in “The Fixation of Belief,” wrote: “The object of reasoning is to find out, from the consideration of what we already know, something else which we do not know. Consequently, reasoning is good if it be such as to give a true conclusion from true premises, and not otherwise. Thus the question of its validity is purely one of fact and not of thinking.” [2]2 Adolf Cluss (阿道夫·克路斯): A German-born engineer and journalist who was a close associate of Marx and Engels and helped spread Marxism in the United States in the 1850s. The above views of James and Peirce were primarily directed against traditional metaphysics represented by Kant. Classical pragmatism abandoned traditional monistic ontology or substantive metaphysics, aiming to emphasize the importance of experience, nature, action, and practice for the realization of individual good and public good, and opposing individual worship of traditional authority. We can understand pragmatism from the perspectives of empirical naturalism, pragmatism, and experimentalism: a “hypothesis” is true if and only if it is useful. This is the pragmatic rule. The “advantage” of pragmatism lies in its allowing humans to choose to focus on problems and to evaluate them based on “whether they can bring satisfactory results.” This pragmatic attitude made pragmatism an important tool for Americans seeking a perfect society. Dewey brought American pragmatism to a peak and is known as “the great synthesizer of classical pragmatist philosophy.” [3]3 Joseph Weydemeyer (约瑟夫·魏德迈): A German-born military officer and journalist, a close comrade of Marx and Engels, who became a leading figure in the early American socialist movement. He established a new form of pragmatism, which he called “empirical naturalism” or “instrumentalism,” emphasizing “practical application,” regarding truth as a kind of “good,” and believing that the procedure for producing well-founded hypotheses is itself valuable and serves the common interests of humanity. In general, the philosophical attitude propagated by pragmatism, that “what is useful is true,” is the main value orientation of Americans in handling various affairs. It is the most representative philosophical attitude of the United States and has had a significant impact on American culture and values.

美国实用主义最早起源于19世纪末，代表人物是威廉·詹姆斯、查尔斯·桑德斯·皮尔士，后来由约翰·杜威等人发展壮大，受到美国资产阶级的扶持，成为美国本土最具代表性的哲学流派。詹姆斯在他的演讲集《实用主义和其他随笔》中认为，真理是工具性的、有益的，他说：“只要它们（想法）帮助我们与我们自身经验的其他部分建立满意的关系，通过概念性的捷径而不是追随永久连续的特定现象来总结这些经验并得到经验，这些想法（它们本身只是我们经验的一部分）才会成为现实。可以说，任何我们可以驾驭的、能够将我们从经验的任何一部分带到任何其他部分的、可以完美地将事物联系起来的、安全地工作、简化并节省劳动力的想法，就是足够真实的，到目前为止真实的，工具意义上真实的。”皮尔士在《真理的确定》中写道：“推理的目的是从我们已经知道的东西中找出我们不知道的其他东西。因此，如果能够从真实的前提中得出真正的结论，而不是得出别的什么，那么这等推理是好的。因此，问题的有效性纯粹取决于客观事实，而非思考的过程。”詹姆斯与皮尔士的上述观点主要是针对以康德为代表的传统形而上学而提出的，古典实用主义摒弃传统的一元本体或实体式的形而上学，旨在强调经验、自然、行动、实践对于个体善与公共善之实现的重要性，反对个体对传统权威的膜拜。我们可以从经验自然主义、实践主义、实验主义等角度理解实用主义：一个“假说”在且仅在有用的时候才是真实的。这就是实用主义规则。实用主义的“优势”在于它允许人类选择去关注问题，并以“是否可以带来自己满意的结果”为评价标准，这种务实的态度使实用主义成为美国人寻求完美社会的重要工具。杜威将美国实用主义发展到了一个高峰，被称为“古典实用主义哲学的集大成者”。他建立了实用主义的新形式，称之为“经验的自然主义”或“工具主义”，强调“实用化”，将真理视为一种“善”，认为产生有根据的假说的程序本身是有价值的，是服务于人类共同利益的。总的来说，实用主义所宣扬的“有用即真理”的哲学态度是美国人在处理各种事务的主要价值取向，是美国最具代表性的哲学态度，对美国文化和价值观产生了重要影响。

In the left-wing thought of the post-crisis era in the United States, pragmatism is ubiquitous. First, American left-wing thought embodies a Jamesian “what is useful is true” political stance and interest appeal based on “results-orientation.” This can be seen from the themes of successive left-wing forums. In the post-crisis era, the themes of successive left-wing forums were: “Occupy the System: Confronting Global Capitalism” (2013), “Working for Ecological and Economic Transformation” (2013), “Change or Revolution: Envisioning a World of Transitional Justice” (2014), “No Justice, No Peace: The Crisis of Capitalism and Democracy” (2015), “Anger, Rebellion, Revolution – Organizing Our Power” (2016), “Resistance – Strategy, Tactics, Struggle, Solidarity, and Utopia” (2017), “Developing a New Strategy for the Left” (2018), “What Else Does the Left Need to Do?” (2019), etc. [4]4 Workingmen’s Party of the United States (美国工人党): Founded in 1876, it was the first national socialist party in the United States and the second socialist party in the world after the German Social Democratic Workers’ Party. These were all proposed in connection with the real problems of capitalist countries like the United States at the time, exhibiting obvious pragmatic characteristics. Second, American left-wing thought reflects the value orientation of Americans attempting to pursue dreams on an equal footing and to pursue a better future with a pragmatic attitude. Participants in left-wing forums include not only social activists such as environmentalists, anarchists, socialists, communists, and trade unionists, but also different groups like Black people, teachers, doctors, and students. They have their own demands and naturally hold different views. They set up sub-forums at the left-wing forums to expound their political positions and interest demands, to denounce the unfairness and injustice of capitalism, and to hope for changes in government policy and the transformation of social structure, aiming to realize a just world. When they realized that it was impossible to fundamentally change their situation within the framework of capitalism, they placed their hopes on socialism. This utilitarian-oriented philosophical attitude reflects the value orientation of Americans and also guides the development of American left-wing thought.

在后危机时代的美国左翼思潮中，实用主义无处不在。其一，美国左翼思潮体现着詹姆斯式“有用即真理”的以“结果导向”为基础的政治主张和利益诉求。这一点从历届左翼论坛的主题上可见一斑。后危机时代，历届左翼论坛的主题分别是“占领制度：对抗全球资本主义”（2013）、“为生态转型和经济转型而努力”（2013）、“变革或革命：对转型正义世界的憧憬”（2014）、“没有正义就没有和平：资本主义和民主的危机”（2015）、“愤怒、反抗、革命——组织我们的力量”（2016）、“抵抗——战略、策略、斗争、团结和乌托邦”（2017）、“为左翼制定新战略”（2018）、“左翼还需要做什么”（2019）等，均是结合当时美国等资本主义国家的现实问题而提出来的，具有明显的实用主义特征。其二，美国左翼思潮体现着美国人试图以平等的身份追求梦想、以实用态度追求美好未来的价值取向。在左翼论坛中，参加者既有包括环境保护主义者、无政府主义者、社会主义者、共产主义者、工会主义者等在内的社会活动家，也有黑人、教师、医生、学生等不同群体。他们有各自诉求，自然就有不同主张。他们在左翼论坛上开设分论坛，阐述自己的政治主张和利益诉求，控诉资本主义的不公平、不正义，寄希望于改变政府的政策、变革社会的结构，实现构建正义的世界。当他们意识到在资本主义框架内不可能彻底改变自己的状况后，便寄希望于社会主义。以功利为导向的哲学态度，体现了美国人的价值取向，也引领着美国左翼思潮的发展。

However, American left-wing thought, with its pragmatic value orientation, inevitably has limitations in its further development. American left-wing thought emphasizes results-orientation, treating human thoughts, theories, and principles as “instrumental hypotheses,” whose sole meaning lies only in inducing human action. It also regards human practical activity as the isolated objective behavior of each individual, denies the existence of objective laws, and turns what should be collective action into the blind, adventurous, and unconstrained behavior of individuals, ungoverned by objective laws. Therefore, left-wing scholars attempt to construct a feasible socialist program in the United States, hoping to shape an independent political force through an independent left-wing party, trying to achieve profound and lasting change through peaceful movements and participation in elections, and attempting to formulate unified strategies and tactics to accelerate the transition of the United States to socialism. They can see the decay of the capitalist system, have a vision of future socialist development, and recognize the necessity of forming an independent left-wing party to achieve profound and lasting change. This both consolidates the main force of the American left-wing movement and points out the direction of development for the American left-wing movement. However, in practical operation, due to unclear organization, ideological disunity, theoretical incompleteness, and uncoordinated action, these visions are difficult to realize. Some left-wing figures place their hopes on establishing a left-wing party and winning elections, or on achieving social change through peaceful movements. This is impossible to achieve.

但是，以实用为价值取向的美国左翼思潮，其进一步发展必然存在局限。美国左翼思潮注重结果导向，把人的思想、理论、原则等看作“工具性的假设”，其唯一的意义仅在于引起人的行动。美国左翼思潮还把人的实践活动看作每个人孤立的客观行为，否认客观规律的存在，把应当是集体的行为变成了每个人盲目的、冒险的、不受客观规律制约的行为。因此，左翼学者尝试在美国构建一个可行的社会主义方案，希望通过一个独立的左翼政党形塑独立的政治力量，试图通过和平运动和参与选举实现深刻持久的变革，并试图制订统一的战略和战术加快美国向社会主义转变。他们能看到资本主义制度的腐朽，具有未来社会主义的发展愿景，能够认识到必须形成一个独立的左翼政党才能实现深刻持久的变革。这既凝聚了美国左翼运动的主体力量，也为美国左翼运动指明了发展方向。但是在实践操作中，由于组织上不明确、思想上不统一、理论上不彻底、行动上不协调，这些愿景难以实现。有的左翼人士寄希望于成立左翼政党，在选举中获得胜利，或者通过和平运动实现社会变革，这是不可能实现的。

In general, pragmatist philosophy is a product of American history and culture. It emphasizes the importance of freedom, democracy, science, justice, etc., for the overall development of each individual and society. It everywhere shows traces of ancient Greek philosophy, German classical philosophy, and British utilitarianism. It is not only a product of American history and culture but also a critical transformation and development of Western classical thought and culture. Studying American left-wing thought on this basis requires recognizing that it is not only the philosophy of the American monopoly bourgeoisie and imperialism but also the philosophy of the American middle class and petty bourgeoisie. Recognizing this allows for a deeper understanding of the characteristics and development trends of American left-wing thought.

总的来说，实用主义哲学是美国历史和文化的产物，它强调自由、民主、科学、公正等对每个人和社会总体发展的重要性，处处显露出古希腊哲学、德国古典哲学、英国功利主义的影子，不仅是美国历史和文化的产物，更是对西方古典思想文化的批判性改造和发展。在此基础上研究美国左翼思潮，要认识到它不仅是美国垄断资产阶级和帝国主义的哲学，也是美国中产阶级和小资产阶级的哲学。认识到这点，便可深入理解美国左翼思潮的特征及其发展趋势。

III. Development Trends of American Left-Wing Thought in the Post-Crisis Era

三、后危机时代美国左翼思潮的发展趋向

In the post-crisis era, American left-wing thought has achieved significant development. Whether it is ecological socialism, democratic socialism, or feminist socialism, all point towards Marxism. This can also be confirmed from another perspective: Marxism is the fundamental ideology for resolving the current crisis of the capitalist system. Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, Marxism and its classic works have become bestsellers in European and American countries, confirming the truth of Marxism. As Lenin said, “The doctrine of Marx is omnipotent because it is true. It is complete and rigorous, providing people with a complete worldview that compromises with no superstition, no reactionary force, and no apology for bourgeois oppression.” [5]5 Socialist Scholars Conference (社会主义学者大会): An annual academic conference founded in the 1960s, renamed the Left Forum in 2005, serving as a major gathering for left-wing intellectuals and activists in the United States. This is something pragmatist philosophy cannot match.

在后危机时代，美国左翼思潮获得了很大发展。不管是生态社会主义、民主社会主义还是女权社会主义，都指向马克思主义。这也可以从另一侧面证实，马克思主义是解决当前资本主义制度危机的根本思想。自2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，马克思主义及其经典著作在欧美国家畅销，证实了马克思主义的真理性。正如列宁所说，“马克思学说具有无限力量，就是因为它正确。它完备而严密，它给人们提供了决不同任何迷信、任何反动势力、任何为资产阶级压迫所作的辩护相妥协的完整的世界观”。这是实用主义哲学无可比拟的。

In the post-crisis era of American left-wing thought, left-wing scholars have explored the possibility and pathways for the United States to move toward socialism. In fact, this has been discussed historically. As early as 1906, the German scholar Werner Sombart, in his published book *Why Is There No Socialism in the United States?*, put forward the thesis of “American socialist exceptionalism.” Using extensive data to compare the political status, economic conditions, and social standing of American workers with those of European workers, he argued that American workers did not believe in Marxism, and therefore they lacked class consciousness. Sombart even stated: “The United States is the most advanced country in capitalist development, and thus its economic structure represents our future.” This view received some scholarly support but more criticism, with critics arguing that it catered to the needs of the monopoly bourgeoisie in maintaining its rule, giving the American right wing sufficient justification to refute left-wing policy proposals. In contrast to Sombart, the American scholar John Nichols, in his book *The “S” Word: A Short History of an American Tradition... Socialism*, argued that socialism is an integral part of American history, and that without socialism, there would be no United States as it is today. After Marx and Engels published the *Communist Manifesto* in 1848, scientific socialism was brought to the United States by working-class German immigrants in the late 1840s and early 1850s. Marx once said that after the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, all the organizational structures and party newspapers of the working class on the continent were destroyed by violent force, and the most advanced sons of the working class fled in despair to the republic across the ocean. These “most advanced sons of the working class” included Adolf Cluss, Joseph Weydemeyer, and others, who played an important role in the early dissemination of scientific socialism in the United States. Starting in the 1870s, some socialist parties or parties leaning toward socialism emerged in the United States, such as the Workingmen’s Party of the United States, founded in July 1876, which was the second socialist party in the world. A few years later, the United States experienced multiple large-scale strikes and massive peasant movements, especially the nationwide workers’ strike of 1886, hailed by Marx as “one of the most momentous events of 1886,” which gradually consolidated the socialist movement in the United States and turned it into an organized force.

在后危机时代美国左翼思潮中，左翼学者探讨了美国走向社会主义的可能性及其路径。事实上，这一点在历史上早有论及。早在1906年，德国学者维尔纳·桑巴特在出版的《为什么美国没有社会主义》一书中就提出了“美国社会主义例外论”。他运用大量数据比较了美国工人与欧洲工人在政治地位、经济状况、社会地位等方面的不同后提出，美国工人不信奉马克思主义，因此，美国工人没有阶级意识。桑巴特甚至说：“美国是资本主义发展最先进的国家，因此它的经济结构代表着我们的未来。”这个观点受到一些学者的响应，但更多的是批评，认为这种观点在一定程度上迎合了垄断资产阶级维护其统治的需要，使美国右翼有足够正当的理由反驳左翼的政策主张。与桑巴特相反，美国学者约翰·尼古拉斯在《美国社会主义传统》一书中认为，社会主义是美国历史的组成部分，没有社会主义就没有美国的今天。马克思和恩格斯在1848年发表《共产党宣言》后，科学社会主义在19世纪40年代末50年代初被德国移民中的工人阶级传到了美国。马克思曾说，在1848年革命失败后，大陆上工人阶级所有的党组织和党的机关报刊都被暴力的铁腕所摧毁，工人阶级最先进的子弟在绝望中逃亡到大洋彼岸的共和国去。这些“工人阶级最先进的子弟”包括阿道夫·克路斯、约瑟夫·魏德迈等，他们在美国早期科学社会主义传播中起到了重要作用。从19世纪70年代开始，美国出现了一些社会主义政党或者倾向于社会主义的政党，如1876年7月成立的美国工人党是世界上第二个社会主义政党。几年后，美国爆发了多次大罢工和多次大规模的农民运动，尤其是1886年爆发的全国性工人罢工，被马克思誉为“1886年最重大的事件之一”，使社会主义运动在美国逐步巩固起来并成为一支有组织的力量。

However, as a highly developed capitalist country, the socialist movement in the United States has developed slowly and experienced a tortuous process after World War II. The Socialist Scholars Conference, which began in the 1960s (renamed the Left Forum in 2005), has developed over more than half a century into the most influential platform for left-wing activists in the United States today. It continues the American socialist tradition, consolidates the strength of left-wing scholars, organizations, and groups, exposes and criticizes the ills and crises of the capitalist system, uses Marxist theory to envision an American socialist future, and attempts to form a unified party and adopt unified strategies to accelerate the transition to socialism in the United States. This makes the American left wing a force that cannot be ignored and holds an important position and role in the history of the world socialist movement and the workers’ movement.

但是，作为高度发达的资本主义国家，美国的社会主义运动一直发展缓慢，在二战后经历了曲折的发展过程。而始于20世纪60年代的社会主义学者大会（2005年改为纽约左翼论坛），历经半个多世纪的发展，是目前美国最具影响力的左翼人士的活动舞台，延续了美国的社会主义传统，凝聚了左翼学者、组织、团体的力量，揭露和批判了资本主义制度的弊端和危机，运用马克思主义理论畅想美国的社会主义未来，并试图组建统一的政党、采用统一的策略加快美国向社会主义转变，使美国左翼成为一支不可忽视的力量，在世界社会主义运动和工人运动史上具有重要的地位和作用。

Since entering the 21st century, the world socialist movement has recovered and developed to some extent, showing signs of revitalization. The world today is undergoing changes unseen in a century, and in the struggle between the two systems of capitalism and socialism, signs favorable to the development of socialism have emerged. The development of the world socialist movement in the 21st century depends to a certain extent on the socialist movements in developed capitalist countries. Regarding the development of socialism in the United States, we can combine the expositions of the classical Marxist writers with an analysis of the academic viewpoints and political demands at the Left Forum, thereby gaining insight into the development trends of American left-wing thought.

进入21世纪以来，世界社会主义运动已经有所恢复和发展，出现了振兴的征兆。当今世界处于百年未有之大变局，在资本主义和社会主义这两种制度的斗争中出现了有利于社会主义发展的迹象。21世纪世界社会主义运动的发展在一定程度上取决于发达资本主义国家的社会主义运动。关于美国的社会主义发展，我们可以结合马克思主义经典作家的论述，对左翼论坛上的学术观点和政治诉求加以分析，以此窥探美国左翼思潮的发展趋势。

First, the development of American left-wing thought in the post-crisis era needs to be guided by Marxist theory. Marxism is a powerful weapon for the working class in organizing the workers’ movement and the socialist movement; it has not become outdated and radiates strong vitality in the 21st century. The Left Forum attracts a large number of participants with diverse viewpoints and positions. Coupled with the lack of Marxist theoretical education in the United States, overall, Marxist theory does not occupy a mainstream position at the Left Forum. Engels once pointed out that Americans “are ahead of everyone in practice, but still in swaddling clothes in theory,” and that “the Yankees are even repeating the swindle of the greenbacks; their ‘obstinacy’ stems from theoretical backwardness and the contempt of these Anglo-Saxons for all theory. They are punished for this by falling prey to all sorts of philosophical and economic fallacies, religious sectarianism, and economically foolish experiments, from which certain bourgeois groups profit.” As the most developed country in the world, the United States suffers from severe class struggle and polarization, yet its socialist movement is relatively lagging. An important reason is the lack of guidance from Marxist theory. Therefore, left-wing activists in the United States must take up the theoretical weapon of Marxism, expose and criticize the systemic crises of capitalism, awaken the class consciousness of the working class, seize favorable opportunities, and vigorously develop the socialist movement.

首先，后危机时代美国左翼思潮的发展需要以马克思主义理论为指导。马克思主义是工人阶级组织工人运动和社会主义运动的有力武器，至今仍未过时，在21世纪焕发出强大的生命力。左翼论坛参加人数众多，观点和立场迥异，加之美国的马克思主义理论教育匮乏，所以从总体上看左翼论坛上的马克思主义理论不占主流。恩格斯曾指出，美国人“在实践上走在所有人的前面，在理论上还在襁褓之中”，“美国佬甚至使绿背纸币的蒙骗再度重演，他们的‘固执’是由于理论上的落后和这些盎格鲁撒克逊人对一切理论的轻视所造成的。他们因此而得到的惩罚是，迷信哲学上和经济学上的种种谬论，陷于宗教上的教派性和经济方面的愚蠢实验，而某些资产阶级集团则从中渔利”。作为世界上最发达的国家，美国的阶级斗争和两极分化严重，而社会主义运动却相对滞后，其重要原因是缺少马克思主义理论的指导。因此，美国的左翼人士要拿起马克思主义这个理论武器，揭露和批判资本主义的制度危机，唤醒工人阶级的阶级意识，抓住有利时机，蓬勃开展社会主义运动。

Second, the American left-wing movement in the post-crisis era needs to establish a “strong party.” At the Left Forum, left-wing organizations and parties such as the Communist Party USA, the Green Party, the Socialist Party USA, and the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA are very active, promoting their theoretical propositions. However, none of these parties are strong, nor are they even genuine proletarian parties. The Communist Party USA is too weak to truly represent the interests of the proletariat. Engels pointed out: “The small farmers and the petty bourgeoisie can hardly ever succeed in forming a strong party; they are all too transient elements.” To carry out the socialist movement in the 21st-century United States, a “strong party” must be established that truly represents the interests of the proletariat and the broad masses, in order to wage struggle against bourgeois parties. Currently, the capitalist system faces an unprecedented crisis, and in the systemic struggle between capitalism and socialism, factors favorable to the socialist system have emerged. Hence, a strong party is urgently needed to carry out the socialist movement in the United States. As Marx pointed out, “Even under the most favorable political conditions, any significant victory for the working class depends on the maturity of the organization that cultivates and concentrates the strength of the working class.” Some left-wing organizations and parties believe that social and political movements must be organized using the viewpoints of 20th-century socialist revolutions to realize the potential of the great working class. This viewpoint has some value. According to a survey in the United States, 40% of Americans would prefer to live in a socialist country. At the Left Forum, some left-wing activists also claim that the “socialist” label is no longer as frightening as before. This indicates that factors favorable to promoting socialist revolution have emerged in American society. This requires American left-wing parties and organizations to engage in broad united front struggle, seize favorable opportunities, and effectively carry out the socialist movement.

其次，后危机时代美国左翼运动需要建立一个“强有力的党”。在左翼论坛上，美国共产党、绿党、美国社会主义党、美国革命共产党等左翼组织和左翼政党非常活跃，宣扬自己的理论主张。但是，这些政党都不是强有力的，甚至不是真正的无产阶级政党。美国共产党由于力量太弱，不能真正代表无产阶级的利益。恩格斯指出：“小农场主和小资产阶级未必能有朝一日建立一个强有力的党，他们都是些转瞬即变的分子。”在21世纪的美国开展社会主义运动，必须建立一个“强有力的党”，真正代表无产阶级和广大群众的利益，才能同资产阶级政党展开斗争。当前资本主义制度面临前所未有的危机，资本主义在与社会主义的制度斗争中出现了有利于社会主义制度的因素，因而迫切需要一个强有力的政党在美国开展社会主义运动。正如马克思所指出的，“即使在最有利的政治条件下，工人阶级要取得任何重大的胜利，都有赖于培养和集中工人阶级力量的那个组织的成熟程度”。一些左翼组织和政党认为，要用20世纪社会主义革命的观点来组织社会和政治运动才能实现伟大工人阶级的潜力。这个观点具有一定价值。据美国的一项调查结果显示，40%的美国人更愿意生活在社会主义国家。在左翼论坛上，一些左翼人士也声称“社会主义”标签不像以前那样可怕了。这表明，美国社会已经产生了有利于推动社会主义革命的因素。这就需要美国左翼政党和左翼组织进行广泛的联合斗争，抓住有利时机切实开展社会主义运动。

Finally, the American left-wing movement in the post-crisis era needs to carry out a thorough revolution. At the Left Forum, some left-wing organizations and parties pin their hopes on achieving profound and lasting change through peaceful movements and participation in elections. However, this is impossible to achieve. The bourgeoisie will not hand over state power willingly; the brutal suppression of the “Occupy Wall Street movement” by the U.S. authorities is a vivid case in point. Therefore, without a thorough revolution, the socialist movement in the United States cannot achieve final victory. As Lenin pointed out, “All the tasks of the communist movement cannot be accomplished without effort, and effort must be expended on the increasingly diverse practical tasks that involve ever more sectors of social life, on the task of wresting one sector, one sphere after another from the bourgeoisie.” At the Left Forum, some scholars believe that the American proletariat remains the most revolutionary class, which is also the most favorable factor for carrying out a thorough socialist revolution in the United States. (Notes omitted)

最后，后危机时代美国左翼运动需要进行彻底的革命。在左翼论坛上，一些左翼组织和左翼政党寄希望于通过和平运动和参与选举实现深刻持久的变革。然而，这是不可能实现的。资产阶级不可能拱手让出政权，“占领华尔街运动”遭到美国当局的残酷镇压就是生动的案例。因此，不进行彻底的革命，美国的社会主义运动就不可能取得最终胜利。正如列宁所指出的，“共产主义运动的一切任务不花气力都是无法完成的，而力气必须花在完成日益多样化的、日益涉及社会生活各部门的、从资产阶级手中逐一夺取各个部门、各个领域的实际任务上”。左翼论坛上，一些学者认为美国无产阶级仍是最革命的阶级，这也是在美国开展彻底的社会主义革命的最有利因素。（注释略）

Online Editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑