Vietnam’s Theoretical Exploration of Socialist Construction since the Renovation (Đổi Mới)

Over 35 years of renovation (Đổi Mới), the Communist Party of Vietnam (hereinafter “CPV”), in its practice of leading the Vietnamese people in the cause of socialist construction, has continuously advanced theoretical exploration of socialist construction. In this long-term theoretical exploration, the theory of the stages of development in the transitional period to socialism has determined the historical orientation for Vietnam’s socialist renovation cause, provided the basic basis for formulating renovation policies, and served as the theoretical starting point for Vietnam’s socialist construction since the renovation. Building Vietnamese socialist democracy is both a driving force for the development of Vietnam’s socialist construction and a goal of that construction; the theory of building Vietnamese socialist democracy has set the value orientation and development objectives for Vietnam’s socialist construction since the renovation. Upholding the leadership of the CPV is a fundamental principle and a fundamental guarantee of Vietnam’s socialist construction; upholding the leadership of the CPV requires continuously strengthening Party building, and continuously perfecting the theory of CPV building is precisely an important part of the CPV’s continuous strengthening of Party building and its continuous understanding of the laws of Party building. Therefore, this article, through an analysis of the theory of the stages of development in Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism, the theory of building Vietnamese socialist democracy, and the theory of CPV building, examines the theoretical exploration carried out by the CPV in the process of combining the basic principles of Marxism with Vietnam’s national conditions, analyzes its experiences and lessons, with a view to providing some reference for the theoretical exploration of other socialist countries.

革新35年，越南共产党(以下简称“越共”)在带领越南人民进行社会主义建设事业的实践中，不断推进社会主义建设的理论探索。在长期的理论探索中，社会主义过渡时期发展阶段理论为越南社会主义革新事业确定了历史方位，为制定革新政策提供了基本依据，是革新以来越南社会主义建设的理论起点。建设越南社会主义民主既是推动越南社会主义建设发展的动力也是越南社会主义建设的奋斗目标，越南社会主义民主建设理论为革新以来越南社会主义建设设定了价值导向与发展目标。坚持越共的领导是越南社会主义建设的基本原则与根本保证，坚持越共的领导就要不断加强党的建设，而不断完善越共党的建设理论正是越共不断加强党的建设、不断认识党的建设规律的重要内容。因此，本文通过对越南社会主义过渡时期发展阶段理论、越南社会主义民主建设理论、越共党的建设理论的分析，来考察越共将马克思主义基本原理与越南国情相结合过程中所进行的理论探索，分析其经验教训，以期给其他社会主义国家的理论探索提供一定的借鉴。

I. Gradually Deepening the Understanding of the Theory of the Stages of Development in Vietnam’s Transitional Period to Socialism

一、逐步深化对越南社会主义过渡时期发展阶段理论的认识

“Proposing the directions and tasks for socio-economic development for the five-year period 2021–2025; determining the goals and directions up to 2030 and the national development vision up to 2045. These will be important milestones in the development process of our Party, our nation, and our country, playing a role in setting the strategic direction for the country’s long-term development in the new period.” This statement by Nguyễn Phú Trọng at the 13th National Congress of the CPV not only set specific development goals for the current term (2021–2025) but also outlined goals for two important development stages: 2030 and 2045. This is the first time the CPV has explicitly proposed phased development goals for the future. This not only marks an important difference from previous political reports but also reflects a new understanding by the CPV of the theory of the stages of development in Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism, a redefinition of the criteria for dividing the stages of development in Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism, and the identification of several important development stages within the transitional period. This new understanding embodies the CPV’s reflection on and positioning of its own development stage; it is the CPV’s answer to the question of Vietnam’s socialist development stage, based on the creative application of the basic principles of Marxism to its own practice. How to clearly understand one’s own development stage and historical orientation has been a lengthy process for the CPV.

“提出2021至2025年五年的社会经济发展方向和任务；确定到2030年的目标和方向以及到2045年的国家发展远景规划。这些将是我们党、我们民族、我们国家发展进程中的重要里程碑，具有给新时期国家的远景发展确定战略方向的作用。”阮富仲在越共十三大上的这一表述不仅制定了本届任期(2021—2025年)的具体发展目标，还展望了2030年、2045年两个重要发展阶段的目标。这是越共第一次明确提出未来分阶段的发展目标。这不仅与以往政治报告有了重要区别，而且越共对越南社会主义过渡时期发展阶段理论有了新的认识，重新制定了越南社会主义过渡时期发展阶段划分的标准，确定了过渡时期几个重要的发展阶段。这一新认识凝结了越共对自身发展阶段的思考与定位，是越共将马克思主义基本原理创造性应用于本国实践的基础上对越南社会主义发展阶段问题的回答。而如何认识清楚自身所处的发展阶段和历史方位，越共经历了一个较长的过程。

(1) The 6th National Congress of the CPV Established the Theory of the Transitional Period to Socialism

(一)越共六大确立了社会主义过渡时期理论

Based on the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the transitional period, the CPV determined that Vietnam is in the transitional period to socialism. The 3rd, 4th, and 5th National Congresses of the CPV had already pointed out the basic characteristics and main tasks of Vietnam’s transitional period, but due to impatience in guiding ideology, the desire to skip over some necessary steps resulted in subjectivist errors, leading to many difficulties in socio-economic development. The 6th National Congress of the CPV, summing up past experiences and lessons, deeply recognized that “the transition from capitalism to socialism must go through a transitional period; this is objectively inevitable, and the length of this transitional period depends on the political, economic, and social conditions of each country. Since our country started from small-scale production and skipped the capitalist stage of development to directly enter socialism, our country’s transitional period is bound to be long and full of difficulties.” At the same time, the CPV also recognized that Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism must pass through multiple stages, and that Vietnam is currently in the initial stage of the transitional period to socialism, with the basic task being to lay the necessary foundation for continuing to promote socialist industrialization. If the understanding of the theory of the transitional period to socialism at the 3rd, 4th, and 5th Congresses was still immature, then the series of affirmative statements at the 6th Congress marked the initial formation of Vietnam’s theory of the transitional period to socialism; the CPV had basically recognized its own development stage. The 1986 renovation was precisely based on the historical orientation of Vietnam being in the transitional period to socialism.

越共依据马列主义过渡时期学说，确定了越南处于社会主义过渡时期。越共三大、四大、五大已经指出了越南过渡时期的基本特点和主要任务，但是由于指导思想上的急躁，想越过一些必要的步骤，结果犯了主观主义错误，导致社会经济发展面临诸多困难。越共六大在总结以往经验教训的基础上，深刻认识到“从资本主义到社会主义必须经过一段过渡时期，这是客观必然的，而这个过渡时期的长短，取决于各国的政治、经济和社会条件。由于我国是从小生产起步，跨越资本主义发展阶段直接走上社会主义的，因此，我国的过渡时期必定是长期而且充满困难的”。同时，越共还认识到，越南的社会主义过渡时期还必须经过多个阶段，越南现在处在社会主义过渡时期的初级阶段，基本任务是为继续推进社会主义工业化奠定必要的基础。如果说，越共三大、四大、五大对社会主义过渡时期理论认识尚不成熟，那么越共六大一系列肯定性表述则标志着越南社会主义过渡时期理论的初步形成，越共基本认清了所处的发展阶段。1986年革新正是立足于越南处在社会主义过渡时期的历史方位上展开的。

(2) From the 7th to the 12th National Congress of the CPV, the Several Stages of the Transitional Period Were Gradually Specified

(二)越共七大到十二大逐渐具体化了过渡时期的几个阶段

Starting from the 7th Congress, the CPV’s understanding of the theory of the transitional period to socialism gradually deepened. The Platform for National Construction in the Period of Transition to Socialism adopted at the 7th Congress stated: “The transitional period to socialism in our country is a long process, which will pass through many stages. The goal of the initial stage is: through comprehensive renovation, society will reach a state of solid stability, laying the foundation for rapid development in the next stage.” The 6th Congress had determined that Vietnam’s socialism was in the historical orientation of the transitional period. On the basis of the 6th Congress, the 7th Congress further determined that Vietnam’s socialism was in the initial stage of the transitional period; the initial stage is a small stage among the many stages of the transitional period. The 8th Congress, summing up the achievements of ten years of renovation, evaluated: “The tasks of the first stage of the transitional period, laying the foundation for industrialization, have been basically completed, creating the conditions to enter a new period of promoting national industrialization and modernization.” This evaluation means that by the 8th Congress in 1996, the initial stage of Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism had ended, and it had entered the second stage of the transitional period, namely the new stage of promoting national industrialization and modernization. The goal of the new stage was for Vietnam to basically reach the level of an industrialized country by 2020. The 11th Congress in 2011 supplemented and revised the 1991 Platform for National Construction in the Period of Transition to Socialism, formulating the overall goals to be accomplished in Vietnam’s transitional period to socialism, clarifying eight basic directions to be implemented to achieve the overall goals, and eight sets of relationships to be properly handled to implement the eight basic directions. The 12th Congress in 2016 further determined the specific steps for achieving national industrialization and modernization, pointing out that “national industrialization and modernization proceeds in three steps: creating the preconditions for industrialization and modernization; promoting industrialization and modernization; and improving the quality of industrialization and modernization.” Combining the statements of successive CPV congresses, it can be understood that the stage of creating preconditions for industrialization and modernization is the initial stage of the transitional period, and 1996–2020 is the stage of promoting national industrialization and modernization. Thus, from the 7th to the 12th Congresses, while inheriting and adhering to the Marxist-Leninist theory of the transitional period, the CPV developed it based on Vietnam’s national conditions, concretizing certain stages among the many stages of the transitional period into several stages of “national industrialization and modernization,” moving away from the vague designation of “many stages.” However, whether the several stages of “national industrialization and modernization” constitute all the stages of the transitional period—this question was not addressed by any of these congresses.

越共自七大开始对社会主义过渡时期理论的认识逐渐深化。七大通过的《社会主义过渡时期国家建设纲领》指出：“我们国家的社会主义过渡时期是一个长期的过程，将经过许多阶段。初级阶段的目标是：通过全面革新，社会达到牢固稳定的状态，为下一阶段快速发展奠定基础。”越共六大确定了越南社会主义处于过渡时期的历史方位。越共七大在六大基础上进一步确定了越南社会主义处于过渡时期的初级阶段，初级阶段是过渡时期多个阶段的一个小阶段。越共八大在总结革新十年成就时评价道：“过渡时期为工业化奠定基础的第一阶段任务已经基本完成，具备条件进入促进国家工业化和现代化的新时期。”这一评价意味着，到1996年越共八大，越南社会主义过渡时期的初级阶段已经结束，进入到过渡时期的第二阶段，即促进国家工业化和现代化的新阶段。新阶段的目标是到2020年越南基本达到工业化国家的水平。2011年越共十一大对1991年的《社会主义过渡时期国家建设纲领》进行了补充修订，制定了越南社会主义过渡时期需要完成的总目标，明确了为实现总目标需要贯彻的八个基本方向以及为落实八个基本方向需要处理好的八组关系。2016年越共十二大进一步确定了实现国家工业化、现代化的具体步骤，指出“国家工业化、现代化分三步走：为工业化、现代化创造前提条件；促进工业化、现代化；提高工业化、现代化质量”。结合越共历次党代会的表述，可以理解为为工业化、现代化创造前提条件的阶段是过渡时期的初级阶段，1996—2020年是促进国家工业化、现代化的阶段。由此可见，从七大到十二大，越共在对马列主义过渡时期理论继承与坚守的同时，依据越南国情进行了发展，把过渡时期的多个阶段的某几个阶段具体化为“国家工业化、现代化”的几个阶段，不再是“多个阶段”的笼统称谓。但是，“国家工业化、现代化”的几个阶段是否就是过渡时期的所有阶段?这个问题，几次大会均没有涉及。

(3) The 13th National Congress of the CPV Formulated Criteria for Dividing the Stages of Development in the Transitional Period and Identified Several Important Development Stages in the Transitional Period

(三)越共十三大制定了过渡时期发展阶段划分的标准，确定了过渡时期几个重要发展阶段

According to the original plan, 2020 was the year Vietnam was to end the stage of promoting national industrialization and modernization. So, did it actually end that stage and enter the stage of improving the quality of industrialization and modernization? The 13th Congress did not give a clear answer. In discussing the directions and tasks for the 13th term, Nguyễn Phú Trọng stated: “Bringing into play the will, strength, and unity of ‘the Party’s will and the people’s hearts,’ we are determined to effectively implement the tasks and solutions set forth in the documents of the 13th Congress, enabling our country to enter a new development stage.” Furthermore, on August 31, 2020, Nguyễn Phú Trọng published an article titled “Do a Good Job of Preparing for the 13th Party Congress, Propelling the Country into a New Development Stage.” From these statements, it can be seen that the new development stage is still a future tense for Vietnam, not a present progressive tense.

按照原定步骤，2020年是越南结束促进国家工业化、现代化的阶段，那么，实际是否结束该阶段，进入提高工业化、现代化质量的阶段?越共十三大没有给出明确答案。阮富仲在谈到十三届任期的方向与任务时的表述是“发挥全民族的意志、力量、‘党意、民心’的统一，我们决心切实履行好第十三届大会文件提出的各项任务和解决方案，使我们的国家进入一个新发展阶段”。此外，2020年8月31日，阮富仲发表了题为《做好党的第十三次党代会的筹备工作，推动国家进入新发展阶段》的文章。从这些表述可以看到，新发展阶段对于越南而言还是未来时态，并非正在进行时态。

The 13th National Congress of the CPV no longer continued to use the stage-of-development criterion of national industrialisation and modernisation during the transitional period. Instead, “on the principle of ensuring science and practice; on the basis of inheriting and supplementing according to the changes in each stage of the country’s development; and at the same time, on the basis of referring to the experience of other countries and the common development standards of the world”, it re-established the criteria for dividing development stages, namely, determining several important development stages of the transitional period through comprehensive development level, industrial level and income level. According to these criteria, the CPV designated 2025, 2030 and 2045 as three important development stages: by 2025, Vietnam will become a developing country with modern industry that surpasses the lower-middle-income level; by 2030, it will become a developing country with modern industry and an upper-middle-income level; and by 2045, it will become a high-income developed country. These criteria have a strong Vietnamese character. According to Nguyễn Viết Thông, Secretary-General of the CPV Central Theoretical Council: “Per capita annual income below USD 4,045 is below the lower-middle-income level; per capita annual income between USD 4,045 and USD 12,535 is the upper-middle-income level; per capita annual income above USD 12,535 is the high-income level. It is estimated that by 2025, per capita GDP will reach USD 4,700–5,000. Therefore, by 2025, our income will exceed the lower-middle-income level. By 2030, per capita GDP will reach USD 7,500. That is, by 2030, we will reach the upper-middle-income level. By 2045, reaching the high-income level is entirely possible.” If this standard is followed, then when Nguyễn Phú Trọng stated “bringing our country into a new development stage” and “pushing the country into a new development stage”, this new development stage more specifically refers to the point by 2025 when Vietnam’s per capita income will exceed USD 4,045, making it a developing country with modern industry that surpasses the lower-middle-income level. At that time, Vietnam will enter a new development stage of the socialist transitional period.

越共十三大没有再沿用过渡时期国家工业化、现代化这一发展阶段标准，而是“本着保证科学与实践的原则；根据国家每个发展阶段的变化进行继承和补充；同时，在参考其他国家的经验和世界共同发展标准的基础上”,重新确定了发展阶段划分的标准，即通过综合发展水平、工业水平和收入水平来确定过渡时期若干重要发展阶段。依据此标准，越共把2025年、2030年、2045年作为三个重要的发展阶段，到2025年越南成为拥有现代工业的超越中低收入水平的发展中国家，到2030年成为拥有现代工业和中高收入水平的发展中国家，到2045年成为高收入水平的发达国家。这一标准具有浓郁的越南特色，按照越共中央理论委员会秘书长阮曰通的说法：“人均年收入低于4045美元属于低于中低收入水平；人均年收入在4045美元到12535美元之间属于中高收入水平；人均年收入超过12535美元属于高收入水平。预计到2025年，人均GDP将达到4700—5000美元。因此，到2025年，我们的收入将超过中低收入水平。到2030年，人均GDP将达到7500美元。也即到2030年，我们将达到中高收入水平。到2045年，达到高收入水平是完全可能的。”如果按照这一标准，阮富仲所述“使我们的国家进入一个新发展阶段”“推动国家进入新发展阶段”,这一新发展阶段更侧重于到2025年，越南人均收入将超过4045美元，成为拥有现代工业的超越中低收入水平的发展中国家，这时越南将进入社会主义过渡时期的一个新发展阶段。

The 13th National Congress of the CPV, based on the criteria of “comprehensive development level, industrial level and income level”, re-determined three important future development stages for Vietnam. The CPV believes these criteria are more scientific and more in line with Vietnam’s actual conditions. The determination of these criteria and the three future development stages has pointed the direction of struggle for the Vietnamese people and inspired their desire to develop the country. However, the 13th National Congress of the CPV did not mention whether these three stages constitute all the stages of the entire transitional period, nor whether the end of the three stages signifies the end of the transitional period. This involves the question of exactly how long Vietnam’s socialist transitional period will be. Regarding this issue, Phùng Hữu Phú, Vice-Chairman of the CPV Central Theoretical Council, believes: “How long the transitional period is and how many stages there are have not yet been clarified. This is a problem we will strive to focus on clarifying in the future.”

越共十三大依据“综合发展水平、工业水平和收入水平”的标准重新确定了越南未来三个重要的发展阶段，越共认为这一标准更为科学，也更符合越南实际。这一标准和未来三个发展阶段的确定给越南人民指明了奋斗的方向，激发了越南人民发展国家的渴望。但是，越共十三大没有提及这三个阶段是否就是整个过渡时期的所有阶段，三个阶段结束后是否意味着过渡时期的结束。这涉及越南社会主义过渡时期到底有多长的问题。对于这一问题，越共中央理论委员会副主席冯有富认为，“过渡时期有多长、还有多少阶段还没有弄清楚，这是未来我们将要努力集中弄清楚的问题。”

II. Continuously Promoting the Development of the Theory of Building Vietnamese Socialist Democracy

二、不断推动越南社会主义民主建设理论的发展

Building Vietnamese socialist democracy is an important driving force and goal for advancing the cause of Vietnamese socialist construction, and it is related to Vietnam’s social stability and long-term peace and order. Over the 35 years of reform (Đổi Mới), from the 6th National Congress of the CPV’s slogan “the people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people inspect” to the 13th Congress’s slogan “the people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people inspect, the people supervise, the people enjoy”; from grasping and handling eight major relationships well to nine major relationships, and then to the 13th Congress adding “realising democracy, strengthening the rule of law, ensuring social discipline and order”, making it ten major relationships. In the process of building a socialist rule-of-law state that belongs to the people, comes from the people, and serves the people, the CPV has consistently permeated the viewpoint of “taking the people as the foundation”, continuously strengthening the idea that the people are the centre and the subject of the cause of reform (Đổi Mới), construction and defence of the Fatherland; continuously practising the CPV’s pursuit of institutionalising the construction of socialist democracy; and continuously forming the concept of guaranteeing and expanding the people’s rights to know, participate, express, supervise and enjoy, thereby promoting the development of the theory of building Vietnamese socialist democracy.

建设越南社会主义民主是推动越南社会主义建设事业的重要动力和目标，关系着越南社会稳定和国家长治久安。革新35年来，从越共六大的“民知、民议、民为、民检”到十三大的“民知、民议、民为、民检、民监、民享”方针，从掌握和处理好八组重大关系到九组重大关系，再到十三大增加“实现民主、增强法制、保证社会纪纲”,成为十组重大关系。越共在把“以民为本”的观点贯穿于属于人民、来自人民、为了人民的社会主义法权国家建设的过程中，不断强化人民是革新事业、建设和保卫祖国事业的中心和主体的思想；不断实践越共社会主义民主建设制度化的追求；不断形成保障和扩大人民的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权、享受权的理念，推动越南社会主义民主建设理论的发展。

(I) Continuously Strengthening the Idea that the People are the Centre and the Subject of the Cause of Reform (Đổi Mới), Construction and Defence of the Fatherland

(一)不断强化人民是革新事业、建设和保卫祖国事业的中心和主体的思想

Attaching importance to the status of the masses and bringing into play their important role has been a consistent proposition of the CPV. During the revolutionary period, the CPV put forward the ideas of “the people are the masters” and “the people exercise mastery” to emphasise the lofty status and important role of the masses. Hồ Chí Minh once pointed out: “Our country is a democratic country, the highest status belongs to the people, because the people are the masters.” After the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945, the CPV closely linked the Party, the people, and the cause of resistance and national construction, putting forward the proposition that “all interests are for the people, all rights belong to the people”. In 1986, the 6th National Congress of the CPV put forward the idea of “taking the people as the foundation” and the slogan “the people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people inspect”. This was the CPV’s summary of the “errors of subjectivism, voluntarism, and impatience for quick results” before the reform (Đổi Mới), and a new understanding of the status and role of the people. “Taking the people as the foundation” means that “in all its activities, the Party must implement the idea of ‘taking the people as the foundation’, build and promote the mastery of the working people. The Party has no other goal besides striving for the happiness of the people.” It affirmed the people’s master status and important role in Vietnam’s national construction and development, regarding the people knowing, the people participating and the people inspecting as the basic means and requirements for the people to participate in socio-economic management. This was a manifestation of the CPV’s attempt in the early reform (Đổi Mới) period to establish a system where the working people manage their own country, and also reflected the CPV’s people-centred view of “taking the people as the foundation”. In 2021, the 13th National Congress of the CPV put forward the idea that “the people are the centre and the subject of the cause of reform (Đổi Mới), construction and defence of the Fatherland”, requiring the effective implementation of the guideline “the people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people inspect, the people supervise, the people enjoy”. This conforms to the needs of Vietnam’s social development. Because over 35 years of reform (Đổi Mới), Vietnam’s economy and society have developed rapidly, and the great achievements obtained have been created by the Vietnamese people under the leadership of the CPV. The people are the creative subject of the reform (Đổi Mới) cause, and they should also be the subject enjoying the fruits of Vietnam’s economic and social development. Adding the guideline “the people enjoy” is to let the fruits of development benefit all Vietnamese people more and more fairly, forming a pattern where everyone participates in construction and the whole people share the fruits.

重视人民群众的地位、发挥人民群众的重要作用是越共的一贯主张。革命时期，越共提出“民是主”“民做主”的思想来强调人民群众的崇高地位和重要作用。胡志明曾经指出：“我们国家是民主国家，最高地位的是民，因为民是主人。”1945年越南民主共和国成立后，越共把党、人民和抗战建国事业紧密联系在一起，提出“一切利益都是为了人民，一切权利都属于人民”的主张。1986年，越共六大提出“以民为本”的思想和“民知、民议、民为、民检”的口号。这是越共对革新前“主观主义、唯意志论、急于求成错误”的总结，是对人民地位和作用的新认识。“以民为本”就是“党的全部活动中，党必须贯彻‘以民为本’的思想，建设和发扬劳动人民的做主权。党除了为人民的幸福奋斗之外，没有别的目的。”它肯定了人民群众在越南国家建设和发展中的主人翁地位和重要作用，把人民知道、人民参与和人民检查作为人民参与社会经济管理的基本手段和要求。这是革新初期越共尝试建立劳动人民自己管理自己国家的制度的表现，也体现了越共“以民为本”的人民观。2021年，越共十三大提出“人民是革新事业、建设和保卫祖国事业的中心和主体”思想，要求有效落实“民知、民议、民为、民检、民监、民享”方针，这契合了越南社会发展需要。因为革新35年，越南经济社会快速发展，取得的巨大成就是在越共的领导下由越南人民创造的。人民是革新事业的创造主体，同时也应该是越南经济社会发展成果的享受主体。增加“民享”方针，就是让发展成果更多更公平惠及全体越南人民，形成人人参与建设、全民共享成果的格局。

(II) Continuously Practising the Pursuit of Institutionalising the Construction of Vietnamese Socialist Democracy

(二)不断实践越南社会主义民主建设制度化的追求

In 1986, the Sixth National Congress of the CPV emphasized the mechanism of “Party leadership, people as masters, state management” and for the first time put forward the slogan “people know, people discuss, people do, people inspect.” However, this slogan remained on paper for a long time. It was not until the Eighth National Congress of the CPV in 1996 that the “slogan” was changed to a “guideline,” proposing “to build and implement the guideline of ‘people know, people discuss, people do, people inspect’ into specific mechanisms,” and only then was this guideline gradually implemented. For example, the CPV Central Committee’s Politburo issued Directive No. 30-CT/TW on “Establishing and Implementing the Democratic System at the Grassroots Level”; the government issued Decree No. 79/2003/ND-CP on “Regulations on Implementing Democracy at the Commune Level,” Decree No. 71/1998/ND-CP on “Regulations on Implementing Democracy in Agency Activities,” Decree No. 87/2007/ND-CP on “Promulgating Regulations on Implementing Democracy in Joint-Stock Companies and Limited Liability Companies,” and several decrees on implementing democracy in other types of grassroots units; the Standing Committee of the National Assembly issued Ordinance No. 34/2007/PL/UBTVQH 11 on “Implementing Democracy in Communes, Wards, and Towns.” From the Politburo’s directive to the government’s decrees and then to the National Assembly’s ordinance, it was clearly stipulated which matters at grassroots institutions such as communes, wards, and towns needed to be made public to the people, and which matters the people could directly participate in discussing, inspecting, and deciding. This formed a series of grassroots democratic systems, guaranteed the people’s direct exercise of democratic rights, and basically realized the requirement of the Sixth National Congress of the CPV that “people know, people discuss, people do, people inspect” become the “daily mode of the new society.” After the Eleventh National Congress of the CPV in 2011, with the deepening of the reform of the National Assembly’s supervision system, the supervision mechanisms of social organizations and the people also advanced rapidly. The CPV Central Committee’s Secretariat successively issued Decision No. 99-QD/TW on “Regulations on the Working System of Party Activities of Grassroots Party Organizations and Their Direct Superior Party Committees,” Decision No. 124-QD/TW on “Regulations on the Supervision by the Vietnam Fatherland Front, Socio-Political Organizations, and the People of the Cultivation, Moral Conduct, and Lifestyle of Leaders, Key Cadres, and Party Members and Cadres”; the Politburo issued Decision No. 217-QD/TW on “Regulations on the Supervision and Social Critique by the Vietnam Fatherland Front and Socio-Political Organizations,” and Decision No. 218-QD/TW on “Regulations on the Contributions by the Vietnam Fatherland Front, Socio-Political Organizations, and the People to Party Building and State Building,” among other regulations. In 2021, the Thirteenth National Congress of the CPV added “people supervise” to the guideline of “people know, people discuss, people do, people inspect,” and added “realizing democracy, strengthening the rule of law, ensuring social discipline” as the tenth major relationship. This was precisely a summary and affirmation of the continuous improvement of the people’s supervision system. It can be foreseen that after the Thirteenth National Congress, the CPV will continue to issue a series of systems and regulations to strengthen people’s supervision and guarantee the people’s various interests and rights.

1986年，越共六大强调了“党的领导、人民做主、国家管理”的机制，并第一次提出了“民知、民议、民为、民检”的口号。但是，这一口号长期停留在纸面上，直到1996年越共八大把“口号”改为“方针”,提出“建设落实‘民知、民议、民为、民检’方针为具体机制”,这一方针才逐渐得到落实。如越共中央政治局颁布了《关于在基层建立和实施民主制度》的第30-CT/TW号指示；政府颁布了《关于在乡一级实施民主的条例》的第79/2003/ND--CP号议定，《关于在机关活动中实施民主的条例》的第71/1998/ND--CP号议定，《关于颁布在股份公司、有限责任公司实施民主的条例》的第87/2007/ND--CP号议定和一些关于其他类型基层单位实施民主的议定；国会常务委员会颁布了《关于在乡、坊、城镇实施民主》的第34/2007/PL/UBTVQH 11号法令。从中央政治局的指示到政府的议定，再到国会的法令，明确规定了在乡、坊、城镇等基层机构，哪些事项需要向人民公开，哪些事项人民可以直接参与讨论、检查和决定等内容，这就形成了一系列基层民主制度，保障了人民直接行使民主权利，基本实现了越共六大提出的“民知、民议、民为、民检”成为“新社会的日常模式”的要求。2011年越共十一大后，随着国会监督制度改革的深化，各社会团体和人民的监督机制也快速推进。越共中央书记处先后颁布了《关于基层党组织及其直接上级党部党的活动工作制度规定》的第99-QD-/TW决定，《关于越南祖国阵线、社会政治组织和人民对带头人、主要干部和党员、干部的修养、道德修为和生活方式进行监督的规定》的第124-QD-/TW决定；政治局颁布了《关于越南祖国阵线、社会政治团体监督和社会反辩条例》的第217-QD-/TW决定，《关于越南祖国阵线、各社会政治团体和人民为党建和政权建设进言的规定》的第218-QD-/TW决定等规定。2021年越共十三大把”民监”加入“民知、民议、民为、民检”方针，把“实现民主、增强法制、保证社会纪纲”增加为第十组重大关系，正是对人民监督制度不断完善的总结与肯定。可以预见，越共在十三大后还会出台一系列加强人民监督、保证人民各项利益与权利的相关制度与规定。

(3) Continuously forming and expanding the concept of guaranteeing and expanding the people’s rights to know, participate, express, supervise, and enjoy

(三)不断形成保障和扩大人民的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权和享受权的理念

The Vietnamese Constitution clearly stipulates: “The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a socialist rule-of-law state belonging to the people, from the people, and for the people.” The “rule-of-law power” of the Vietnamese socialist rule-of-law state is not the rule-of-law power of the separation of powers, but a power that is centrally and uniformly belonging to the people, from the people, and for the people. Among these, “from the people” means that the people are the subject that confers power; the people confer power to the state, which is established, inspected, and supervised by the people. State organs, based on their functions and tasks, implement the power belonging to the people, from the people, and for the people, with both division of labor and coordination. State organs, having been conferred power by the people, act in the spirit of serving the people, being supervised by the people, and being responsible to the people, guaranteeing democracy through representative democracy and increasingly expanding direct democracy, so that the people can participate in state management and inspect and supervise power, preventing and stopping the degeneration of power. This laid a solid foundation for guaranteeing and expanding the people’s rights to know, participate, express, supervise, and enjoy. After more than 30 years of practice integrated into life, the guideline of “people know, people discuss, people do, people inspect” has had a positive impact on the process of national construction and reform in Vietnam, and the people’s rights to know, participate, and express have been effectively guaranteed. The state guarantees the people’s right to be masters, which includes not only the rights to know, participate, and express, but also the rights to supervise and enjoy. According to the explanation in the Vietnamese Dictionary, inspection is the understanding, evaluation, and recognition of the actual situation; supervision refers to tracking and inspecting whether things are carried out according to regulations. Therefore, inspection and supervision overlap in connotation but are not completely identical. Thus, the Thirteenth National Congress added “people supervise” to further guarantee the people’s right to supervise, making “people supervise” an effective way for the Vietnamese people to participate in state management and to inspect and supervise power.

越南宪法明确规定：“越南社会主义共和国是属于人民、来自人民、为了人民的社会主义法权国家。”越南社会主义法权国家的“法权”不是三权分立的法权，而是集中统一地属于人民、来自人民、为了人民的权力。其中“来自人民”意即人民是赋权的主体，人民将权力赋予由人民建立、检查和监督的国家。国家机构根据职能和任务，既有分工也有配合地实施属于人民、来自人民、为了人民的权力。被人民赋予权力的国家机构，本着为人民服务，受人民监督，对人民负责的精神，以代议制民主的方式保障民主并日益扩大直接民主，以便人民参与国家管理和对权力进行检查、监督，预防和阻止权力的变质。这就为保障和扩大人民的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权和享受权奠定了坚实的基础。经过30多年融入生活的实践，“民知、民议、民为、民检”方针已经在越南国家建设和革新过程中产生了积极的影响，人民的知情权、参与权、表达权得到有效保障。而国家保障人民当家作主的权利，不仅包括知情权、参与权、表达权，还包括监督权和享受权。按照《越南语词典》的解释，检查是对实际情况的了解、评价和认识；监督是指跟踪和检查是否按照规定进行，因此，检查和监察在内涵上有重合的部分，但又不完全一致，所以，十三大增加“民监”来进一步保障人民的监督权，让“民监”成为越南人民参与国家管理和对权力进行检查、监督的有效方式。

III. Gradually Perfecting the Content of the Theory of Party Building

三、逐渐完善党的建设理论的内容

The issue of Party building is not only one of the themes of the CPV’s political life but also concerns the overall situation of Vietnam’s socialist construction cause. Over 35 years of reform and opening up, the CPV, through continuous exploration, has formulated several measures for Party building and condensed them into relevant theories of Party building.

党的建设问题不仅是越共政治生活的主题之一，而且事关越南社会主义建设事业全局。革新35年来，越共经过不断探索，制定了党的建设的若干举措，并凝结成了党的建设的相关理论。

(1) Elevating the status of political system building in Party building, making political system building an important content of the theory of Party building

(一)提升政治系统建设在党的建设中的地位，把政治系统建设作为党的建设理论的重要内容

The Vietnamese political system includes three major parts: the CPV, the National Assembly, the Government, the Supreme People’s Procuracy and the Supreme People’s Court, and the Vietnam Fatherland Front. In the political system, the CPV holds the leading position; the state performs management and command functions; the Vietnam Fatherland Front is the broadest union of socio-political organizations, representing the great unity of the entire nation, led by the Party, managed by the state, and participating in Party building and state management. The CPV’s leadership over the political system is mainly exercised through platforms, strategies, guidelines, and major policies. Starting from the Tenth National Congress, the CPV began to incorporate the reform of the political system into the reform of its leadership methods, proposing the idea that reforming the Party’s leadership methods must simultaneously reform the organization and activities of the political system. The Eleventh and Twelfth National Congresses of the CPV continued to emphasize, while reforming the Party’s leadership methods over the political system and ensuring the Party’s leading position, giving play to the initiative and creativity of organizations within the political system. The Thirteenth National Congress further elevated the status of political system building in Party building. The elevation of the status of political system building in Party building is mainly reflected in: First, political system building was listed as the theme of the CPV National Congress political report for the first time. Previously, the themes of Party congresses mainly emphasized strengthening Party building, but this congress wrote “strengthening Party building and rectification, building a clean and strong political system” together into the congress theme as an integral content, becoming the focus of the political report and running through the entire political report. Second, political system building was regarded as one of the decisive factors for the success of the cause of defending Vietnam, and “building a clean and comprehensively strong political system” was also set as the overall development goal for the future, pointing out the direction of reform and construction tasks for the future Party building of the CPV. It is the main content and inherent meaning of Vietnam becoming a developed socialist country by the middle of the 21st century. Third, “building a clean and strong political system” was made one of the important contents of Party building, and a clear requirement was put forward to “continue to vigorously reform the Party’s leadership methods over the political system under new conditions.” The CPV’s elevation of the status of political system building in Party building is the result of deep reflection on the inadequacies of its own leadership and governance capabilities, a portrayal of comprehensively strengthening Party building on the basis of drawing on the experience of Party building in other socialist countries, and an inevitable requirement of the historical logic and practical logic of the CPV’s comprehensive leadership of Vietnam’s national construction. It clarifies the value orientation of the CPV’s Party building and determines its institutional arrangements, but it also poses more arduous challenges for future innovation in Vietnam’s political system.

越南政治系统包括越南共产党，国会、政府、最高人民检察院和最高人民法院，越南祖国阵线三大部分。在政治系统中越共处于领导地位；国家实施管理、指挥职能；越南祖国阵线是最广泛的社会政治组织的联合，代表全民族的大团结，由党领导、国家管理，并参与党的建设和国家管理。越共对政治系统的领导主要通过纲领、战略、主张、大政方针进行。从十大开始，越共开始把政治系统的革新纳入到党的领导方式的革新中，提出革新党的领导方式必须同步革新政治系统的组织和活动的思想。越共十一大、十二大继续强调在革新党对政治系统的领导方式、保证党的领导地位的同时，发挥政治系统内各组织的主动性、创造性。十三大进一步提升了政治系统建设在党的建设中的地位。政治系统建设在党的建设中的地位提升主要体现在：第一，政治系统建设首次列为越共党代会政治报告主题，以往党代会主题中主要强调加强党的建设，而此次大会把“加强党的建设和整顿，建设廉洁、强大的政治系统”一并写入大会主题，作为一个整体内容，成为政治报告的重点，贯穿政治报告始终。第二，把政治系统建设作为保卫越南事业成功的决定性的因素之一，也把“建设廉洁、全面强大政治系统”作为未来总体发展目标，为未来越共党的建设指明了革新方向和建设任务，是21世纪中叶越南成为社会主义发达国家的主要内容和应有之义。第三，把“建设廉洁、强大的政治系统”作为党建的重要内容之一，提出“新条件下，继续大力革新党对政治系统的领导方式”的明确要求。越共提升政治系统建设在党的建设中的地位，是对自身领导能力与执政能力存在不足深刻反思的结果，是在借鉴其他社会主义国家党建经验的基础上全面加强党的建设的写照，是越共全面领导越南国家建设的历史逻辑与实践逻辑的必然要求，明晰了越共党的建设的价值导向，确定了其制度安排，但也对未来越南的政治系统创新提出了更艰巨的挑战。

(2) Regarding cadre building as the “key of keys” in Party building, gradually forming a five-sphere integrated plan for Party building

(二)把干部建设作为党的建设的“关键的关键”,逐步形成五位一体的党的建设格局

In recent years, the CPV has taken cadre building as the “key of keys” in Party building, gradually forming a five-sphere integrated pattern concept of “politics, ideology, morality, organization, and cadres.” First, it has put forward that “cadre work must be the true ‘key of keys’,” highlighting the key position and role of cadre building in Party building. The 13th National Congress of the CPV redefined the connotation and requirements of cadre building, referring not only to general cadre building but also specifically to the building of strategic-level cadres and leading cadres. It requires that “strategic-level cadres and leading cadres must have sufficient moral character, ability, and credibility, and, in accordance with the principle that the higher the post, the more they must set an example, responsible persons shall perform their duties to set an example for cadres and Party members.” In addition, it has also put forward concepts such as strengthening the authority and responsibility of leading cadre work management at the institutional level and properly implementing power supervision in cadre work. The CPV regards cadre building as a strategic task concerning the future and destiny of the CPV and Vietnamese socialism, opening a new era for CPV cadre building. Second, it emphasizes “building and rectifying a clean and strong Party in politics, ideology, morality, organization, and cadres,” gradually forming a five-sphere integrated pattern concept of “politics, ideology, morality, organization, and cadres.” Previous Party congresses mainly emphasized the three aspects of Party building: politics, ideology, and cadres. The 12th National Congress of the CPV proposed “concentrating on achieving the goal of ‘building a pure and strong Party in politics, ideology, organization, and morality’.” The 13th Congress elevated the status of cadre building, forming a five-sphere integrated pattern concept. First, at the level of political building, it continues to strengthen the five adherences, namely, adhering to Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought, adhering to the goal of national independence and socialism, adhering to the reform line, adhering to the basic principles of Party building, and adhering to the working-class nature of the Party. Second, at the level of ideological building, it proposes “creatively developing Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought,” further increasing theoretical innovation to provide a scientific theoretical basis for the CPV and the state in formulating development lines, policies, and laws. At the same time, it particularly emphasizes “correctly guiding and promptly handling ideological issues within the Party and society,” so as to guide public opinion well, ensure ideological unity within the Party, and achieve a relatively high degree of social consensus. Third, at the level of moral building, it proposes some new formulations such as “supplementing and perfecting revolutionary moral values,” “establishing moral standards for Party cadres and members,” and “promoting the revolution in moral education,” establishing new concepts for the moral building of Party cadres and members. Finally, at the level of organizational building, in accordance with the principle of streamlining and efficiency, it proposes summarizing the experience of pilot models for the organizational structure of the political system, reforming unreasonable and overlapping organizational structures in the political system, and continuously expanding the pilot models for a streamlined and efficient organizational structure of the political system, so as to reduce overlap in the organizational structure of the political system, make the political system streamlined and efficient, and thereby strengthen the CPV’s leadership capacity and governance capacity building.

近年来，越共把干部建设作为党的建设“关键的关键”,逐步形成“政治、思想、道德、组织、干部”五位一体的党建格局理念。第一，提出“干部工作必须是真正的‘关键的关键’”,突出干部建设在党的建设中的关键地位和作用。越共十三大重新界定了干部建设的内涵与要求，不仅指一般的干部建设，还特别包括战略级干部和带头人建设。要求“战略级干部和带头人要具有足够品德、能力和信誉，按照职务越高越要起到模范作用的方针，负责人履行职责为干部、党员树立榜样”。此外，还提出从制度层面加强领导干部工作管理的权限、职责，落实好干部工作中的权力监察等理念。越共把干部建设当做一项事关越共和越南社会主义前途命运的战略性任务，开启了越共干部建设的新时代。第二，强调“在政治、思想、道德、组织和干部方面建设整顿廉洁强大的党”,逐步形成“政治、思想、道德、组织、干部”五位一体的党建格局理念。以往历届党代会主要强调党的政治、思想、干部三方面建设理念，越共十二大提出“集中实现‘建设政治、思想、组织和道德上纯洁、强大的党’的目标”,十三大提升干部建设地位，形成五位一体的党建格局理念。首先，在政治建设层面继续加强五个坚持，即坚持马克思、列宁主义和胡志明思想，坚持民族独立和社会主义目标，坚持革新路线，坚持党的建设的基本原则，坚持党的工人阶级本质。其次，在思想建设层面提出“创造性发展马列主义胡志明思想”,进一步加大理论创新，为越南党和国家制定发展路线、政策、法律提供科学理论依据。同时，还特别强调“正确引导、及时处理党和社会中的思想问题”,以引导好社会舆论，保证党内思想统一与达到较高社会认同。再次，在道德建设层面，提出“补充和完善革命道德价值观”“建立党员干部的道德标准”“推动道德教育革命”等一些新提法，为党员干部道德建设树立新观念。最后，在组织建设层面，按照精简高效的原则，提出总结政治系统组织机构试点模式的经验，革新政治系统中不合理和重叠的组织机构，不断扩大精简高效的政治系统组织机构试点模式，以减少政治系统组织机构的重叠，使政治系统精简高效，进而加强越共领导能力和治国理政能力建设。

After 35 years of exploration, the CPV has gradually come to understand its own historical position clearly and has answered the question of what stage of development Vietnam’s socialist transition period is in. But how long is the socialist transition period in Vietnam? When Vietnam becomes a high-income developed country by 2045, the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, will that mean the transition period has ended? If not, how many stages will the socialist transition period in Vietnam go through? There is no unified answer to these questions in Vietnamese theoretical circles. Phung Huu Phu, Vice Chairman of the CPV Central Committee’s Theoretical Council, believes that “this is a sharp question, a problem that has long troubled us and cannot be solved.” In response to the development goals newly set by the 13th National Congress of the CPV, some Vietnamese scholars have also raised doubts, arguing that the CPV has overestimated the domestic economic development situation and stage of development, thereby setting relatively high goals, and it is difficult to determine whether these development goals can be completed on schedule. This is because the goal previously set by the CPV for Vietnam to basically become a modernized industrial country by 2020 was not completed on schedule. After 35 years of reform, the CPV has continuously strengthened democratic construction, answered several theoretical questions on the construction of Vietnam’s socialist democratic system, and the theory of socialist democratic construction has developed to a certain extent. However, in the process of exploring the theory of socialist democratic construction, there are still many theoretical issues that have not been clarified. Nguyen The Trung, a member of the CPV Central Committee’s Theoretical Council, once pointed out that the relationship between democracy and discipline within democratic centralism is one of the issues that currently needs to be further clarified in Vietnam’s theory of socialist democratic construction. On the issue of the relationship between democracy and discipline, there are still those who “believe that inner-Party democracy means that Party members can freely express their opinions and propagate their own views in the mass media… discuss and debate any issue, without respecting the principle of democratic centralism.” After 35 years of construction, the theoretical content of CPV Party building has been continuously enriched, strengthening the CPV’s leadership capacity, governing capacity, and the overall pattern of Party building, and initially forming a five-sphere integrated pattern of Party building. However, the five levels of politics, ideology, morality, cadres, and organization still need continuous improvement. As mentioned at the 13th National Congress of the CPV, “ideological work, in some places and at some times, has not received genuine attention from Party committees; it is neither timely nor persuasive. Practical summaries and theoretical research have not received sufficient attention; they are neither synchronized nor able to meet needs; some new, difficult, and complex issues have not been clarified. The information and propaganda work on the Party’s propositions, lines, state policies, and laws is not rich in form and content, is not regular or timely, and cannot meet the people’s needs for information.” These issues all require continued exploration.

经过35年的探索，越共逐步认识清楚自身所处的历史方位，回答了越南社会主义过渡时期处于什么发展阶段的问题。但越南社会主义过渡时期到底有多长 2045年越南民主共和国建国100周年时，越南成为高收入水平的发达国家，是否意味着过渡时期就已经结束?如果没有结束，越南社会主义过渡时期又要经历多少个阶段?这些问题，越南理论界还没有统一的答案。越共中央理论委员会副主席冯有富认为，“这是一个尖锐的问题，是一个长期以来一直困扰着我们又无法解决的问题。”针对越共十三大重新制定的发展目标，也有越南学者提出质疑，认为越共过高估计了国内的经济发展形势和发展阶段，进而制定了比较高的目标，这些发展目标能否如期完成很难确定。因为此前，越共提出的2020年越南基本成为一个面向现代化的工业国这一目标，并未如期完成。经过35年的革新，越共不断加强民主建设，解答了越南社会主义民主制度建设的若干理论问题，社会主义民主建设理论有了一定发展，但在社会主义民主建设理论的探索过程中，仍然有不少理论问题没有弄清楚。越共中央理论委员会委员阮世忠就曾指出，民主集中制中民主与纪律的关系问题是目前越南社会主义民主建设理论需要进一步弄清楚的问题之一，在民主与纪律的关系问题上，依然“有人认为党内民主就是党员可以自由地在大众媒体上发表言论和宣传他们自己的观点……探讨和争论任何问题，不尊重民主集中制原则”。经过35年的建设，越共党的建设的理论内容不断丰富，加强了越共党的领导能力、执政能力和党的建设整体格局的问题，初步形成了五位一体的党建格局，但政治、思想、道德、干部、组织五个层面依然还需要不断完善，正如越共十三大中提到的“思想工作，有些地方、有些时候没有得到党委真正的重视，既不及时、也缺乏说服力。实践总结、理论研究没得到足够的关心，既不同步、也不能满足需要，一些新的、困难的、复杂问题没有搞清楚。党的主张、路线、国家政策、法律的信息宣传工作，形式内容不丰富，不经常、不及时，不能满足人民的关心需要”。这些问题都需要继续进行探索。

(The author is a professor and master’s supervisor at the School of Marxism, Shaanxi Normal University; she holds a bachelor’s and master’s degree in Marxist Theory and Ideological and Political Education from Wuhan University, and a doctorate in Historical Materialism and Dialectical Materialism from the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences.)

（作者系陕西师范大学马克思主义学院教授，硕士生导师，武汉大学马克思主义理论与思想政治教育学士、硕士，越南社会科学翰林院历史唯物主义与辩证唯物主义博士）

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