A Study of the Dissemination History of Marx’s *Capital* in Germany

*Capital* is the magnum opus that crystallizes Marx’s lifelong theoretical research, and it is also the fruit of the shared wisdom and painstaking efforts of Marx and Engels. This work underwent a rather long period from its conception and composition to its final delivery for publication. In the process of writing *Capital*, an extremely vast body of manuscripts was simultaneously produced; these manuscripts constitute an inseparable and important component of *Capital*. The history of the dissemination of *Capital* and its manuscripts is an important part of the history of the dissemination of Marxism. Its history of dissemination and reception in Germany—Marx’s homeland and the native-language country of his written texts—not only contains the profound historical context of Marx’s creation of *Capital*, but also presents the dual theoretical narrative unfolded by native German scholars on the basis of revolutionary discourse and academic discourse, while simultaneously showcasing the rigorous textual research style and the charm of philosophical speculation that are prominent in German academia.

《资本论》是马克思毕生从事理论研究的集大成之作，也是马克思恩格斯共同智慧和心血的结晶。这部著作从酝酿、创作到最终交付出版，经历了一个相当长的时期。在写作《资本论》的过程中，同时产生了一个极为庞大的手稿群，这些手稿群是《资本论》不可分割的重要组成部分。《资本论》及其手稿群的传播史是马克思主义传播史的重要组成部分，其在马克思的祖国及其写作文本的母语国家——德国——传播与接受的历史不仅蕴含着马克思创作《资本论》的深厚历史语境，而且呈现出德国本土学者基于革命话语与学术话语所展开的双重理论叙事，同时还展示了德国学界所突出的严谨考据风格和哲学思辨魅力。

I. The Early Dissemination of *Capital* by Marx and Engels (1860s–1890s)

一、马克思恩格斯与《资本论》的早期传播（1860—1890年代）

(I) Struggling against the “Conspiracy of Silence”

（一）与“沉默的阴谋”作斗争

After the first volume of *Capital* was published in 1867, bourgeois political economists attempted to smother this great work with a “conspiracy of silence”—just as they had done with many of Marx’s earlier works. To counter the premeditated “silence” of bourgeois political economists toward *Capital*, and to better popularize this work among the general public, Engels wrote a large number of book reviews for the first volume of *Capital* between 1867 and 1868, which were published in major German newspapers and periodicals. Engels explained to Marx the reason for doing so: “I am convinced that your book will produce a great impact immediately after its publication, but it is very necessary to give a slight push to the enthusiasm of the learned burghers and officials, and one should not disdain petty tricks either.” [1]1 Engels’s letter to Marx, 8 September 1867. See Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, vol. 42 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987), p. 417. The “petty tricks” Engels referred to were to spark discussion about *Capital* by writing book reviews for bourgeois democratic newspapers, thereby breaking the barrier of public opinion created by the “conspiracy of silence.” In November 1867, Engels also mentioned this in a letter to his friend Ludwig Kugelmann: “Those brave vulgar economists are, after all, quite clever; they are very cautious about this book, and unless forced, they will never utter a word about it. Therefore, we must force them to express their opinions.” [2]2 Engels’s letter to Ludwig Kugelmann, 8 November 1867. See *Marx-Engels Werke*, vol. 31 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1965), p. 573.

在《资本论》第一卷于1867年出版后，资产阶级政治经济学家们企图用“沉默的阴谋”扼杀这部伟大的著作——如同他们对马克思之前的许多著作所做的那样。为回击资产阶级政治经济学家对《资本论》有预谋的“沉默”，同时向社会大众更好地普及这一著作，恩格斯在1867—1868年间为《资本论》第一卷撰写了大量书评，刊载在德国各主要报刊上。恩格斯向马克思解释了他这样做的原因：“我深信，你的这本书出版后会立刻产生很大的影响，但是，很有必要稍微推动一下有学问的市民和官吏们的热忱，并且也不要看不起小小的手腕。”恩格斯所指的“小小的手腕”，就是通过为资产阶级民主派报纸撰写有关《资本论》的书评来引发关于《资本论》的讨论，打破“沉默的阴谋”所营造的舆论壁垒。1867年11月，恩格斯在写给好友路德维希·库格曼（Ludwig Kugelmann）的信中也谈到了这一点：“那些勇敢的庸俗经济学家毕竟是相当聪明的，他们对这本书小心翼翼，不强迫他们，他们就绝口不谈它。因此，我们必须强迫他们发表意见。”

On October 30, 1867, Engels published the first book review of *Capital* in the German newspaper *Zukunft* [Future], titled “Karl Marx, *Capital*, Volume One: A Book Review for *Zukunft*,” which was accompanied by the preface to the first German edition of *Capital*. Subsequently, Engels published a series of book reviews on *Capital* in the *Elberfelder Zeitung* [Elberfeld Daily], the *Düsseldorfer Zeitung* [Düsseldorf Daily], the *Württembergische Gewerbezeitung* [Württemberg Industrial and Commercial Newspaper], the *Neue Badische Landeszeitung* [New Baden State Newspaper], and the *Demokratisches Wochenblatt* [Democratic Weekly]. On the one hand, Engels provoked debate by adopting the tone and standpoint of bourgeois political economists; on the other hand, in these book reviews he comprehensively introduced Marx’s main views in *Capital* concerning commodities, money, the value of labor-power, wages, surplus value, capital accumulation, and so forth, demonstrating the rigor and scientific nature of the work: “All the factual material cited by Marx is taken from the most reliable sources, mostly from official parliamentary reports.” [3]3 Engels, “Book Review of *Capital*, Volume One, for the *Elberfelder Zeitung*,” in *Marx-Engels Werke*, vol. 16 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1962), p. 233. Engels also strongly recommended the work to the public, affirming both its scientific quality and readability: “Whatever attitude the reader may hold toward the author’s socialist views, we believe that the above can still point out to him: what the reader finds here is a work far superior to the current run of social-democratic publications… Apart from the first forty pages, which contain some difficult dialectical material, the book, despite its extreme scientific rigor, is easy to understand, and, thanks to the author’s satirical style that spares no one, it is even interesting.” [4]4 Engels, “Book Review of *Capital*, Volume One, for the *Düsseldorfer Zeitung*,” in *Marx-Engels Werke*, vol. 16, p. 237.

1867年10月30日，恩格斯在德国《未来报》上发表了关于《资本论》的第一篇书评《卡·马克思〈资本论〉第一卷书评——为〈未来报〉作》，随这篇书评一起刊发的还有《资本论》德文第一版序言。接着，恩格斯又在《爱北斐特日报》《杜塞尔多夫日报》《维尔腾工商业报》《新巴登报》《民主周报》上发表了一系列关于《资本论》的书评。恩格斯一方面假借资产阶级政治经济学家的口吻和立场引出争论，一方面又在这些书评中较为全面地介绍了马克思在《资本论》中所涉及的关于商品、货币、劳动力价值、工资、剩余价值、资本积累等方面的主要观点，论证了这一著作的严谨性和科学性：“马克思所引证的一切事实材料，都取自最可靠的来源，大部分是取自正式的议会报告。”恩格斯还向公众力荐这部作品，肯定其所兼具的科学性和可读性：“无论读者对于作者的社会主义观点抱什么态度，我们相信上述一切还是可以向他指出：读者在这里所读到的是远远高出于现今一般社会民主主义书刊的一部著作……除了开头40页有些困难的辩证法的东西外，虽然有极严格的科学性，这部书还是容易理解的，并且由于作者对谁也不宽恕的讽刺的文笔，甚至是有趣的。”

In 1868, Engels specifically wrote an outline that provided a popular explanation of the basic positions, viewpoints, and methods of the first volume of *Capital*, offering a scientific and effective guide for leaders of working-class parties and progressive members of society to study and master *Capital*. This introductory document not only theoretically influenced a younger generation of Marxist theorists and activists such as August Bebel and Paul Lafargue, but also prompted the widespread dissemination of *Capital* among ordinary people, especially the working class. As the influence of *Capital* continued to expand, many bourgeois scholars were compelled to begin responding to the theoretical questions raised in the work. In an anonymous article published in the *Literarisches Centralblatt für Deutschland* [German Central Literary Gazette], one bourgeois scholar admitted: “Refuting the theory of value is the only task for Marx’s opponents, because if one agrees with this theorem, one must necessarily accept almost all the conclusions that Marx draws with iron logic.” [5]5 Anonymous review in *Literarisches Centralblatt für Deutschland*, 1868, no. 27, p. 726. It can be said that Engels made a very important contribution to shattering the “conspiracy of silence” and expanding the influence of *Capital* among the intelligentsia and ordinary people.

1868年，恩格斯专门撰写了一个提纲，对《资本论》第一卷的基本立场、观点和方法进行了通俗性解释，为工人阶级政党的领导者和社会进步人士学习并掌握《资本论》提供了科学、有效的指南。这一导读性文献不仅在理论上影响了奥古斯特·倍倍尔（August Bebel）、保尔·拉法格（Paul Lafargue）等年轻一代的马克思主义理论家和活动家，而且促使《资本论》在普通民众、特别是工人阶级中广泛传播开来。随着《资本论》影响力的不断扩大，许多资产阶级学者也不得不开始回应这部著作中提出的理论问题。在《德国中央文学报》刊载的一篇匿名文章中，一位资产阶级学者承认：“驳倒价值理论是反对马克思的人的唯一任务，因为如果同意这个定理，那就必然要承认马克思以铁的逻辑所做出的差不多全部结论。”可以说，恩格斯为粉碎“沉默的阴谋”、扩大《资本论》在知识界和普通民众中的影响力做出了十分重要的贡献。

(II) Establishing the Important Position of *Capital* in the Workers’ Movement

（二）确立了《资本论》在工人运动中的重要地位

The publication of the first volume of *Capital* was of great significance for the establishment of the program of scientific socialism within the First International. On January 28, 1868, the General Council of the First International proposed placing the issue of the use of machinery under the capitalist system on the agenda of the upcoming Brussels Congress. Although Marx did not attend the Congress in September of that year, he participated in the preparatory work for the Congress and presented some of the main viewpoints from the first volume of *Capital* at two meetings of the General Council; these speeches were later published in the *Bee-Hive*, the organ of the First International. On August 11, during the General Council’s discussion of a draft resolution on shortening the working day, Marx refuted the view of some council members that shortening the working day would lead to a reduction in production. Marx pointed out that if the working day were not shortened, the condition of the working class could not be improved; the sections of the First International should take measures to achieve a shortening of the working day. These views were ultimately incorporated into the draft resolution submitted by the General Council to the Congress.

《资本论》第一卷的出版对于科学社会主义纲领在第一国际的确立具有重要意义。1868年1月28日，第一国际总委员会提议，把在资本主义制度下使用机器的问题列入将要召开的布鲁塞尔代表大会的议程。虽然马克思没有参加当年9月的代表大会，但却参加了大会的前期筹备工作，并在两次总委员会会议上陈述了《资本论》第一卷的一些主要观点，这些发言内容后来被刊发在第一国际机关报《蜂房》上。8月11日，在总委员会讨论关于缩短工作日决议的草案时，马克思针对有委员提出缩短工作日会导致生产减少的观点进行了反驳。马克思指出，如果不缩短工作日，工人阶级的状况便不能得到改善；第一国际各支部应采取措施，实现工作日的缩短。这些观点最终被收入总委员会提交给代表大会的决议草案中。

At the Brussels Congress, Friedrich Lessner cited some theses from the first volume of *Capital* to argue the viewpoint on the use of machinery under the capitalist system. On behalf of the German delegation, he called on workers of all countries to study *Capital*, stating that “Marx is the first economist to provide a scientific analysis of capital.” [6]6 Report on the Brussels Congress, in *Der Vorbote*, 1868, no. 10, p. 152. The Congress also adopted a proposal by Johann Philipp Becker, referring to the first volume of *Capital* as “the Bible of the working class,” [7]7 Johann Philipp Becker’s proposal at the Brussels Congress, cited in *Der Vorbote*, 1868, no. 10, p. 153. thereby affirming the important position of *Capital* in the workers’ movement. At the Brussels Congress, many of the scientific conclusions put forward in *Capital* were recognized as programmatic principles of the First International. As Engels pointed out: “Anyone familiar with the workers’ movement will not deny that the conclusions drawn in this book are increasingly becoming the fundamental principles of the great workers’ movement… The working class everywhere increasingly regards these conclusions as the most truthful expression of its own condition and its own aspirations.” [8]8 Engels, “Preface to the English Edition of *Capital*, Volume One,” in *Marx-Engels Werke*, vol. 23 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1962), p. 33.

在布鲁塞尔代表大会上，弗里德里希·列斯纳（Friedrich Lessner）援引《资本论》第一卷的一些论断来论证在资本主义制度下使用机器的观点。他以德国代表团的名义倡议各国工人学习《资本论》，并称“马克思是对资本做出科学分析的第一位经济学家”。大会还通过了约翰·菲利普·贝克尔（Johann Philipp Becker）提出的倡议，将《资本论》第一卷称作“工人阶级的圣经”，肯定了《资本论》在工人运动中的重要地位。在布鲁塞尔代表大会上，《资本论》中提出的许多科学结论作为第一国际的纲领性原则得到承认。正如恩格斯所指出的：“任何一个熟悉工人运动的人都不会否认：本书所作的结论日益成为伟大的工人阶级运动的基本原则……各地的工人阶级都越来越把这些结论看成是对自己的状况和自己的期望所作的最真切的表述。”

(III) Engels’s Editing and Publication of *Capital* in His Later Years

（三）恩格斯晚年对《资本论》的整理和出版

After Marx’s death, Engels devoted a great deal of time and energy to editing and publishing the third and fourth German editions of Volume I of *Capital*, the English edition of *Capital*, and Volumes II (published in 1885) and III (published in 1894) of *Capital*. At the end of 1883, the third German edition of Volume I of *Capital* was published. To help readers better understand the content of the book, Engels added many new annotations. In 1890, the fourth German edition of Volume I of *Capital* was published. Engels “once again compared it with the French edition and based on Marx’s handwritten notes,” “supplemented the German original with some passages from the French edition,” and “also added some explanatory notes,” marking them with the first letter of Engels’s own surname or “D.H.” to indicate the difference. In addition, Engels once again checked and corrected Marx’s citations. It was precisely because of Engels’s rigorous and conscientious work that the fourth German edition of Volume I of *Capital* became the internationally standard and most widely disseminated version.

马克思逝世后，恩格斯为编辑出版《资本论》第一卷德文第三版和第四版、《资本论》英文版以及《资本论》第二卷（1885年出版）和第三卷（1894年出版）投入了大量的时间与精力。1883年底，《资本论》第一卷德文第三版出版。为了便于读者更好地理解书中的内容，恩格斯添加了许多新的注释。1890年，《资本论》第一卷德文第四版出版，恩格斯“再一次对照法文版和根据马克思亲手写的笔记”，“又把法文版的一些地方补充到德文原文中去”，另外“还补加了一些说明性的注释”，并以恩格斯本人姓名的第一个字母或者“D.H.”加以标注，以示区别。此外，恩格斯还对马克思的引文再次进行了核对和校正。正是因为恩格斯如此严谨认真的工作，才使得《资本论》第一卷德文第四版成为了国际上通行且传播最广的版本。

Besides editing the manuscripts of *Capital* left by Marx, Engels continued to defend *Capital* after Marx’s death and struggle against various opponents. Engels’s theoretical writings in his later years played a very important role in popularizing the theoretical viewpoints of *Capital*, especially in perfecting the theoretical framework of political economy that Marx had not yet completed. Eike Kopf, an expert editor of the MEGA², [9]9 MEGA²: The Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe (Marx-Engels Complete Works), second edition, a historical-critical edition of the complete writings of Marx and Engels, begun in the 1970s. believes that one of Engels’s important achievements in his later years was the propagation and popularization of Marx’s thought, particularly the further elucidation of many theoretical viewpoints in *Capital*, helping proletarian revolutionaries better grasp these viewpoints. It was with the help of the *Capital* edited by Engels that the international workers’ movement of the 19th and 20th centuries could use this work as a theoretical support to carry out the struggle against capitalism; and that proletarian revolutionaries such as Lenin could use the brilliant ideas conveyed by this work to provide methodological guidance for establishing the socialist system in underdeveloped countries. Kopf specifically pointed out: “Engels edited and published Volumes II and III of *Capital* from Marx’s posthumous manuscripts. This was Engels’s brilliant achievement. I believe that no one other than Engels could have done it, and even today’s critics of Marx or critics of Engels could not have done it better.”

除了编辑马克思遗留下来的《资本论》手稿，恩格斯还在马克思逝世后继续为《资本论》辩护，与各种论敌作斗争。恩格斯晚年的理论创作对普及《资本论》的理论观点，特别是完善马克思尚未搭建完成的政治经济学理论框架，起到了非常重要的作用。MEGA2编辑专家埃克·考普夫（Eike Kopf）认为，恩格斯晚年的重要功绩之一就是宣传和普及了马克思的思想，特别是对《资本论》中的许多理论观点做出了进一步阐释，帮助无产阶级革命者们更好地掌握这些观点。正是在恩格斯所编辑的《资本论》的帮助下，19世纪和20世纪的国际工人运动才能够以这部著作作为理论支撑，开展反对资本主义的斗争；列宁等无产阶级革命家也才能够运用这部著作所传递出来的天才性观点，为在不发达国家建立社会主义制度提供方法论指导。考普夫特别指出：“恩格斯从马克思的遗稿中编辑出版了《资本论》第二卷和第三卷，这是恩格斯的天才的功绩，我认为除恩格斯外任何人也不可能做到，即便今天的马克思批判者或者恩格斯批判者也不可能做得更好。”

II. The Popularization and Mass Dissemination of *Capital* (1890s–1930s)

二、《资本论》的普及与大众化（1890—1930年代）

(I) The Dissemination of Popular and Accessible Editions of *Capital*

（一）《资本论》通俗版和普及版的传播

According to the definition in the article “Popular and Accessible Editions of *Capital*” by Professor Rolf Hecker, a renowned German editor and scholar of Marx and Engels’s works and chairman of the MEGA Editorial Promotion Association, popular editions of *Capital* generally refer to mass-oriented works that “facilitate understanding by the broad masses of the people” and expound Marx’s political economy theory in *Capital* in a popular manner. In other words, popular editions are mainly “re-interpretations” of the text of *Capital*. Accessible editions of *Capital* mainly refer to mass reading versions of *Capital* that condense and reformat the original text, reducing the length of the original, highlighting the essence of the theory, and adding “introductions,” “annotations,” “indexes,” and the like.

根据德国著名马恩著作编辑学家、MEGA编辑促进会主席罗尔夫·黑克尔（Rolf Hecker）教授在《〈资本论〉的通俗版和普及版》一文中的界定，《资本论》的通俗版一般指“方便广大人民群众理解”、以通俗方式阐述马克思在《资本论》中的政治经济学理论的大众化著作，换言之，通俗版主要是对《资本论》文本进行“再解读”；而《资本论》的普及版主要指对《资本论》的原文进行精简和重新排版，通过压缩原文的篇幅、突出理论的精华部分以及添加“导言”、“注释”、“索引”等方式来呈现的《资本论》大众化阅读版本。

To understand the early dissemination history of popular and accessible editions of *Capital*, it is necessary to first trace the initial attempts at popularization in the first two decades after the publication of Volume I of *Capital*, i.e., before the 1890s, and then examine its history of maturation and systematization from the 1890s to the 1930s. The earliest German popular edition of *Capital* was *Capital and Labor: A Popular Exposition of Karl Marx’s ‘Capital’*, written by German workers’ movement activist John Most and published in 1873. This book was the result of his diligent study of *Capital* while imprisoned for participating in anti-war demonstrations. In the summer of 1875, Karl Liebknecht and Karl Julius Vahlteich submitted Most’s book to Marx for review. Marx made some textual revisions to the book, mainly improving the demonstration of the connection among the essence of commodity value, the formation of surplus value, and wages, and rewriting several chapters on value, money, and wages. This version, reviewed by Marx, was later included in Volume II/8 of the MEGA². In 1883, French socialist Gabriel Deville wrote a popular work explaining *Capital*, titled *Karl Marx’s ‘Capital’*. Engels was dissatisfied with the manuscript, believing it contained some “irreparable defects.” In 1884, in a letter to Karl Kautsky, Engels pointed out that Deville’s theory was correct, but the expression was too hasty, placing major chapters such as those on manufacture and large-scale industry in a secondary position while elaborating excessively on unimportant chapters such as currency circulation. Furthermore, some principles summarized by Marx had preconditions, but Deville glossed over these preconditions lightly in the book, giving these principles an absolutely universal significance, thus distorting Marx’s theory. Therefore, Engels suggested that Kautsky write a “new, popular, and brief (half the length of Deville’s) work expounding the theory of surplus value.” Kautsky took on this task, completing *The Economic Doctrines of Karl Marx* in 1886, which was published in 1887. This text, with its guiding nature, was widely disseminated among workers and had an extremely important impact. It mainly revolved around Volume I of *Capital* and highlighted the analysis and interpretation of the theory of surplus value. Later, in a letter to Nikolai Danielson, the Russian translator of *Capital*, Engels affirmed the value of Kautsky’s book, stating that it was “not always entirely accurate, but not bad,” and recommended it to Danielson.

要想了解《资本论》通俗版和普及版的早期传播史，有必要先追溯一下1890年代以前也即《资本论》第一卷出版后前二十年所经历的第一轮通俗化尝试，再考察其在1890年代至1930年代走向成熟与体系化的历史。《资本论》最早的德文通俗版是德国工人运动活动家约翰·莫斯特（John Moster）编写并于1873年出版的《资本和劳动。卡尔·马克思〈资本论〉浅说》。这本书是他因反战游行被捕入狱后在狱中潜心研读《资本论》的成果。1875年夏，卡尔·李卜克内西（Karl Liebknecht）和卡尔·瓦尔泰希（Karl Julius Vahlteich）将莫斯特的这本书交给马克思审定。马克思对这本书做了一些文本上的修改，主要完善了对商品价值的本质、剩余价值的形成以及工资这三者之间联系的证明，并重新撰写了涉及价值、货币、工资的几章内容。经马克思审定的这个版本后来被收录在MEGA2第二部分第八卷中。1883年，法国社会主义者加布里埃尔·杰维尔（Gabriel Deville）撰写了一部讲解《资本论》的通俗著作——《卡尔·马克思的〈资本论〉》。恩格斯对该书稿并不满意，认为其中存在一些“不可挽救的缺陷”。1884年，恩格斯在写给卡尔·考茨基（Karl Kautsky）的信中指出，杰维尔的理论是正确的，但表达过于草率，把工场手工业和大工业等主要章节放在了次要的地位，却过于详细地阐述了货币流通等并不重要的章节；此外，马克思概括的一些原理是有前提条件的，而杰维尔在书中却轻描淡写地将前提一笔带过，使这些原理具有了绝对普遍的意义，导致马克思的理论受到歪曲。因此，恩格斯建议考茨基撰写一本“新的、通俗的、简短的（篇幅比杰维尔的少一半）阐述剩余价值理论的著作”。考茨基接下了这个任务，于1886年完成了《卡尔·马克思的经济学说》一书，并于1887年出版。这个带有导读性质的文本在工人中广泛传播，产生了极为重要的影响。它主要围绕《资本论》第一卷展开，并重点突出了对剩余价值理论的分析和解读。后来，恩格斯在写给俄文版《资本论》的译者尼古拉·丹尼尔逊（Nikolai Danielson）的信中肯定了考茨基的这本书的价值，认为它“尽管不总是十分准确，但是还不坏”，并且将其推荐给了丹尼尔逊。

In December 1910, Austrian Marxists Max Adler, Otto Bauer, Rudolf Hilferding, and others proposed the idea of publishing a complete works of Marx and Engels, aiming to ensure the authority of the publication of Marx and Engels’s works. Editing and publishing an accessible edition of *Capital* became an important follow-up project of this plan. The Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party of Germany finally decided that, before the 20th anniversary of Marx’s death in 1913, the Dietz publishing house would publish this accessible edition, and entrusted the work to Kautsky. In 1914, through the joint efforts of Kautsky and David Riazanov, the accessible edition of Volume I of *Capital* was officially published. During the editing process, Kautsky chose the second German edition of Volume I of *Capital*, personally revised by Marx, as the base text, while also referring to the changes Engels made in the third and fourth German editions and the French edition. In addition, he checked the citations and sources, translated foreign expressions in the book, and replaced some loanwords with German equivalents. Riazanov wrote an 80-page index for the accessible edition. The work completed by the two together not only helped many ordinary worker readers better grasp the ideological essence of *Capital* but also opened an important chapter for the entire editorial project of the accessible edition of *Capital*.

1910年12月，奥地利马克思主义者马克斯·阿德勒（Max Adler）、奥托·鲍威尔（Otto Bauer）、鲁道夫·希法亭（Rudolf Hilferding）等人提出了出版一套马克思恩格斯全集的设想，旨在确保马克思恩格斯著作出版的权威性，而编辑出版《资本论》普及版成为这一计划的重要后续项目。德国社会民主党执委会最终决定，在1913年纪念马克思逝世20周年之前，由狄茨出版社出版这个普及版，并将这项工作交由考茨基负责。1914年，在考茨基和达维德·梁赞诺夫的共同努力下，《资本论》第一卷普及版正式出版。在编辑过程中，考茨基选择了马克思亲自修订过的《资本论》第一卷德文第二版为底本，同时参考了恩格斯在德文第三版和第四版以及法文版中所做的改动。此外，他还核对了引文和出处，翻译了书中的外文表述，用德文替换了部分外来词。梁赞诺夫则为普及版撰写了长达80页的索引。两人合作完成的这项工作不仅帮助了许多普通工人读者更好地掌握《资本论》的思想精髓，同时也为整个《资本论》普及版的编辑工程开启了重要篇章。

In 1919, the German socialist political commentator Julian Borchardt edited a new popular edition, condensing the three volumes of *Capital* into one volume. He believed that the popular edition of *Capital* edited by Kautsky merely translated foreign-language quotations and Germanized foreign words, without undertaking any groundbreaking summarization or synthesis, whereas his own edition was a truly accessible and good version. For him, a detailed and faithful restatement of the work was no longer important; his aim was to enable “readers to grasp the entire basic line of thought as presented in Marx’s own words, without being intimidated or exhausted by excessive length.” Consequently, Borchardt’s edition bore a very strong personal stamp: he drastically cut and merged the content of the three volumes of *Capital*, did not strictly follow Marx’s original logical sequence in chapter arrangement but instead broke it up and reorganized it according to his own understanding, renamed the chapter headings, and discarded much content from Volumes 2 and 3 (for example, Marx’s discussion of ground rent). After its publication, Borchardt’s popular edition of *Capital* became a bestseller for a time and was reprinted more than twelve times over a decade. Of course, this edition was also highly controversial, most fiercely criticized by Kautsky’s son, Benedict Kautsky, who was then engaged with his father in editing the popular editions of Volumes 2 and 3 of *Capital*. He argued that for readers without prior knowledge, much of the content of Volumes 2 and 3 was difficult to understand and required the editor to carefully select textual material; Borchardt’s edition lacked logic and focus, undermined the overall conception Marx presented in *Capital*, and could easily seriously mislead readers.

1919年，德国社会主义政论家尤里安·博尔夏特（Julian Borchardt）编辑了一个新普及版，将《资本论》三卷浓缩为一卷。他认为，考茨基编辑的《资本论》普及版只是翻译了外语引文，不过是把外来词德语化，并没有进行任何开创性的归纳和总结，而自己编辑的版本才是真正通俗易懂的好版本。对于他来说，详细、忠实地复述这部著作已经变得不再重要，使“读者能够了解以马克思自己的语言来呈现的整个基本思路，却不会被太长的篇幅吓倒或累倒”才是他的目的。因此，博尔夏特的这个版本具有非常浓重的个人色彩，他对《资本论》三卷的内容进行了大刀阔斧的删减合并，在章节上也没有完全按照马克思原有的逻辑顺序编排，而是打散之后按照自己的理解进行了整合，重新命名了各章标题，并对第二、三卷的许多内容进行了舍弃（比如马克思论述地租的相关内容）。博尔夏特的《资本论》普及版出版后，一度成为当时的畅销书，并在十余年间再版超过12次。当然，这个版本也饱受争议，尤以考茨基的儿子本尼迪克特·考茨基（Benedict Kautsky）的批评最为激烈，后者当时正和他的父亲一起投身于《资本论》第二、三卷普及版的编辑工作。他认为，对于没有知识储备的读者来说，《资本论》第二、三卷的很多内容很难理解，需要编者审慎地选择文本材料；而博尔夏特的版本缺乏逻辑性和针对性，破坏了马克思在《资本论》中所呈现的整体构想，容易使读者产生严重误导。

In 1926 and 1929, the Kautskys, father and son, jointly completed the publication of the popular editions of Volumes 2 and 3 of *Capital*. Specifically, they revised the texts of Volumes 2 and 3 edited by Engels, marking passages inconsistent with the original manuscripts, placing Engels’s additions in square brackets, and restoring Marx’s original wording in footnotes for other changes Engels had made to the text. In addition, they undertook a very important task: they recalculated and verified all formulas and data in the three volumes of *Capital*, correcting errors and omissions in the original data. Of course, in their editorial process they did not focus solely on making the work accessible to the general public; they also sought to make this edition serve the needs of readers engaged in scientific research. In this regard, Kautsky wrote in the preface: “Just as with the first volume I edited, the popular editions of the subsequent two volumes should not only provide tools (i.e., auxiliary materials) for those without academic training, but should also serve research professionals and become the most reliable edition of *Capital* to date.” However, the popular edition of *Capital* edited by the Kautskys also had some problems: first, it almost entirely deleted Marx’s original descriptions of the social situation of the working class, presenting *Capital* as a purely abstract economic work; second, the preface promoted reformist views, thereby losing the revolutionary critical dimension. In response to these issues, the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute of the Soviet Union conducted concentrated criticism and, under the direction of its director Vladimir Adoratsky, re-edited a new three-volume popular edition of *Capital* (in German) in 1933–1934, which was published and distributed in Germany. However, due to interference from Nazi forces, this edition did not have a significant impact within Germany.

1926年和1929年，考茨基父子合力完成了《资本论》第二、三卷普及版的出版工作。具体来说，他们重新修订了恩格斯所编辑的第二、三卷文本，把同原稿不一致的地方标示出来，把恩格斯的补充放进方括号里，至于恩格斯对文本所做的其他改动，则在脚注中恢复为马克思最初使用的语句。此外，他们还做了一项非常重要的工作，即对《资本论》三卷本中的所有公式及数据进行了重新推导和验算，并纠正了原有数据中的错误和疏漏。当然，他们在编辑过程中并不仅仅着眼于面向大众，同时也力求使这个版本能够为从事科学研究的读者群体服务。对此，考茨基在前言中写道：“正如我编辑的第一卷一样，后两卷的普及版也应当不仅配备供没有受过学术训练的人士学习的工具（即辅助资料），而且也应当服务于从事研究的专业人士，应当成为迄今最为可靠的《资本论》版本。”当然，考茨基父子编辑的《资本论》普及版也存在一些问题：一是几乎删去了马克思的原文中对工人阶级社会处境的全部描述，将《资本论》呈现为一本纯粹的、抽象的经济学著作；二是在前言中致力于宣传改良主义主张，从而失去了革命性的批判维度。针对这些问题，苏联马列主义研究院曾进行过集中批评，并于1933—1934年在院长弗拉基米尔·阿多拉茨基的主持下重新编辑了新的《资本论》三卷本普及版（德文版），并在德国出版和发行。不过，由于纳粹势力的干涉，这一版本没有在德国国内产生较大影响。

(II) Kautsky and the Editing and Publication of Volume 4 of *Capital*

（二）考茨基与《资本论》第四卷的编辑出版

After Marx’s death in March 1883, Engels, as the executor of Marx’s literary estate, began to organize Marx’s manuscripts and, in the last twelve years of his life, successively edited and published Volumes 2 and 3 of *Capital*. By the end of 1888, due to deteriorating eyesight, Engels felt it necessary to teach others to decipher Marx’s handwriting and assist him in the editing work of Marx’s manuscripts. He thus began instructing Eduard Bernstein and Kautsky in reading Marx’s manuscripts and suggested that Kautsky transcribe the manuscript of *Theories of Surplus Value* (*Theories of Surplus Value*) into a legible text. Kautsky only completed a transcript of the first notebook of the manuscript; later, due to personal affairs, he delayed the subsequent transcription work and did not complete the task Engels had assigned on schedule. In the second half of 1894, Engels finished the editorial work on Volume 3 of *Capital* and, at the end of March 1895, began working on Volume 4 while ill, proofreading and revising the portion of the manuscript Kautsky had transcribed, continuing to work until his last breath. After Engels’s death, the manuscript was handed over to Marx’s legal heir, his youngest daughter Eleanor. In September 1895, Eleanor, with the consent of her sister Laura, entrusted Marx’s economic manuscripts of 1861–1863 to Kautsky, commissioning him to publish *Theories of Surplus Value* as Volume 4 of *Capital*. After a decade of intermittent effort, Kautsky published the first and second volumes of *Theories of Surplus Value* in 1904 and 1905, respectively, and the third volume in 1910.

1883年3月马克思逝世后，恩格斯作为马克思遗著的处理人，开始着手整理马克思的遗稿，并在自己生命的最后12年中先后编辑出版了《资本论》第二卷和第三卷。1888年底，由于视力恶化，恩格斯感到有必要教会其他人辨认马克思的手迹并协助他完成马克思手稿的整理编辑工作，于是开始指导爱德华·伯恩施坦和考茨基识读马克思的手稿，并建议考茨基将《剩余价值学说史》（《剩余价值理论》）原稿转化成易读的稿子。考茨基只是完成了手稿第一册笔记的抄写件，后来因为个人事务耽搁了后续的抄写工作，并未如期完成恩格斯交代的任务。1894年下半年，恩格斯结束了《资本论》第三卷的编辑整理工作，并在1895年3月底带病着手第四卷的整理工作，校对修改了考茨基抄写的那部分书稿，一直坚持工作至生命的最后一息。恩格斯逝世后，手稿转交给马克思的法定继承人，即马克思的小女儿爱琳娜。1895年9月，爱琳娜征得姐姐劳拉的同意后，将马克思的1861—1863年经济学手稿交给了考茨基，委托他出版作为《资本论》第四卷的《剩余价值学说史》。考茨基经过断断续续的十年努力，在1904年、1905年分别出版了《剩余价值学说史》第一卷和第二卷，又在1910年出版了第三卷。

Kautsky meticulously deciphered the text, made many important corrections, and supplemented incomplete calculations in the tables. For all relatively important changes to the text and all corrections to calculations, Kautsky added explanatory notes. When checking and translating quotations, he did not trust translations lightly but used every means to find the originals; when he could not find rare editions and had to use other editions, he noted this in the footnotes. Through his verification, many omissions and errors originally present in the manuscript were corrected. In editing *Theories of Surplus Value*, Kautsky also carefully studied the economic manuscripts of 1861–1863, going beyond the scope of notebooks VI–XV as defined by Engels in the preface to Volume 2 of *Capital*, and incorporated into the third volume of *Theories of Surplus Value* the supplementary comments and notes on economists of the 17th and 18th centuries from notebooks XX–XXIII, as well as the sections from notebook XXI discussing Thomas Hodgskin, George Ramsay, Antoine Elisée Cherbuliez, and Richard Jones. Kautsky arranged the material and titled the sections according to the table of contents Marx had written on the manuscript cover, and edited it following the original order and logic of Marx’s manuscript.

考茨基对正文进行了细致的辨认，做了许多重要的订正，补充了图表中不完整的计算内容。对于正文中一些比较重要的更改以及所有计算方面的订正，考茨基都一一加注释说明。在核对和翻译引文时，他不轻信译本，而是利用一切办法找到原件；在实在找不到个别稀有版本而不得不利用其他版本时，他会在注释中加以说明。经过他的核对，手稿中原来存在的不少遗漏和错误被纠正过来。在编辑《剩余价值学说史》时，考茨基还认真研究了1861—1863年经济学手稿，突破了恩格斯在《资本论》第二卷序言中所规定的第VI—XV册笔记本的范围，将第XX—XXⅢ册笔记本中对17—18世纪经济学家所做的补充评论和札记，第ⅩⅪ册笔记本中论述托马斯·霍吉斯金（Thomas Hodgskin）、乔治·拉姆赛（George Ramsay）、安东尼·埃利泽·舍尔比利埃（Antoine Elisée Cherbuliez）和理查德·琼斯（Richard Jones）的部分都纳入了《剩余价值学说史》第三卷。考茨基按照马克思在手稿封面上写的目录划分材料和题写篇名，并根据马克思手稿的原有顺序和逻辑进行编辑。

However, Kautsky’s editorial work also had certain shortcomings. For example, when editing the second volume of *Theories of Surplus Value*, he attempted to replace the logic of the original manuscript with the logic of the third volume of *Capital*, cutting and rearranging the material arbitrarily; where this proved unworkable, he switched to chronological order or Marx’s original order. Again, when editing the first and second volumes of *Theories of Surplus Value*, he did not follow the table of contents and plan that Marx had written on the manuscript covers, but instead took it upon himself to arrange the material and draft the headings, thereby to some extent disrupting the original coherent narrative and internal connections of the manuscripts. This is also why the edition of *Theories of Surplus Value* he produced has been heavily criticized. Of course, on the whole, Kautsky’s editorial work still displayed a certain rigor, especially his extremely meticulous identification and scrutiny of the manuscripts, his detailed verification of the relevant terminology, and his repeated derivation and checking of all the data calculations involved in the manuscripts. This provided an important reference for the subsequent re-editing and publication of the text of *Theories of Surplus Value* by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Soviet Union.

不过，考茨基的编辑工作也存在一定的缺憾，比如，在编辑《剩余价值学说史》第二卷时，他企图以《资本论》第三卷的逻辑取代原有手稿的逻辑，重新剪裁和编排材料；在行不通的地方，又改为按年代顺序或马克思原有的顺序编排。再如，在编辑《剩余价值学说史》第一卷和第二卷时，他没有按照马克思写在手稿封面上的目录和计划来执行，而是在材料的编排和拟定标题时自作主张，从而在一定程度上破坏了手稿原有的连贯叙述和内在联系，这也是其所编辑的《剩余价值学说史》饱受诟病的原因。当然，从总体来说，考茨基的编辑工作还是具有一定严谨性的，特别是他对手稿极其细致的辨认和推敲，对相关术语的详细考证，对手稿中涉及的所有数据运算的反复推导和核实，为之后苏联马列主义研究院再次编辑和出版《剩余价值理论》文本提供了重要参考。

III. The Emergence of the *Capital* Manuscript Complex and the Rise of the “New Marx Reading” Movement (1930s–1990s)

三、《资本论》手稿群的面世与“新马克思阅读”运动的兴起（1930—1990年代）

(I) The MEGA¹ and MEGA² Projects and the Emergence of the *Capital* Manuscript Complex

（一）MEGA1、MEGA2两项工程与《资本论》手稿群的面世

The MEGA¹ project was the first planned systematic editorial project for a historical-critical edition of the *Complete Works of Marx and Engels* that included the *Capital* manuscripts and their preparatory materials. In early 1921, before the launch of the MEGA¹ project, Riazanov traveled to Berlin to collect original documents and materials by Marx and Engels. One major achievement was the collection of many little-known precious manuscripts of *Capital*, including all 23 notebooks written by Marx between 1861 and 1863. In addition, Riazanov also found all the manuscripts of the second volume of *Capital* edited by Engels (except the eighth manuscript), the third volume of *Capital*, and a large number of manuscripts related to the first volume of *Capital* (including what we now call the 1857–1858 economic manuscripts). In 1924, with the approval of the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, Riazanov began organizing colleagues at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee of the CPSU to edit MEGA¹ in Moscow and to publish it in Frankfurt and Berlin. Riazanov set the following goal for MEGA¹: “to provide an objective basis for every study of Marx and Engels, that is, to accurately reproduce the entire intellectual legacy of Marx and Engels in a clear arrangement.” According to the plan, the second section of MEGA¹ was to publish Marx’s representative work on political economy, *Capital*, along with its extensive original manuscripts and all preparatory materials, expected to amount to no fewer than 13 volumes. However, with Riazanov’s arrest in 1931, the editorial and publication work of MEGA¹ was overshadowed. In 1933, Hitler’s rise to power dealt a severe blow to the publication of MEGA¹; the publication and dissemination of Marx and Engels’ works were no longer permitted in Germany, and many publications by Marx and Engels, including the historical-critical edition of the *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, were confiscated and burned by the Nazi forces. The publication of MEGA¹ had to be withdrawn to the Soviet Union and was instead published in Moscow and Leningrad. After the outbreak of World War II, the Soviet Union had to devote all its efforts to defending the country, and ultimately, under the combined influence of internal and external factors, the editorial and publication work of MEGA¹ was completely terminated. Nevertheless, although MEGA¹ unfortunately ended prematurely, the vast quantity of materials and documents collected and organized by this editorial project, as well as the editorial principles of the historical-critical edition it established, laid a solid foundation for the subsequent editorial and publication work of MEGA².

MEGA1工程是历史上第一个计划系统出版包含《资本论》手稿及其准备材料在内的《马克思恩格斯全集》历史考证版的编辑出版工程。1921年初，在MEGA1工程启动前，梁赞诺夫奔赴柏林，四处收集马克思恩格斯的原始文献资料。其中一个重大成果是收集了许多鲜为人知的《资本论》珍贵手稿，其中包括马克思写作于1861—1863年的全部23个笔记本。此外，梁赞诺夫还找到了恩格斯编辑的《资本论》第二卷的全部手稿（第八份手稿除外）、《资本论》第三卷以及与《资本论》第一卷相关的大量手稿（包括我们今天所说的1857—1858年经济学手稿）。1924年，经共产国际第五次代表大会批准，梁赞诺夫开始组织苏共中央马克思恩格斯研究院的同事们在莫斯科编辑MEGA1，并在德国的法兰克福和柏林出版。梁赞诺夫为MEGA1设定了这样一个目标：“为每一种马克思恩格斯研究提供客观的基础，也就是说，以清晰的编排准确地再现马克思恩格斯的全部思想遗产。”按计划，MEGA1第二部分将出版马克思的政治经济学代表作《资本论》及其大量原始手稿和全部准备材料，预计不少于13卷。但是，随着1931年梁赞诺夫被捕，MEGA1的编辑出版工作也蒙上了阴影。1933年，希特勒的上台对MEGA1的出版事业造成严重打击，德国境内不再允许出版和传播马克思恩格斯的著作，包括《马克思恩格斯全集》历史考证版在内的许多马克思恩格斯出版物均被纳粹势力收缴并付之一炬。MEGA1的出版工作也只得撤回苏联，转而在莫斯科和列宁格勒出版。第二次世界大战爆发后，苏联不得不将全部力量放在保卫国家上，最终在内外因素的共同影响下，MEGA1的编辑出版工作彻底终止。不过，虽然MEGA1不幸夭折，但是这项编辑出版工程所收集、整理的数量庞大的资料和文献，以及它所确立的历史考证版编辑原则，为后来MEGA2的编辑出版事业奠定了坚实的基础。

In the early 1960s, the German Democratic Republic became the main base for the new MEGA editorial and publication work. After extensive consultations, on December 4, 1963, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany formally adopted a resolution to prepare the publication of the new MEGA. At Khrushchev’s suggestion, researchers from the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Soviet Union and their counterparts from the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the GDR jointly completed the preparations for the publication of the new MEGA, and the editorial and publication work of MEGA² was officially launched. MEGA² inherited the three editorial principles of MEGA¹, namely “completeness,” “fidelity to the original,” and “presenting the text in accordance with the historical process,” while placing greater emphasis on “scholarliness.” According to the overall plan proposed by the MEGA² editorial board in the 1980s, the section on *Capital* and its preparatory materials was to comprise 16 volumes (24 books), later reduced to 15 volumes (23 books). The volumes of the second section of MEGA² began publication in 1976 and were all published by 2012. Among them, volumes 1 to 4 are, in order, Marx’s 1857–1858 economic manuscripts, 1858–1861 economic manuscripts and works, 1861–1863 economic manuscripts, and 1863–1868 economic manuscripts; volumes 5 to 10 are six representative editions of the first volume of *Capital* in German, French, and English; volumes 11 to 13 are, in order, Marx’s 1868–1881 manuscripts for the second volume of *Capital*, Engels’ editorial draft, and the finally published second volume of *Capital*; volumes 14 to 15 include the 1871–1882 manuscripts for the third volume of *Capital*, Engels’ editorial text, and the finally published third volume of *Capital*. The second section of MEGA² organized and edited a large number of manuscripts and documentary resources from the period when Marx was writing *Capital*, with many historical documents being published for the first time. This provided an important textual basis for scholars to authentically reconstruct and evaluate Marx’s thought, and also provided a solid textual basis for long-standing debates on Marx’s political economy.

1960年代初，民主德国成为新MEGA编辑出版事业的主要阵地。经过多方协商，1963年12月4日，德国统一社会党中央委员会书记处正式通过了准备出版新MEGA的决议。在赫鲁晓夫的提议下，苏联马列主义研究院的科研人员与民主德国马列主义研究院的同行们共同完成了新版MEGA的出版准备事宜，MEGA2的编辑出版工作正式启动。MEGA2继承了MEGA1的三大编辑理念，即“完整性”、“忠实于原文”以及“按照历史过程展现文本”，同时更加注重“学术性”。根据MEGA2编委会在1980年代提出的总体规划，《资本论》及其准备材料部分共有16卷（24册），之后缩减为15卷（23册）。MEGA2第二部分的卷次自1976年开始出版，至2012年全部出齐。其中，第一至四卷依次为马克思的1857—1858年经济学手稿、1858—1861年经济学手稿及著作、1861—1863年经济学手稿、1863—1868年经济学手稿；第五至十卷分别是《资本论》第一卷的德文、法文和英文的六个代表性版本；第十一至十三卷依次为马克思《资本论》第二卷的1868—1881年手稿、恩格斯的编辑稿和最终出版的《资本论》第二卷；第十四至十五卷包括《资本论》第三卷的1871—1882年手稿、恩格斯的编辑文稿以及最终出版的《资本论》第三卷。MEGA2第二部分整理和编辑了马克思写作《资本论》时期的大量手稿和文献资源，许多历史文献资料都是首度公开，为学者真实还原和评价马克思的思想提供了重要文本依据，也为长期以来关于马克思政治经济学的争论提供了坚实的文本依据。

(II) Early Frankfurt School Research on *Capital*

（二）法兰克福学派早期的《资本论》研究

From the 1920s onward, with the establishment of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Frankfurt, a large number of elite Marxist theorists gradually gathered around the institute. In 1925, at the invitation of Carl Grünberg, Henryk Grossmann joined the institute, becoming the principal political economist of the emerging Frankfurt School. In his representative work *The Law of Accumulation and Breakdown of the Capitalist System: A Theory of Crisis* (1929), Grossmann took an overall understanding of the three volumes of *Capital* as his methodological premise and conducted a meticulous examination of the laws of capitalist accumulation and breakdown. He took Marx’s theory of the dual character of the commodity as the starting point of his analysis, arguing that the dual character of the capitalist production process is the continuation of the inherent contradiction between value and use value within the capitalist production process. He pointed out that Marx’s critique of political economy is a process that unfolds continuously from the abstract to the concrete, gradually approaching “real-concrete” reality; that Marx’s analysis of reproduction in *Capital* is directly combined with his explanation of capital accumulation and breakdown; that in the first volume Marx examined the conditions for the valorization of capital, in the second volume he analyzed the effects of capital accumulation and the resulting tendency toward breakdown, and in the third volume he examined the factors that modify this tendency. Therefore, for understanding capitalist crisis as a manifestation of the law of capital accumulation and breakdown, Marx’s three-volume *Capital* presents a complete series of methodological unfolding steps.

从1920年代开始，随着法兰克福大学社会研究所的成立，围绕研究所逐渐集结起一大批马克思主义理论研究的精英。1925年，应卡尔·格林贝格（Carl Grünberg）之邀，亨里克·格罗斯曼（Henryk Grossmann）进入该研究所，成为正在形成中的法兰克福学派的主要政治经济学家。在其代表作《资本主义制度的积累规律与崩溃：危机理论》（1929）中，格罗斯曼以对《资本论》三卷的总体理解为方法论前提，对资本主义积累和崩溃规律进行了缜密的考察。他将马克思的商品二重性理论作为分析的起点，认为资本主义生产过程的二重性是价值与使用价值的内在矛盾在资本主义生产过程中的延续。他指出，马克思的政治经济学批判是一个从抽象到具体不断展开、逐渐接近“实在具体”的过程，马克思在《资本论》中对再生产的分析是与他对资本积累和崩溃的说明直接结合在一起的；马克思在第一卷中考察了资本增殖的条件，在第二卷中分析了资本积累的影响及由此产生的崩溃趋势，在第三卷中对改变这一趋势的因素进行了考察。因此，就理解资本主义危机这一资本积累和崩溃规律的表现来说，马克思的三卷本《资本论》呈现了一系列完整的方法论展开环节。

Friedrich Pollock was another important political economist of the early Frankfurt School. Although he was not a prolific scholar, his research on political economy holds unique significance for the formation of the entire critical theory of the Frankfurt School. Pollock’s theory of late capitalism initially focused primarily on the validity of the critique of political economy and the legitimacy of social theory under the expansion of the “authoritarian state.” In his doctoral dissertation *On Marx’s Theory of Money* (1923), Pollock particularly emphasized the important role that the theory of money plays in all of Marx’s political-economic writings. He argued that in the opening of *Capital* and in the earlier *Grundrisse*, a large portion of Marx’s discussion revolves around the problem of money. He stressed that money is a “sensuous and supersensuous thing”; its “sensuous” aspect is its natural form, while its “supersensuous” aspect is its expression as a social relation, an expression realized through the participation of a specific part of money in socially necessary labor. The problem of money is the core problem of Marx’s theory of value, “inseparably linked to his entire theoretical system,” aiming to uncover the social relations (essence) behind the economic categories (forms of appearance). Taking his investigation of Marx’s theory of money as a starting point, Pollock further analyzed the new state forms of capitalism, especially the “authoritarian state.” Pollock pointed out that with the rise of monopolistic economic organizations, the ruling class used the state to achieve “total administration” of society; the state became the dominant force in the economy, possessing all social capital, “controlling everything it desires,” including: “the overall economic plan for the spheres of production and circulation,” “foreign policy, social rights and obligations,” and even “the life and death of individuals.” Whether state capitalism appears in a totalitarian or democratic form depends on which form of government is chosen and which social groups control it. In this way, the primacy of politics over the economy gradually became prominent. Pollock’s study of Marx’s theory of money, his focus on the form of value, the form of money, and their social essence, as well as his pan-political interpretation of state capitalism as a new variant of capitalism, initially laid the main thematic field for the Frankfurt School’s critique of political economy.

弗里德里希·波洛克（Friedrich Pollock）是早期法兰克福学派的另一位重要的政治经济学家，虽然他并非高产的学者，但他的政治经济学研究对整个法兰克福学派批判理论的形成具有独特的意义。波洛克所倡导的晚期资本主义理论最初主要探讨了在“威权国家”扩张的前提下政治经济学批判的有效性和社会理论的合法性问题。在其博士论文《论马克思的货币理论》（1923）中，波洛克特别强调了货币理论在马克思的全部政治经济学著作中所扮演的重要角色。他认为，在《资本论》的开篇以及这之前的《政治经济学批判大纲》中，马克思的大量讨论都是围绕货币问题展开的。他强调，货币是一种“感性的与超感性的物”，“感性”是它的自然形式，“超感性”则是它作为社会关系的一种表达，这种表达是通过货币中的特定部分参与到社会必要劳动中而实现的；货币问题是马克思价值理论中的核心问题，“不可分割地与他的整个理论体系联系在一起”,旨在探求经济学范畴（表现形式）背后的社会关系（本质）。以对马克思货币理论的探讨为起点，波洛克进一步分析了资本主义的新国家形式，尤其探讨了“威权国家”。波洛克指出，随着垄断性经济组织的兴起，统治阶级利用国家实现了对社会的“全面管理”，国家成为经济的主导者，拥有了全部社会资本，“控制着它想要的一切”，包括：“生产和流通领域的总体经济计划”，“外交政策、社会权利和义务”，乃至“个人的生与死”。而国家资本主义是以极权还是民主的形式出现，这取决于选择哪种形式的政府以及由哪些社会群体来控制。如此一来，政治之于经济的优先性便逐渐凸显出来。波洛克对马克思货币理论的研究，对价值形式、货币形式及其社会本质的聚焦，以及对国家资本主义这种资本主义新变体的泛政治化解读，初步奠定了法兰克福学派政治经济学批判研究的主要论域。

(III) The “New Marx Reading” and the Inheritance of the Frankfurt School Research Tradition

（三）“新马克思阅读”与法兰克福学派研究传统的传承

The “New Marx Reading” (die Neue Marx-Lektüre) movement originated at the University of Frankfurt in the late 1960s. To some extent, it represents an inheritance and continuation of the Frankfurt School’s research tradition on *Capital*, and some scholars regard it as an important branch of the second generation of the Frankfurt School. The founders of the “New Marx Reading” movement, Hans-Georg Backhaus and Helmut Reichelt, studied at the University of Frankfurt under leading figures of the Frankfurt School such as Theodor W. Adorno and Iring Fetscher. It can be said that the “New Marx Reading” movement developed within the soil of the Frankfurt School’s research on political economy and social critical theory. Its supporting literature consists mainly of Marx’s later works, including the first German edition of Volume I of *Capital*, the *Grundrisse*, *Theories of Surplus Value*, and the manuscripts of the other volumes of *Capital*.

“新马克思阅读”（die Neue Marx-Lektüre）运动发端于1960年代末的法兰克福大学，在某种程度上是对法兰克福学派《资本论》研究传统的传承和延续，有学者将其视为第二代法兰克福学派的一个重要分支。“新马克思阅读”运动的奠基者汉斯-格奥尔格·巴克豪斯（Hans-Georg Backhaus）和赫尔穆特·莱希尔特（Helmut Reichelt）曾在法兰克福大学师从西奥多·阿多诺（Theodor W.Adorno）、伊林·费切尔（Iring Fetscher）等法兰克福学派的代表人物。可以说，“新马克思阅读”运动就是在法兰克福学派政治经济学研究和社会批判理论研究的土壤中发展起来的，其支撑性文献以马克思的晚期著作为主，包括《资本论》第一卷德文第一版、《政治经济学批判大纲》、《剩余价值学说史》和《资本论》的其他各卷手稿。

The “New Marx Reading” movement advocates “understanding the whole Marx comprehensively,” “understanding the early works from the later works,” and distinguishing and criticizing the forms of capitalist socialization through the mode of presentation of the logical system. Its theoretical core is Marx’s theory of the form of value. Backhaus’s *The Dialectic of the Value-Form* (1969) is the foundational work of this movement. Inspired by Fetscher’s advocacy of studying the Hegelian elements in Marx’s thought and by Roman Rosdolsky’s research on the relationship between Marx’s method of economic analysis and Hegel’s dialectic, Backhaus also advocated interpreting *Capital* from the perspective of dialectics. He pointed out that Marx had already clearly indicated in the first German edition of Volume I of *Capital* that his study of the problem of the value-form had a strong dialectical character. To help readers better understand this part of the content, Marx also adopted suggestions from Engels, Kugelmann, and others, and specifically added an appendix titled “The Value-Form” at the end of the book, explaining the problem in a lecture-like manner. However, during the revision of the manuscript of Volume I of *Capital*, Marx, in order to accommodate the comprehension ability of ordinary readers, popularized the theory of the value-form, thereby weakening its original dialectical nature. Therefore, Backhaus explicitly proposed to excavate and reconstruct the totality of Marx’s theory of the value-form from Marx’s economic manuscripts and related political-economic commentaries, restoring its dialectical thought.

“新马克思阅读”运动主张“完整地理解整个马克思”，“从晚期著作来理解早期著作”，通过逻辑体系的表现方式来区分和批判资本主义社会化的形式。其理论核心是马克思的价值形式理论，巴克豪斯的《价值形式的辩证法》（1969）是这一运动的奠基之作。受到费切尔所倡导的对马克思思想的黑格尔因素的研究以及罗曼·罗斯多尔斯基（Roman Rosdolsky）等人关于马克思经济学研究方法与黑格尔辩证法之间关系的研究的启发，巴克豪斯同样主张从辩证法的视角解读《资本论》。他指出，马克思在《资本论》第一卷德文第一版中已经明确说明，其对价值形式问题的研究具有浓厚的辩证法色彩。为了读者更好地理解这一部分的内容，马克思还采纳了恩格斯和库格曼等人的建议，专门在书后增加了一个题为《价值形式》的附录，以讲义的方式来解释这一问题。但是，在修订《资本论》第一卷书稿的过程中，马克思为了照顾普通读者的理解能力，对价值形式理论做了通俗化处理，从而弱化了其原有的辩证性。因此，巴克豪斯明确提出，要重新从马克思的经济学手稿和相关的政治经济学评注中挖掘并建构马克思价值形式理论的整体性，恢复其中的辩证思想。

Reichelt took up Backhaus’s discussion of the problem of the value-form. He pointed out that in Marx’s analysis of “form” in *Capital* (including the analysis of the value-form, the analysis of the money-form, and the dialectical presentation of political-economic categories), Marx had already provided a clear explanation of many problems, including the phenomenon of “reification.” In Reichelt’s view, *Capital* is a pioneering work that represents “the first attempt to conceptualize the totality of capitalist society,” a theoretical reconstruction by Marx of the social identity of individuals and the specific social relations corresponding to it. In his representative work *The Logical Structure of Marx’s Concept of Capital* (1973), Reichelt pointed out that, in Marx’s view, the theory of classical political economists submits to the appearance of the entire capitalist production process and unconsciously accepts this appearance as the universal historical process of capitalist society. Behind the value relation, however, lies not only the problem of the distribution of the products of social labor but also the problem of class relations in capitalist society. Therefore, the Marxist critique of the capitalist system is not only a critique of its economic categories but also a critique of the class relations behind them. To truly understand the historical nature of capital, it is necessary to investigate its laws of motion, thereby conducting a thorough analysis of the capitalist economic process.

莱希尔特承接了巴克豪斯关于价值形式问题的讨论。他指出，马克思在《资本论》的“形式”分析（包括价值形式分析、货币形式分析和政治经济学范畴的辩证呈现）中其实已经对包括“物化”现象在内的诸多问题有了明确阐释。在莱希尔特看来，《资本论》是“第一次对资本主义社会总体性进行概念化尝试”的开创性著作，是马克思对个体的社会身份及与之相对应的特定社会关系的理论重构。在《马克思资本概念的逻辑结构》（1973）这一代表作中，莱希尔特指出，在马克思看来，古典政治经济学家的理论屈从于整个资本主义生产过程的表象，并以一种无意识的方式把这种表象默认为资本主义社会的普遍历史过程。而价值关系的背后不仅隐藏了社会劳动产品分配的问题，而且隐藏了资本主义社会的阶级关系问题。因此，马克思主义对资本主义制度的批判不仅是对其经济范畴的批判，更是对其背后的阶级关系的批判。而要真正理解资本的历史性质，就需要考察其运动规律，从而对资本主义经济过程进行彻底的分析。

IV. The Dissemination and Reception of *Capital* in Germany since the 21st Century

四、21世纪以来《资本论》在德国的传播与接受

(I) Overview of the Publication of *Capital* and Its Manuscripts since the 21st Century

（一）21世纪以来《资本论》及其手稿的出版概况

Since the 21st century, the MEGA² project has progressed steadily. In 2012, it completed the publication of the final volume of its second section (the third volume of the economic manuscripts of 1863–1868), marking the completion of all 15 volumes (23 books) of the second part of the Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe (the historical-critical edition of the complete works of Marx and Engels), which covers *Capital* and its preparatory works. Among these, six of the 23 books have been published since 2000: II/4.3 (the third volume of the economic manuscripts of 1863–1868), II/11 (manuscripts for Volume II of *Capital*, 1868–1881), II/12 (Engels’s editorial manuscript for Volume II of *Capital*), II/13 (the first German edition of Volume III of *Capital*), II/14 (manuscripts for Volume III of *Capital*, 1871–1882, and Engels’s editorial manuscript), and II/15 (the first German edition of Volume III of *Capital*). Furthermore, in 2011, the *Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863*, which had previously been published in six volumes, was reissued in a new edition of three volumes.

21世纪以来，MEGA2工程稳步推进，并在2012年完成了第二部分最后一卷（1863—1868年经济学手稿的第三册）的出版工作，标志着《马克思恩格斯全集》历史考证版第二部分（《资本论》及其准备著作部分）共15卷（23册）全部出齐。其中，2000年以来共计出版了这23册中的6册，分别为Ⅱ/4.3 （1863—1868年经济学手稿的第三册）、Ⅱ/11（《资本论》第二卷1868—1881年手稿）、Ⅱ/12（《资本论》第二卷恩格斯编辑稿）、Ⅱ/13（《资本论》第三卷德文第一版）、Ⅱ/14（《资本论》第三卷的1871—1882年手稿和恩格斯的编辑稿）、Ⅱ/15（《资本论》第三卷德文第一版），并且在2011年重新以三册的形式再版了原先曾以六册形式出版的《1861—1863年经济学手稿》。

The complete publication of the second section of MEGA², especially the appearance of many new documents, has provided the most detailed research materials for the academic world to re-examine the creative process and intellectual trajectory of Marx’s *Capital*. Particularly since 2000, the publication by MEGA² of all the manuscripts of Volumes 2 and 3 of Marx’s *Capital* together with Engels’s editorial drafts has enabled readers, for the first time, to place Marx’s original manuscripts and Engels’s editorial drafts side by side, word for word, in order to form their own understanding and judgment. These newly published texts can also enhance understanding of the editorial work of editors after Engels (such as Kautsky and others). As Professor Michael Heinrich, a contemporary German expert in Marxist philological research and a member of the MEGA² editorial board, has pointed out, the completion of the editorial and publication work of the second section of MEGA² has, for the first time, provided a sufficiently solid textual basis for discussions of *Capital*. The second section of MEGA² arranges the relevant texts of *Capital* in a more detailed and reasonable manner, and appends all variant readings for comparison. Moreover, “the textual annotations, the various indexes, and the introductions to each volume comprehensively reveal the horizontal relationships among the various manuscripts, Marx’s sources of writing, and the background of each scientific analysis—a situation unprecedented in any previous editorial edition of Marx’s works,” so that “some content-related doubts can now finally be clarified thanks to the texts published in the second section of MEGA².”

MEGA2第二部分的完整出版，特别是许多新文献的面世，为学界重新审视马克思《资本论》的创作历程和思想轨迹提供了最为详实的研究材料。尤其是2000年以来，MEGA2出版的马克思《资本论》第二卷和第三卷全部手稿及恩格斯编辑稿，使得读者们能够第一次将马克思的原稿与恩格斯的编辑稿放在一起逐字逐句地对比，以形成自己的认知和评判。这些新出版的文本还可以增进人们对恩格斯之后的编者（如考茨基等人）的编辑工作的理解。正如德国当代知名马克思主义文献学研究专家、MEGA2编委会成员米夏埃尔·海因里希（Michael Heinrich）教授所指出的那样，MEGA2第二部分编辑出版工作的完成使得针对《资本论》的讨论第一次有了比较充分的文本基础。MEGA2第二部分对《资本论》的相关文本进行了更加细致合理的编排，并附上了可供对照和比较的全部异文。此外，“文本注释、各个索引表以及对各卷的介绍说明全面地揭示了各篇手稿、马克思的写作源泉和每一科学分析背景之间的横向关系，这是迄今为止马克思著作的其他各个编辑版本未曾有过的情形”，从而使得“一些内容上的疑团现在借助MEGA2第二部分发表的文本终于得以澄清”。

(2) The Rise of the “Marx Autumn School” and the Mass Dissemination of *Capital*

（二）“马克思—秋季学校”的兴起与《资本论》的大众传播

Since the 21st century, a wave of reading *Capital* has surged among the German populace, especially among young university students. The volumes of *Capital* and its manuscripts published by the MEGA² project, as well as various newly published popular and simplified editions of *Capital*, have become important documentary resources for the public to read and study *Capital*. This wave of study first arose on university campuses and subsequently unfolded in forms such as the “Read *Capital* Campaign” and the “Marx Autumn School” (Die Marx-Herbstschule), greatly promoting the dissemination of *Capital* in Germany and enhancing ordinary people’s understanding of Marxism, especially Marx’s main theoretical viewpoints in *Capital*.

21世纪以来，在德国民众、特别是青年大学生群体中掀起了阅读《资本论》的热潮，MEGA2工程所出版的《资本论》及其手稿卷次，以及各类新近出版的《资本论》通俗版和普及版，都成为民众阅读和学习《资本论》的重要文献资源。这一学习热潮首先在大学校园中兴起，并先后以“阅读《资本论》活动”、“马克思—秋季学校”(Die Marx-Herbstschule)等形式展开，极大地推动了《资本论》在德国的传播，也增进了普通民众对马克思主义、特别是马克思在《资本论》中的主要理论观点的认知。

In October 2007, the German Left Socialist Student Union [18]18 The German Left Socialist Student Union (Sozialistisch-Studenten-Bund) was a left-wing student organization active in German universities in the 2000s, associated with the broader Marxist and socialist student movement. took the lead in launching a “Rediscover Marx” campaign. After a year of preparation, the Union proposed that, starting from the winter semester of 2008, a *Capital* reading campaign be carried out in universities across Germany. The plan was to first spend one year reading Volume 1 of *Capital*, and then decide, based on the specific circumstances, whether to continue with the reading of Volumes 2 and 3. The Union also set up a dedicated “Read *Capital*” website and invited well-known German critical theorists to provide study guidance. This campaign was not only a relatively influential *Capital* reading activity within Germany at the time, but also became the first session of what later gradually took shape as the “Marx Autumn School.” Participants mainly discussed the content of the manuscript of Chapter 6 of Volume 1 of *Capital*, “Results of the Direct Production Process.”

2007年10月，德国左翼社会主义大学生联合会率先发起了“重新发现马克思”活动。经过一年的准备，联合会倡议从2008年冬季学期起在全德高校开展阅读《资本论》活动，预计先用一年的时间阅读完《资本论》第一卷，再根据具体情况决定是否继续推进《资本论》第二、三卷的阅读活动。联合会还专门创办了“阅读《资本论》”网站,聘请德国著名的批判理论家进行学习指导。这一活动既是当时德国国内具有较大影响力的一次阅读《资本论》活动，同时也成为之后逐渐成型的“马克思—秋季学校”的第一期。活动参与者主要讨论了《资本论》第一卷第六章的手稿“直接生产过程的结果”的内容。

The “Marx Autumn School” was jointly organized by institutions such as the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation and the Berlin MEGA Editorial Promotion Association. It was open to all ordinary people interested in Marx, while also involving scholars familiar with or even proficient in Marxist theory in each reading group, including MEGA² editorial board members and well-known left-wing theorists. The school focused mainly on short-term (about three days) intensive study and discussion. Over the six sessions from 2008 to 2013, participants engaged in lively discussions around Marx’s *Capital* and its manuscripts and other important documents. In addition to the “Marx Autumn School,” from 2006 onward the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation also ran a year-round “*Capital* Reading Course,” with lectures on Volumes 2 and 3 of *Capital* on Monday evenings and lectures on Volume 1 on Tuesday evenings, occasionally supplemented by invited expert talks. These activities were well received by ordinary Germans, especially young students, laying a solid foundation for the mass dissemination of *Capital* and its manuscripts and helping to spark a new wave of intensive study of Marxist works in Germany.

“马克思—秋季学校”由罗莎·卢森堡基金会、德国柏林MEGA编辑促进会等机构联合主办，向所有对马克思感兴趣的普通民众开放,同时也有熟悉甚至精通马克思主义理论的学者参与各阅读小组，包括MEGA2的编委以及知名的左翼理论家。学校以短期（三天左右）的集中学习和研讨为主。在2008—2013年的六期活动中，学员们围绕马克思的《资本论》及其手稿等重要文献展开热烈讨论。除“马克思—秋季学校”外，从2006年起，罗莎·卢森堡基金会还常年开设“《资本论》阅读课程”，每周一晚间讲解《资本论》第二、三卷，每周二晚间讲解《资本论》第一卷，其间还会不定期地邀请专家做讲座。这些活动受到德国普通民众、特别是青年学子的欢迎，为《资本论》及其手稿的大众传播奠定了良好的基础，助力掀起了德国马克思主义著作研读的新热潮。

(Author’s affiliation: School of Marxism Studies, Renmin University of China)

（作者单位中国人民大学马克思主义学院）

Online editor: Tong Xin

网络编辑：同心