The Continuously Growing South African Communist Party

The Republic of South Africa, located at the southernmost tip of the African continent, is renowned as the “Rainbow Nation” but also notorious for its history of apartheid. The South African Communist Party (SACP), since its founding in 1921, has been committed to the struggle against racism. With the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994, the SACP, as a member of the tripartite governing alliance, became a “party participating in state governance.” In recent years, the SACP’s membership has steadily increased, and its influence on South African political affairs has expanded. The SACP continues to consolidate and deepen the gains of the national democratic revolution while exploring the future path of socialist development in South Africa.

南非共和国位于非洲大陆的最南端，有“彩虹之国”的美誉，也有种族隔离之恶名。南非共产党（South African Communist Party，SACP）从1921年成立起就致力于反对种族主义的斗争。1994年南非民族团结政府建立，南非共产党作为三方执政联盟的一方，从此成为“参与国家管理的党”。近年来，南非共产党的党员人数不断增加，对南非政治事务的影响力不断扩大，SACP继续巩固和深化南非民族民主革命的成果，同时探索未来南非的社会主义发展道路。

I. The Political Ecology of South Africa

一、南非的政治生态图谱

South Africa has a land area of 1.22 million square kilometers and is rich in natural resources, with its mineral resources renowned worldwide for their variety, large reserves, and high output. It is the largest and most developed economy on the African continent. Due to its relatively free and open economy, South Africa has become a hotspot for international capital investment. In 1967, South Africa performed the world’s first heart transplant; during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, it began producing 20,000 non-invasive ventilators from August, becoming the first African country to design and manufacture such devices independently. South Africa’s agriculture, industry, finance, and infrastructure are relatively modernized, enabling it to produce Cheetah fighter jets, Olifant main battle tanks, and naval vessels, and even to manufacture atomic bombs. On the African continent, South Africa’s reputation as the “Rainbow Nation” is well-deserved.

南非陆地面积122万平方公里，自然资源丰富，其矿产资源以种类多、储量大、产量高而闻名于世。南非是非洲大陆最大、最发达的经济体，因经济相对自由开放，南非成为国际资本投资的热点地区。1967年南非进行世界上第一例心脏移植手术，2020年新冠肺炎疫情期间，南非从8月起自行生产2万台无创呼吸机，成为非洲首个能自行设计和生产无创呼吸机的国家。南非的农业、工业、金融、基础设施的现代化程度较高，能够生产猎豹战斗机、号角主战坦克和军舰，甚至能够制造原子弹。从非洲大陆来说，南非“彩虹之国”的美誉名不虚传。

At the same time, the legacy of apartheid, extreme wealth inequality, and various conflicts and contradictions have become the norm in South African political life. According to 2020 projections by Statistics South Africa, the national population was 59.6 million, with Black South Africans constituting the overwhelming majority at over 80%. A 2018 World Bank report on poverty and inequality showed that South Africa has the highest level of wealth disparity. The richest 10% of the population holds 71% of the wealth, while the poorest 60% holds only 7%. Most arable land is in the hands of white South Africans: the 7.8% of the population who are white own 72% of the land, while the 80.8% who are Black own only 4%. Black South Africans, long in a disadvantaged position, remain a group characterized by low assets, low skills, low wages, and high unemployment even after the abolition of apartheid, with racial contradictions becoming increasingly pronounced. SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande, in his speech at the 19th International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, pointed out that the deep distortions in South Africa’s capitalist political-economic structure are: highly concentrated monopoly capital; an economic structure based on racism that is as entrenched as the social structure of the apartheid era; and South Africa’s continued status as a semi-peripheral commodity exporter in the global capitalist chain. The corresponding results of these structural features are the persistence of race-based unemployment, inequality, and poverty.

同时，种族隔离的遗毒、贫富悬殊与各种矛盾冲突成为南非政治生活的常态。据2020年南非统计局预测，南非全国人口为5960万，黑人占南非总人口的绝大多数，达到80%以上。世界银行2018年发布的贫困及不平等报告显示，南非的贫富差距最大。南非最富有的10%人口占据财富的71%，而最贫穷的60%人口仅占据7%的财富。南非大多数可耕种土地在白人手中，占总人口7.8%的南非白人拥有全国72%的土地，而占总人口80.8%的黑人只有4%的土地。长期以来处于弱势地位的南非黑人，在种族隔离制度被废除后的今天，仍属于低资产、低技术、低工资、高失业群体，种族矛盾越发突出。南非共产党总书记布莱德·恩齐曼德（Blade Nzimande）在第19次世界共产党和工人党国际会议的发言中指出，南非资本主义政治经济结构中的深层扭曲是：高度集中的资本垄断；基于种族主义的经济结构与种族隔离时代的社会结构一样坚固；南非仍然是全球资本主义链条上半外围的商品输出国。这些结构性特征的相应结果是，基于种族的失业、不平等和贫困仍在继续。

In South Africa’s sixth general election in 2019, 48 parties participated, representing different races and classes. Registered voters numbered 26.757 million, with 17.672 million actually casting ballots, a turnout rate that had declined consecutively to 66.05%. The “3+1” electoral alliance led by the African National Congress (ANC) won 57.5% of the vote, but its support rate had been declining. The Democratic Alliance maintained its position as the second-largest party with 20.77% of the vote. The Economic Freedom Fighters, participating in a general election for the second time, secured 10.79% of the vote, retaining its status as the third-largest party in the National Assembly and seeing a clear rise in political influence. The Inkatha Freedom Party, ranked fourth, saw its support rate decline consecutively to 3.38%. The SACP participated in the joint election campaign led by the ANC and did not have a separate vote tally; it is widely recognized as South Africa’s fourth-largest party.

南非2019年第六次全国大选中，参加竞选的党派48个，分别代表不同的种族和阶层。登记选民达2675.7万，实际参与投票的人数1767.2万，投票率连续下降至66.05%。以（南非）非洲人国民大会（ANC）为首的“3+1”竞选联盟获得57.5%的选票，但支持率连续下降；民主联盟以20.77%的得票率维持第二大党地位；第二次参与全国大选的经济自由战士党获得10.79%的得票率，继续保持国民议会第三大党地位，在南非的政治影响明显上升；排名第四的因卡塔自由党支持率连续下降为3.38%。南非共产党参加以非国大为首的联合竞选，没有单列得票率，被公认为南非的第四大政党。

The ANC has maintained a dominant position in South Africa’s political landscape since the democratic transition in 1994. The majority of Black South Africans support the ANC, first due to racial identity, and second because of the ANC’s achievements in improving the economic marginalization of the Black majority. Additionally, the support of political forces such as the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions is an important reason for the ANC’s long-term governance. The ANC was deeply influenced by the SACP before the democratic transition, and the political alliance between the ANC and the SACP remains solid, with many SACP members holding positions in the ANC and at various levels of government. However, contradictions and differences between the two are increasingly evident; for example, the SACP accuses the ANC of being aloof and “resting on its laurels,” of factional struggles within the party, and of intensifying internal friction within the alliance.

非国大在1994年民主转型后的南非政治格局中一直处于主导地位。南非大多数黑人支持非国大，一是受种族认同的影响，二是因为非国大在改变广大黑人经济边缘地位上所取得的成绩。此外，南非共产党、南非工会大会等政治力量的支持，也是非国大长期执政的重要原因。非国大在南非民主转型之前深受南非共产党的影响，现在非国大和南非共产党的政治联盟依然巩固，在非国大和各级政府中任职的南非共产党党员有很多。但两者之间的矛盾和分歧日益明显，如南非共产党指责非国大高高在上“吃老本”、党内派系斗争、联盟内耗加剧，等等。

The Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, and the Inkatha Freedom Party are the three main opposition parties in South African political life. The Democratic Alliance was formed in 2000 through the merger of the Democratic Party, the Federal Alliance, and the New National Party. Its core members are white, representing the interests of Afrikaner farmers and English-speaking white business and financial circles, and it also opposes racism. The Democratic Alliance has long governed the Western Cape province and has gained control of many municipalities through direct governance or coalition governments. To downplay its image as a white party, it has continuously recruited Black members, and its current party chairperson is also Black. The Economic Freedom Fighters was founded in 2013 by Julius Malema, who previously served as president of the ANC Youth League and was expelled from the ANC due to political differences with former President Jacob Zuma. The party advocates for thorough economic liberation, such as the uncompensated expropriation of white-owned land and the nationalization of white-controlled mines and banks. The Inkatha Freedom Party is a Black nationalist party based primarily on the Zulu ethnic group in the KwaZulu-Natal region. It has significant policy differences with the ANC and advocates for a federal system centered on regional autonomy. This party once served as a bargaining chip for the white minority government against the ANC and later joined forces with the Democratic Alliance in local elections.

民主联盟、经济自由战士党和因卡塔自由党是南非政治生活中的三大反对党。民主联盟于2000年由民主党、联邦联盟党和新国民党三党合并而成，主要成员为白人，代表荷兰裔白人农牧场主和英裔白人工商金融界利益，也反对种族主义。民主联盟长期在西开普省执政，通过直接执政或与其他政党联合执政取得了许多市政的控制权。为淡化其白人政党色彩，民主联盟不断吸纳黑人党员，现任党主席也是黑人。经济自由战士党由朱留斯·马勒马（Julius Malema）于2013年建立，他曾担任非国大青年联盟主席，因与前总统祖马的政治分歧而被开除出党。该党主张进行彻底的经济解放，如无偿征收白人的土地，对白人控制的矿山、银行等实行国有化。因卡塔自由党是以夸祖鲁-纳塔尔地区的祖鲁族为主的黑人民族主义政党，与非国大在政策主张上存在很大分歧，推崇以地区自治为核心的联邦制。该党曾经充当白人种族政府对付非国大的筹码，后来又与民主联盟联手参加地方竞选。

The SACP adheres to its nature as a socialist party of the working class and has formed a political alliance with the ANC, continuously growing and strengthening in the struggle for national independence and against racism. At the time of its 13th National Congress in 2012, the party had 154,220 members; by its 14th Congress in 2017, membership had reached 284,554. As of December 2019, the party had nearly 320,000 members, with numerous branches, a well-organized structure, and a relatively balanced membership in terms of gender and age. The organizational report of the SACP’s 14th Congress showed that female members accounted for 45%, and members aged 20 to 59 made up 82%. The SACP holds that South Africa is a capitalist society with strong dependency, developed through a special form of colonialism, and that the current task is to advance the national democratic revolution aimed at the complete liberation of Black people.

南非共产党坚持社会主义的工人阶级政党性质，与非国大结成政治同盟，在争取民族独立和反种族主义斗争中不断发展壮大。2012年党的第十三次全国代表大会召开时党员为154220人，2017年十四大召开时人数达到284554人。截至2019年12月党员近32万人，支部众多，组织健全，党员的性别、年龄等结构比较合理。南非共产党十四大组织报告中的党员资料表显示，女性党员占45%，20岁到59岁的党员为82%。南非共产党认为南非是一个经过特殊殖民主义发展的、依附性较强的资本主义社会，当前的任务是推进以黑人彻底解放为目标的民族民主革命。

From an ideological perspective, the African National Congress (ANC) positions itself as a "social democratic party," determined to follow the path of constitutional democracy; the Democratic Alliance leans toward "liberalism," while also bearing social democratic characteristics; the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) claim to be adherents of Marxism-Leninism and Fanonism (a black-supremacist Pan-African socialism), yet after the 2016 South African local elections, the EFF joined forces with the Democratic Alliance to oppose the ANC, even calling for "taking up arms to overthrow the South African government"; the Inkatha Freedom Party was once an object of the South African Communist Party's (SACP) vigorous efforts to win over and unite, but because its localism and tribalism run counter to the tide of history, it has little future in South Africa. The SACP pursues class revolution, advocating unity among black and white comrades. In contrast, the EFF pursues racial revolution, being a black-supremacist party that completely excludes whites. The EFF accuses the SACP of shielding whites, while the latter claims that the two parties are spokespersons for capitalist interests and that Malema is a (black) racist "fascist." In the spectrum of South Africa's political ecosystem, between the ruling party and opposition parties, among opposition parties themselves, and within the ruling coalition, differing interest demands make conflicts and contradictions inevitable. The actual political life of South Africa is relatively complex; distinguishing solely by ideology makes it difficult to generalize.

从意识形态来说，非国大自我定位为“社会民主党”，决心走宪政民主之路；民主联盟偏向“自由主义”，同时带有社会民主党色彩；经济自由战士党自称是马列主义和法农主义（黑人至上的泛非社会主义）者，但是在2016年南非地方选举后该党与民主联盟联手对付非国大，甚至号召“拿起枪杆子推翻南非政府”；因卡塔自由党曾经是南非共产党极力争取和团结的对象，因该党的地方主义和部族主义抗拒历史潮流，在南非难有前途。南非共产党追求的是阶级革命，主张黑白同志团结。而经济自由战士党追求的是种族革命，是完全排斥白人的黑人至上主义政党。经济自由战士党指责南非共产党包庇白人，后者则称两党是资本家利益的代言人，马勒马是（黑色）种族主义的“法西斯”。在南非的政治生态图谱中，执政党与反对党之间、各反对党之间、执政联盟内部，利益诉求不同，矛盾冲突在所难免。南非的现实政治生活比较复杂，仅从意识形态来区分，难以一概而论。

II. A Review of the South African Communist Party's Century-Long Struggle

二、南非共产党的百年奋斗历程回顾

The South African Communist Party has long operated in a severe and complex struggle environment, assessing the situation and adopting flexible tactics and strategies to participate in and lead South Africa's national democratic revolution, maintaining a powerful influence over the national democratic movement. The SACP strengthens its own unity and solidarity, commits to joint action among all democratic and progressive forces in South Africa, and organizes a united front against racism. The SACP prioritizes the overall situation, striving to facilitate peaceful negotiations among all parties, and has played an important role in the breakthrough process of South Africa's democratization.

南非共产党长期处于严峻复杂的斗争环境中，审时度势，以灵活的策略战术参与领导南非民族民主革命，对南非民族民主运动始终保持着强大的影响力。南非共产党加强自身团结统一，致力于南非各民主进步力量联合行动，组织反对种族主义的统一战线。南非共产党以大局为重，竭力促成各方进行和平谈判，在南非民主突破进程中发挥了重要作用。

(I) Participating in and Leading the South African National Democratic Revolution

（一）参与领导南非民族民主革命

In 1921, several white revolutionary groups in South Africa convened a joint meeting in Cape Town to establish the Communist Party of South Africa. By 1928, black members constituted the overwhelming majority. During World War II, the SACP opposed international fascism and the fascist tendencies of the South African government, winning support from the white petty-bourgeois stratum and many trade union activists, thereby restoring the Party's strength. In 1946, the SACP again organized the Rand miners' general strike, demonstrating the immense power and fighting spirit of the working class under SACP leadership. After the strike, the South African government arrested the SACP's General Secretary and all members of the Central Committee, subjecting them to a trial lasting two years. In 1949, the SACP participated in elections for the South African Union Parliament for the first time, with two members elected as MPs; this incident caused great panic among the white racist government. In May 1950, the ruling South African authorities enacted the *Suppression of Communism Act*, declaring the Communist Party an illegal organization. This Act designated nine categories of people within the Union of South Africa—including both genuine Communists and non-Communists—as Communists, and specifically stipulated that anyone charged with communist activities was considered guilty until proven innocent. From then on, the SACP lost the conditions for open and legal struggle against racism. Faced with such a severe situation, the SACP Central Committee, without consulting grassroots organizations, passed a resolution for the Party to dissolve itself. However, many members continued their struggle activities under the cover of legal organizations such as the ANC. In early 1953, the SACP secretly reestablished its underground organization and adopted its current name. After its secret reestablishment, the SACP simultaneously employed both open and underground methods of struggle. However, as the white racist authorities intensified their crackdown on the SACP, more and more leaders were arrested, the underground organization suffered increasingly severe damage, and most leaders were forced into long-term exile abroad. Despite this, the SACP maintained a powerful influence over the national democratic movement. In February 1990, the South African authorities announced the lifting of the ban on the SACP. In December 1991, the SACP held its Eighth National Congress in Johannesburg, its first legal activity within the country after 41 years of being banned, marking the SACP's entry into a new stage of development.

1921年南非几个白人革命团体在开普敦联合召开会议，组建南非共产党。到1928年黑人党员占绝大多数。二战期间，南非共产党反对国际法西斯主义和南非政府的法西斯倾向，赢得白人小资产阶级阶层和许多工会活动分子的支持，党的力量得到恢复。1946年南非共产党再次组织兰德矿工大罢工，显示了南非共产党领导下的工人阶级的巨大力量和战斗精神。大罢工之后，南非政府逮捕了南非共产党总书记和中央委员会全体成员，并对他们进行了长达两年的审判。1949年南非共产党首次参加南非联邦议会竞选，有两名党员当选议员，此次事件引起南非白人种族政府极大恐慌。1950年5月，南非执政当局颁布《镇压共产主义条例》，宣布共产党为非法组织。该条例把南非联邦内包括真正的共产党员和不是共产党员在内的九种人全部认定为共产党员，并特别规定：因共产主义活动而被指控的人，在没有证明自己无罪之前就被认为有罪。从此，南非共产党失去公开合法地进行反对种族主义斗争的条件。面对如此严峻的局面，南非共产党中央在未征询基层组织意见的情况下做出关于党自行解散的决议，但是许多党员仍然以非国大等合法组织作掩护继续从事斗争活动。1953年初，南非共产党重新秘密建立党的地下组织，并改为现名。秘密重建后的南非共产党同时采取公开和地下两种方式进行斗争。但是，随着白人种族当局不断加大对南非共产党的打击力度，越来越多的领导人被捕，地下组织也日益受到严重破坏，大部分领导人被迫长期流亡国外。尽管如此，南非共产党对南非民族民主运动始终保持着强大的影响力。1990年2月南非当局宣布解除对南非共产党的禁令，1991年12月南非共产党在约翰内斯堡召开第八次全国代表大会，这是南非共产党被禁41年以来首次在国内进行的合法活动，标志着南非共产党进入新的发展阶段。

The SACP participated in and led South Africa's national democratic movement, providing theoretical, programmatic, and strategic guidance for the South African people's anti-racist struggle. Even during the difficult period of brutal suppression by the South African authorities, the SACP directly participated in and led mass anti-apartheid movements among students, workers, and others by sending members secretly back to the country and establishing secret organizations domestically. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) was established under the SACP's influence; the vast majority of its anti-racist struggles were launched under the SACP's direct or indirect leadership, its main leaders were SACP members, and many members of the leadership of its affiliated industrial unions were also SACP members. In November 1962, the Fifth National Congress adopted a new party program, *The Road to Freedom*, which stated that the basic content of the national democratic revolution was "the national liberation of the (South) African people." In November 1979, an enlarged Central Committee meeting proposed that the Party's immediate task was to establish a broad front including all patriotic and anti-racist forces, strengthen the Party's ties with the masses, and emphasized that the Party was "an important component of the revolutionary alliance exploring national liberation, with the ANC at its head." In late 1984, the Sixth National Congress emphasized that the Party must integrate with the workers' movement in practice, politics, and ideology, to ensure that the South African working class "could shoulder the mission of seizing power from the bourgeoisie and then building a socialism." In June 1989, the Seventh National Congress's new program, *The Road to Power*, proposed a strategic policy for eliminating national oppression and striving for socialism, emphasizing that the SACP is the political leading force of the South African working class. The Eighth National Congress pointed out that the outcome of multi-party constitutional negotiations with the white ruling authorities did not depend on the negotiations themselves, but on the respective strengths of the negotiating parties. The basic policy for constitutional negotiations was to actively create opportunities for participation in state governance and seize the strategic initiative in negotiations by uniting various progressive forces. Through the programs and strategies of successive party congresses, the SACP provided timely guidance for the development of the South African people's anti-racist struggle, inspiring and strengthening their confidence and determination in the struggle.

南非共产党参与领导南非的民族民主运动，为南非人民反种族主义的斗争提供理论、纲领和策略的指导。即使在被南非当局血腥镇压的困难时期，南非共产党通过派遣党员秘密回国、在国内建立秘密组织等方式，直接参与领导学生、工人等群众性的反种族隔离运动。南非工会大会就是在南非共产党的影响下成立的，其反种族主义的斗争绝大多数是在南非共产党的直接和间接领导下发动的，其主要领导人是南非共产党员，其下属产业工会的领导层成员也有不少是南非共产党党员。1962年11月第五次全国代表大会通过《通向自由之路》新党纲，指出民族民主革命的基本内容是“（南非）非洲人的民族解放”。1979年11月党中央扩大会议提出，党的当前任务是建立包括一切爱国力量和反种族主义力量在内的广泛阵线，加强党同群众的联系，强调党是“以非国大为首的探索民族解放的革命联盟的重要组成部分”。1984年底第六次全代会强调党要在实践、政治和思想方面同工人运动相结合，以保证南非工人阶级“能够担负起从资产阶级手中夺取政权，进而建设一个社会主义的使命”。1989年6月第七次全代会的《通向权力之路》新纲领提出消灭民族压迫和争取社会主义斗争的战略方针，强调南非共产党是南非工人阶级的政治领导力量。第八次全代会指出，与白人统治当局进行多党制宪谈判的结果，不取决于谈判本身，而是取决于谈判方各自的实力。制宪谈判的基本方针，就是通过联合各种进步力量，积极创造参与国家管理的机会，掌握谈判的战略主动权。通过历届党代会的纲领和策略，南非共产党及时指导了南非人民反种族主义斗争的发展，鼓舞和坚定了南非人民斗争的信心和决心。

(II) Persisting in Anti-Racist Unity and Cooperation

（二）坚持反对种族主义的团结合作

From its founding period to the present, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has been committed to the united action of all democratic and progressive forces in South Africa, organizing a united front against racism. In 1929, at the initiative of the SACP, the "African National Power Alliance" was established, with the president of the African National Congress (ANC) serving as its chair and the SACP's general secretary as its secretary. During the period when it was outlawed by the white racist government, the SACP still insisted on uniting with other progressive forces in South Africa to deepen the anti-racist movement. In 1955, the SACP, together with the ANC, the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation, and the Congress of Democrats (white), established a united front — the "Congress Alliance Movement" — to jointly oppose white racist rule. The jointly drafted struggle program, the *Freedom Charter*, stipulated that the goal of the anti-racist struggle was to establish a representative democratic government in South Africa, guaranteeing all adult citizens the right to vote and stand for election as conferred by the national legislature, and achieving equality for all citizens regardless of race, color, or gender. The SACP believes that the Party is an important component of the revolutionary alliance, led by the ANC, exploring national liberation. Besides long-term cooperation with the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the SACP also maintains close cooperation with organizations such as the South African National NGO Coalition, the South African National Civics Organisation, and the South African Indian Congress. Regarding its former enemy, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the SACP adopted an attitude of unity and cooperation rather than confrontation at its Eighth Congress in 1991, prompting it to support the establishment of a new government. Furthermore, the SACP has established ties with many progressive organizations abroad and developed relations of unity and cooperation with various social movement organizations, community organizations, non-governmental organizations, and religious organizations.

南非共产党从建党初期到现在，致力于南非各民主进步力量联合行动，组织反对种族主义的统一战线。1929年在南非共产党倡议下，成立“非洲民族权力同盟”，非国大主席担任联盟主席，党的总书记为联盟书记。在被白人种族主义政府取缔期间，南非共产党仍然坚持联合南非其他进步力量推动反种族主义运动的深入发展。1955年南非共产党与非国大、印度人大会、（南非）非洲人民组织（有色人）、民主人士大会（白人）共同建立统一战线——“人民大会联盟运动”，共同反对白人种族主义的统治。共同起草的斗争纲领《自由宪章》规定，反对种族主义斗争的目标是在南非建立一个代议制的民主政府，保证所有成年公民都有国家立法机关所赋予的选举权与被选举权，实现所有公民不分种族、肤色和性别一律平等。南非共产党认为，党是以非国大为首的探索民族解放的革命联盟的重要组成部分。除了与非国大、南非工会大会长期合作外，南非共产党与南非国内的非政府组织同盟、全国公民组织、印度人大会等组织也有密切合作。对以前的敌人因卡塔自由党，南非共产党在1991年八大上采取了团结合作而不是对抗的态度，使其支持成立新政府的立场。此外，南非共产党同国外许多进步组织建立了联系，发展了与各种社会运动组织、社区组织、非政府组织、宗教组织的团结合作关系。

(III) Exerting Efforts in the Struggle for South Africa's Democratic Breakthrough

（三）发力于南非民主突破的斗争

The SACP led the ANC's "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK), combining propaganda and agitation with armed struggle, thereby closely linking the SACP with radical workers and youth. In March 1960, a large-scale protest march by South African blacks against the *Pass Laws* was met with bloody suppression. The South African racist government decided to use all means, including naked force, to suppress the non-violent struggle of Africans, making peaceful and legal struggle impossible in South Africa. The ANC and the SACP were forced to consider new strategies and methods of struggle, calling for armed struggle to overthrow the reactionary regime in South Africa. In February 1961, the ANC authorized Nelson Mandela to establish the armed force "Umkhonto we Sizwe," whose core leadership included communists such as Joe Slovo and Chris Hani, who later served as general secretaries of the SACP. The leadership group of MK believed that South Africa had "weak links" and that modern infrastructure was vulnerable to sabotage — for example, large-scale power outages and transport disruptions would paralyze economic life — so they prioritized implementing a "sabotage plan." This involved damaging economic facilities, such as systematically and planned attacks on power plants, disrupting railway transport and telecommunications, scaring off foreign capital, and causing severe losses to the South African economy. Such immense depletion of South Africa's national economic life would undoubtedly prompt voters to consider their own situation and force the white government to reconsider its racial policies. With assistance from socialist countries like the Soviet Union, MK's combat effectiveness greatly increased, launching powerful offensives against the South African authorities and forcing the white apartheid ruling stratum back to the negotiating table. Although MK's importance was always more political than military, it still dealt a heavy blow to the reactionary forces of apartheid. The national liberation movement represented by the ANC increasingly gained broad support from various democratic forces domestically and progressive forces internationally, laying a solid anti-racist social foundation for the subsequent constitutional negotiations and the victory in the democratic elections.

南非共产党领导非国大的“民族之矛”，通过宣传鼓动与武装斗争相结合，使南非共产党与激进的工人和青年密切联系起来。1960年3月南非黑人反对《通行证法》的大规模游行示威遭到血腥镇压。南非种族主义政府决定以一切手段包括以赤裸裸的武力来镇压非洲人的非暴力斗争，使得和平、合法的斗争在南非无法存在。非国大和南非共产党不得不思考新的战略和斗争方式，号召以武装斗争推翻南非反动政权。1961年2月非国大授权曼德拉组建武装力量“民族之矛”，其核心领导成员有后来担任南非共产党总书记的乔·斯洛沃和克里斯·哈尼等共产党员。“民族之矛”的领导小组认为南非存在“薄弱环节”，现代化基础设施容易受到破坏，如大面积停电、交通阻断将造成经济生活的瘫痪，因此优先实施“破坏方案”。破坏经济设施，如有组织、有计划地破坏能源工厂，干扰铁路运输和电信业，吓跑外国资本，使南非经济遭受严重损失。这种对南非国家经济生活的极大消耗，无疑会促使选举人考虑自己的处境，迫使白人政府重新考虑其种族政策。在苏联等社会主义国家的援助下，“民族之矛”的战斗力大增，向南非当局发动强大攻势，迫使推行种族隔离的白人统治层回到谈判桌。“民族之矛”的重要性虽然一直是在政治上而不是在军事上，但是依然沉重打击了种族隔离反动势力。以非国大为代表的民族解放运动日益得到国内各个民主力量和国外进步力量的广泛支持，为后来的制宪谈判和民主大选获得胜利夯实了反种族主义的社会根基。

As a major force in the constitutional negotiations, the SACP played an important role. The struggle during South Africa's constitutional negotiations was exceptionally fierce and brutal. On April 10, 1993, SACP General Secretary Chris Hani was assassinated outside his home at the age of 50. Hani, due to his fighting spirit and radical rhetoric against the apartheid regime, enjoyed high prestige among ordinary ANC members, especially black youth. After being elected General Secretary of the SACP, he participated in peace talks with the government and adopted a much more moderate stance than before. Hani's assassination nearly triggered a civil war in South Africa, but the SACP still adhered to its established policy and strove to facilitate peaceful negotiations among all parties. Before South Africa's democratic elections, after intricate and complex struggles, the negotiating parties finally reached an agreement on an interim constitution. In December 1993, the South African Parliament passed the interim constitution, and in April 1994, South Africa held its first-ever equal, democratic, and multiracial elections, with the ANC winning by an absolute majority. According to the new interim constitution, the ANC was responsible for forming a cabinet and establishing a Government of National Unity. The establishment of the Government of National Unity marked the complete end of South Africa's more than 300-year-old apartheid system and also signified the decisive victory of the South African people's struggle against racist rule, creating favorable conditions for the SACP's revolutionary approach of "peacefully" striving for socialism.

南非共产党作为制宪谈判中的一支主要力量，在谈判中发挥了重要作用。在南非制宪谈判中，斗争异常激烈残酷。1993年4月10日，南非共产党总书记哈尼在自己的寓所前遇刺身亡，时年50岁。哈尼因其反对种族隔离政权的战斗精神和激烈言行，在非国大的普通成员，尤其是黑人青年中享有很高威望。他当选南非共产党总书记以后，参加了与政府的和谈，并且采取了比以前温和得多的立场。哈尼遇刺事件险些在南非引发内战，但南非共产党仍然坚持既定方针，竭力促成各方进行和平谈判。南非民主大选之前，经过错综复杂的斗争，谈判各方最终就临时宪法达成协议。1993年12月南非议会通过了临时宪法，1994年4月南非举行了历史上首次平等、民主和多种族的大选，非国大以绝对优势赢得胜利。根据临时新宪法，非国大负责组阁，成立民族团结政府。南非民族团结政府的建立，标志着南非300多年种族隔离制度的彻底结束，也标志着南非人民反对种族主义统治的斗争取得决定性的胜利，为南非共产党以“和平为主”争取社会主义的革命方式创造了有利条件。

III. Achievements and Challenges Faced by the South African Communist Party

三、南非共产党取得的成就与面临的挑战

After South Africa's democratic breakthrough, the SACP achieved many notable successes through practical activities such as participating in state governance, leading mass movements, and assisting vulnerable groups. These include: first, the continuous expansion of its organizational scale; second, the increasing influence on South African political affairs; third, the formation of a socialist theory with South African characteristics; and fourth, the creation of some conditions and opportunities for future socialism. At the same time, the SACP also faces many difficulties and challenges, primarily the widespread anti-communist sentiment in South Africa and the African continent, the multi-layered nature of the South African working class, the weak socialist foundation in South Africa, and problems within the Party itself.

南非实现民主突破后，南非共产党通过参与国家管理、引领群众运动、扶助弱势群体等实践活动，取得了许多显著成就：一是组织规模不断扩大，二是对南非政治事务的影响力不断增强，三是形成具有南非特色的社会主义理论，四是为未来社会主义创造一些条件和机会。同时，南非共产党也面临许多困难和挑战，主要是南非及非洲大陆普遍存在反共倾向、南非工人阶级多层化、南非的社会主义基础薄弱和党自身存在问题等。

(I) Achievements of the South African Communist Party in Recent Years

（一）近年来南非共产党取得的成就

1. Participation in State Governance

1.参与国家管理

For the SACP, transitioning from an illegal status to a legal one, and then to participating in state governance, represents a qualitative leap. Since the establishment of the democratic government in South Africa in 1994, the SACP has become an important party within the ruling alliance led by the ANC, becoming a "party participating in state governance," playing a significant role in social life and laying the political foundation for the South African people to strive for democracy and pioneer the cause of socialism.

对南非共产党来说，从非法状态到合法状态，再到参与国家管理，是质的飞跃。自1994南非民主政府建立以来，南非共产党成为以非国大为首的执政联盟的重要一方，成为“参与国家管理的党”，在社会生活中发挥重要作用，为南非人民争取民主和开创社会主义事业奠定了政治基础。

The SACP's influence on South African political affairs is increasingly evident, prominently manifested in its possession of a relatively large number of seats in parliament, its members holding key positions in governments at all levels, and its members joining political organizations and mass organizations such as the ANC as individuals and holding important posts. In South Africa's first democratic elections and the first democratic government, SACP members accounted for about one-fifth of the parliamentary seats; the Party's General Secretary was appointed Minister of Home Affairs in the Government of National Unity, and seven other Party members served as ministers in the central government. The SACP occupied one-third of the seats on the ANC's National Executive Committee, and both the ANC's General Secretary and Deputy General Secretary were SACP members. South Africa's current president, Cyril Ramaphosa, was once a leader of the SACP; he believes the SACP should become the "ideological leader" within the ruling alliance, attracting activists with strong ideological inclinations. SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande served as Minister of Higher Education, Science and Innovation in Ramaphosa's government. In December 2020, Central Committee member Dr. Mashilo was appointed as a special advisor to the Premier of Limpopo Province; the SACP issued a special statement expressing congratulations and encouragement, hoping he would adhere to Party principles and fulfill every duty conscientiously in his work.

南非共产党对南非政治事务的影响力日益增强，突出表现为在议会中拥有较多议席、党员在各级政府中担任要职、党员以个人身份加入非国大等政治组织和群众组织并任要职等。在南非第一次民主大选和第一届民主政府中，南非共产党成员约占议会席位的1/5，总书记当选民族团结政府的内政部长，还有7名党员在中央政府担任部长职务。南非共产党在非国大全国执委中占1/3，非国大总书记、副总书记都是南非共产党党员。南非现任总统西里尔·拉马福萨（Cyril Ramaphosa）曾是南非共产党的领导人，他认为南非共产党应该成为执政联盟中的“思想领导者”，吸引一些有较强的思想倾向的活动家。南非共产党总书记恩齐曼德担任拉马福萨政府的高等教育和科学创新部部长。2020年12月中央委员马希洛（Mashilo）博士被任命为林波波省的省长特别顾问，南非共产党特别发文表示祝贺和勉励，希望他在工作中坚持党的原则，尽职尽责做好每一件事。

The South African Communist Party (SACP) exerts influence within the governing alliance on the African National Congress (ANC) primarily through three avenues. First, it participates in the ANC’s decision-making process. Many SACP members hold positions in the ANC’s power and decision-making bodies, and the Party requires these members to actively engage in discussions and strive to implement the Party’s line, policies, and principles. Second, it holds regular alliance summits with the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) to communicate and coordinate on the country’s development direction and major policy guidelines, articulating the Party’s stance. Third, it demands that Party members holding positions in governments and parliaments at all levels influence government decisions through their own efforts.

南非共产党在执政联盟内部对非国大施加影响的途径主要有三个方面。一是参与非国大的决策过程。南非共产党不少成员在非国大权力及决策机构任职，党要求这些党员必须积极参加讨论，努力贯彻执行党的路线、方针和政策。二是与非国大、南非工会大会定期举行联盟峰会，就国家的发展方向和重大政策方针进行沟通与协调，表明党的立场。三是要求在各级政府、议会中担任职务的党员通过自己的努力影响政府的决策。

The SACP exerts influence on the ANC-led government from the outside primarily through two methods. First, the SACP publicly states its position on major national issues and important government policies, raising objections or criticisms to constrain and influence the governing actions of the ANC government. Second, together with mass organizations such as COSATU, it applies pressure on the ANC-led government through protests, strikes, mass rallies, and other means to change decisions detrimental to the working class and the broad masses of the poor. Through these channels and methods, the SACP continuously expands its influence over the entire country and society.

南非共产党从外部对非国大领导的政府施加影响的方式主要有两个方面。一是南非共产党对国家重大问题、政府重要政策公开表明自己的立场，提出反对或批评意见，以约束和影响非国大政府的施政行为。二是与南非工会大会等群众性团体一道，通过游行示威、罢工、群众集会等方式向非国大领导的政府施加压力，改变其不利于工人阶级和广大贫苦大众的决策。南非共产党通过上述途径和方式，不断扩大自己对整个国家和社会的影响力。

2. Leading Mass Movements

2.引领群众运动

Under the leadership of the SACP, South Africa’s mainstream mass movements, while pressuring capital and the government, have not caused serious disruption or damage to the country’s economic and social life. For example, in September 2017, the SACP and COSATU launched a national protest demanding the resignation of President Jacob Zuma, with nearly ten thousand people singing and dancing to express their “demands.”

在南非共产党的领导下，南非的主流群众运动在对资方和政府施压的同时，对南非经济社会生活没有造成严重的干扰和破坏。如2017年9月，南非共产党、南非工会大会发起要求祖马下台的全国游行示威活动，近万名民众载歌载舞表达着他们的“诉求”。

Worker strikes have become a routine part of South African daily life. South Africa is one of the countries with the most severe wealth disparity in the world, and extreme poverty is widespread. Since the end of the apartheid system, the South African people have not experienced the better life they had hoped for. Severe social inequality and poverty are the main reasons for the active labor movement in South Africa. In 2020, despite being severely hit by the COVID-19 pandemic, the country still experienced multiple large-scale strikes, as in previous years. On October 7, the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) and COSATU jointly held a national strike against corruption and unemployment, directly triggered by the breakdown of wage negotiations between the government and trade unions. Due to the pandemic, COSATU asked its members to stay home to support the action. On the same day, four trade union alliances in South Africa jointly held a national strike, demanding that the government combat corruption, crack down on violent crime, address unemployment, and raise wages. This protest affected many sectors and industries in South Africa, including some government administrative agencies, schools, transportation, non-ferrous metal smelting and manufacturing, and the automotive industry. On November 26, the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) held a major strike, accusing Finance Minister Tito Mboweni of completely overturning the hard-won benefits of workers, stating they would never accept a wage freeze resolution. The main demands of South African worker strikes are wage increases, opposition to inequality, anti-corruption, and crime-fighting. However, with the pandemic easing and the South African economy urgently needing recovery, the cost of such frequent large-scale strikes is too heavy. From the government’s perspective, frequent strikes demanding wage increases are detrimental to creating a safe and stable business environment, thereby harming the country’s long-term development. For the SACP, which participates in state governance, and the ruling ANC, supporting or opposing worker strikes presents a dilemma. In fact, overly frequent strikes have already threatened the normal functioning of South Africa’s democratic politics. As South African scholar Wesley Hill pointed out when criticizing the Hong Kong riots, “As one of the most institutionally free countries in the world, South Africans enjoy an excessive degree of freedom but do not understand the responsibilities and obligations corresponding to their rights. Twenty-five years after the establishment of the new South Africa, the country’s democracy is facing a time-bomb threat.”

工人罢工已成为南非日常生活的组成部分。南非是世界上贫富分化最严重的国家之一，赤贫现象较为普遍。自种族隔离制度结束后，南非人民并没有迎来所期望的美好生活。严重的社会不平等和贫困问题，是南非工人运动活跃的主要原因。2020年，南非遭受严重的新冠肺炎疫情冲击，仍然像往年一样发生多次大罢工。10月7日南非工会联合会、南非工会大会联合举行反对腐败和失业的全国性大罢工，直接原因是南非政府和工会组织之间薪资谈判的破裂。由于新冠肺炎疫情，南非工会大会要求成员待在家里以支持这一行动。同日，南非四家工会联盟联手举行全国性大罢工，要求政府打击腐败，打击暴力犯罪，解决就业问题，提高工资。此次游行影响南非众多部门与行业，其中包括部分政府行政机构、学校、交通运输、有色金属冶炼制造和汽车工业等。11月26日南非全国教育、卫生和联合工人工会举行大罢工，指责财政部长姆博韦尼（Tito Mboweni）完全改变了工人们来之不易的利益，他们表示永远不会接受工资冻结的决议。南非工人罢工提出的要求主要是增加工资、反对不平等、反对腐败和打击犯罪。但是在疫情好转、南非经济亟待复苏的情况下，如此频繁的大规模罢工的代价过于沉重。从政府来看，增加工资的经常性罢工不利于南非打造安全稳定的营商环境，从而有损于南非的长远发展。对参与国家管理的南非共产党和执政的非国大来说，支持或反对工人罢工是个两难选择。实际上，过于频繁的罢工已经威胁到南非民主政治的正常运转。正如南非学者韦斯利（Wesley Hill）在批评香港暴乱时所指出的，“作为世界上制度最为自由的国家之一，南非民众享有过分程度的自由，却不了解与其权利相对应的责任和义务。新南非成立25年以来，南非的民主正面临着定时炸弹式的威胁”。

3. Assisting Vulnerable Groups

3.扶助弱势群体

Since 1999, the SACP has launched the “Red October Campaign” every October, using a national mass movement to push the government to address people’s quality of life issues and assist the unemployed, the poor, and the lower-middle class. The goal of the Red October Campaign is to enhance the influence of the working class in South Africa’s political, economic, and social life and to strive for the early realization of democracy and socialism in South Africa. The theme for 2020 was eliminating hunger, health, housing, and clean water. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the basic survival of South Africa’s vulnerable groups was severely threatened, making this theme timely. South Africa was one of the countries hardest hit by the pandemic in Africa. During the pandemic, government officials, including three ministers, two deputy ministers, and three provincial governors, were infected, and even the president had to self-isolate due to contact with a confirmed COVID-19 case.

自1999年起，南非共产党每年10月发起“红十月运动”，通过全国性群众运动的方式推动政府解决人民生活质量问题，救助失业者、穷人和中下阶层。“红十月运动”的目标是增强工人阶级在南非政治经济和社会生活中的影响力，争取在南非早日实现民主和社会主义。2020年的主题是消除饥饿、健康、住房和洁净水，新冠疫情中南非弱势群体的基本生存受到严重威胁，提出这样的主题恰逢其时。南非是非洲新冠疫情最严重的国家之一，疫情期间就有包括3名部长、2名副部长和3名省长在内的政府要员被感染，甚至总统也因接触新冠确诊病例而自我隔离。

President Cyril Ramaphosa announced a national lockdown starting March 26, 2020. On the same day, the SACP issued an appeal, urging the government to take concrete measures focusing on the unemployed, the poor, and the lower strata of the middle class. The SACP argued that the pandemic had caused negative impacts not only in public health but also in the economic and social spheres, urgently requiring a set of measures to help the poor, the unemployed, wage workers, and the lower-middle class. These included providing emergency income and food security for the unemployed, with special attention to suburbs, informal settlements, and township areas; raising more unemployment insurance funds and reallocating them to compensate for income losses due to the pandemic; deferring repayment periods for mortgage bonds, housing loans, car loans, and other loans; having the South African Reserve Bank further ease monetary policy to provide direct financial support to workers, community cooperatives, and small, medium, and micro enterprises; and providing clean drinking water to all areas, especially suburbs, informal settlements, and townships. These proposals reflected the SACP’s pragmatic spirit, offering rational suggestions to the government while leaving flexible room for government action. The Ramaphosa government also implemented measures to restore socio-economic development in response to the pandemic’s impact, such as urgently deploying various medical resources; providing social assistance, strengthening the social safety net, and alleviating hunger and social hardship; offering economic support, including tax relief, to help businesses and employees weather the crisis. These measures largely aligned with the SACP’s calls. Through the joint efforts of South African society, the severe pandemic situation was quickly reversed after July 2020. In mid-December, a more contagious variant of the coronavirus, 501Y.V2, emerged, showing signs of a resurgence.

总统拉马福萨宣布自2020年3月26日开始实行全国封锁。同一天，南非共产党发出呼吁，要求政府采取切实措施，重点关注失业者、穷人和中间阶级的下层。南非共产党认为，新冠疫情不仅在公共卫生领域，而且在经济和社会领域也造成了负面影响，急需一套帮助穷人、失业者、雇佣工人和中间阶级下层的措施，如为失业者提供紧急收入保障和粮食保障，特别要关注郊区、非正规定居点和乡镇地区；筹集更多失业保险资金并重新调整用途，以补偿民众因新冠肺炎疫情导致的收入损失；延缓抵押债券或住房贷款、汽车等其他贷款的偿还期限；南非储备银行进一步放宽货币政策，为工人和社区合作社、中小型和微型企业提供直接财政支持；向所有地区，特别是郊区、非正规定居点和乡镇地区提供清洁的饮用水；等等。这些建议体现了南非共产党的务实精神，既向政府提供了合理化建议，又给政府留下了有弹性的操作空间。拉马福萨政府为应对疫情冲击，还实施了恢复社会经济发展的举措，如紧急调配各种医疗资源；进行社会救助，加强社保网络，缓解饥饿与社会困境；提供经济扶持，开展税收减免，帮助企业及雇员度过时艰；等等。这些措施基本符合南非共产党的呼吁要求。在南非上下的共同努力下，7月以后南非新冠疫情的严重局面很快得到扭转。12月中旬南非出现传染性更强的变异新冠病毒501Y.V2，疫情有反弹的迹象。

4. Striving for a Socialist Future

4.争取社会主义未来

The SACP believes that the nature of the South African revolution remains a national democratic revolution, in a process of transition to socialism. The main task of the current stage is to defend, advance, and deepen the achievements of the democratic breakthrough, putting forward the political program: “The future belongs to socialism, and construction begins today.” The SACP advocates for revolutionary reform, gradually transforming South African society from one dominated by elements of the national democratic revolution to one where socialist elements dominate in politics, economy, culture, society, and daily life, thereby continuously creating favorable conditions for striving for a socialist future.

南非共产党认为，南非革命的性质仍然是民族民主革命，处于向社会主义过渡的进程之中，现阶段革命的主要任务是捍卫、推进和深化民主突破的成果，提出“未来属于社会主义，建设自今日开始”的政治纲领。南非共产党主张通过革命性改良，使整个南非社会由民族民主革命因素占主导地位逐步转变为政治、经济、文化、社会、生活等各个方面社会主义因素占主导，为争取社会主义未来持续创造有利条件。

The South African Communist Party actively explores the path of socialist development in South Africa from both theoretical and practical dimensions. On the one hand, the SACP expects and demands that thousands of its members take on the challenge of governance at various levels of institutions, unite with allied partners without losing their own communist identity, and abide by the discipline, principles, and ethical standards of the ANC. It particularly expects and demands that all members, whether ministers, senior party members, or ordinary workers in the public sector, become exemplary communists within state institutions. Through the exemplary and leading role of communist party members, the SACP aims to expand the influence of its socialist ideas and enhance ordinary South Africans’ understanding of and enthusiasm for socialism. Therefore, the SACP especially emphasizes the need to vigorously strengthen the capacity-building of its members, enabling these members to contribute more effectively to governments and organizations at all levels, thereby deepening the national democratic revolution and advancing the conditions for socialism. On the other hand, the SACP holds that the South African working class is the leading force of the revolution at the current stage and the decisive force for achieving the complete victory of the national democratic revolution and establishing a socialist South Africa. Establishing the leadership of the working class in the workplace is the key to establishing the leadership of the working class throughout society. To strive for a socialist future, given the reality of the fragmentation of working-class work, building strong grassroots organizations in every workplace in South Africa will be a long-term and arduous task. The SACP believes that any model of industrial development must center on a developmental human-resources strategy, safeguarding the economic interests and political rights of the broadest working class, which is in a disadvantaged position. It emphasizes using the trade union movement to promote the organizational development of marginalized and informal worker strata, while relying on the unity of the working class to seize leadership, thereby driving the development and transformation of workplaces in both the public and private sectors. The goal of these action programs is to strengthen the leadership of the working class in the workplace. Only by penetrating deeply into the workplaces of workers can the SACP effectively play its role as a socialist vanguard party.

南非共产党从理论和实践两个维度积极探索南非社会主义的发展道路。一方面，南非共产党期望并要求成千上万的党员在各级机构中接受管理挑战，在不丧失自己共产主义身份的前提下团结同盟伙伴，遵守非国大的纪律、原则和道德准则。同时特别期望并要求所有党员，不管是部长、高级党员还是公共部门的普通劳动者都能成为国家机构内部的模范共产主义者，通过共产党员的模范带头作用，扩大南非共产党社会主义理念的影响，增强南非普通民众对社会主义的理解和热情。因此，南非共产党特别强调，要大力加强党员的能力建设，让这部分党员更有效地为各级政府和各种组织做出贡献，以此为加深民族民主革命和推进社会主义的条件。另一方面，南非共产党认为南非工人阶级是现阶段革命的领导力量，是争取民族民主革命的彻底胜利、建立社会主义南非的决定性力量。在工作场所确立工人阶级的领导权是在全社会范围内确立工人阶级领导权的关键。为争取社会主义未来，在工人阶级工作零散化的现实下，在南非各个工作场所建立强大的基层组织，将是一项长期而又艰巨的任务。南非共产党认为，任何工业发展模式必须以发展型人力资源策略为中心，保障处于弱势地位的最广大工人阶级的经济利益和政治权利。强调利用工会运动来促进边缘化和非正式工人阶层的组织发展，同时以工人阶级团结一致夺取领导权为支撑，来推动公共和私营部门职场的发展和转型。以上这些行动纲领，目标是增强工作场所中工人阶级的领导权。南非共产党唯有深入工人的工作场所中，才能有效发挥自己作为社会主义先锋党的作用。

Furthermore, in order to strive for a socialist future, the SACP actively develops “economic forms with a socialist orientation” in the economic sphere, laying the necessary material foundation for future socialism by promoting the development of state-owned enterprises, supporting cooperative banks, and advancing urban and rural cooperatives.

此外，为了争取社会主义未来，南非共产党在经济上积极发展“具有社会主义倾向的经济形式”，通过促进国有企业发展、扶持合作银行和推进城乡合作社等方式，为未来社会主义奠定必要的物质基础。

(II) Current Problems and Challenges Facing the South African Communist Party

（二）南非共产党目前面临的问题与挑战

1. Financial Difficulties Constrain Future Development

1.财政困难制约未来发展

The South African Communist Party is financially strapped and faces a harsh survival environment. The SACP is a poor party of the poor; it has no independent office building and rents office space within the headquarters of the Congress of South African Trade Unions. Its main source of income is donations from COSATU; relying solely on members’ party dues makes it truly difficult to achieve economic autonomy. First Deputy Secretary-General Mapaila has publicly acknowledged that the SACP is not well-off and that funds are pooled together by party members. According to the membership data table in the organizational report of the SACP’s 14th Congress, 38% of members own their own homes, while as many as 66% of members are unemployed. Only 2,383 members pay more than 100 rand (equivalent to 43 yuan) in monthly party dues, accounting for less than 0.01% of the total party membership. Due to a lack of activity funds, many party branches cannot conduct organizational activities normally, cannot provide regular education and training to members, and thus find it difficult to improve members’ political awareness and work capabilities. In addition, the SACP hires a large number of bodyguards, further straining its finances. In 2017 alone, the SACP spent at least 2 million rand to protect its leaders. In 2012, expenditure in this area was only 270,000 rand. Some party leaders have successively received death threats, making the hiring of bodyguards a necessity. This shows that South Africa’s political ecosystem is not peaceful. On July 1, 2020, Sivana, a leader of the Western Cape provincial party committee, was shot dead at home along with his daughter, and three others were injured. The deceased’s wife stated that Sivana was a selfless leader who had always dedicated himself to community affairs. On December 12, the Pretoria High Court demanded that Minister of Justice Ronald Lamola must revoke the previous decision to deny parole to Walus (the murderer of Hani) and reconsider whether to approve Walus’s parole within two months. Party leaders such as Nzimande, Mapaila, and Finance Director Maropa have all received death threats. The above situation indicates that the SACP’s survival environment is relatively harsh. However, Nzimande stated, “Even so, the SACP will still persist in the struggle against monopoly capital and corruption; we will absolutely not retreat.”

南非共产党财政拮据，生存环境严峻。南非共产党是穷人的贫困政党，没有自己独立的办公大楼，在南非工会大会总部内租房办公。主要经济来源是南非工会大会的捐赠，仅仅依靠党员的党费是难以真正实现经济自主的。第一副总书记马派拉曾公开承认，南非共产党并不宽裕，资金都是党员们凑的。根据南非共产党十四大组织报告中的党员资料表，自有住房的党员占38%，失业的党员占比高达66%，每月能支付100兰特（相当于43元人民币）以上党费的党员只有2383人，占党员总人数不到0.01%。由于缺乏活动经费，许多党支部不能正常进行组织活动，不能对党员进行常态化的教育和培训，进而难以提高党员的政治觉悟和工作能力。此外，南非共产党大量雇佣保镖，使经费更加吃紧。仅仅是2017年，南非共产党为了保护自己的领导人，就花费了至少200万兰特。2012年，在这方面的开支仅有27万兰特。党的一些领导人相继遭到死亡威胁，雇用保镖实属不得已而为之。由此可见，南非的政治生态并不平静。2020年7月1日西开普省党委的领导人希瓦纳（Sivana）与女儿在家中被人射杀，同时还有3人被打伤。死者的妻子表示，希瓦纳是一名无私的领导者，一直为社区事务奉献自己的力量。12月12日比勒陀利亚高等法院要求司法部长拉莫拉（Ronald Lamola）必须废除之前禁止瓦鲁斯（杀害哈尼的凶手）假释的决定，并在两个月的时间内重新考虑是否批准瓦鲁斯的假释。恩齐曼德、马派拉、财务总监马罗帕等党的领导人都曾遭到死亡威胁。上述情况表明，南非共产党的生存环境是比较严峻的。但是恩齐曼德表示，“虽然如此，南非共产党仍然会坚持与垄断资本和腐败现象展开斗争，我们是绝对不会退缩的”。

There are serious deficiencies in the party’s social base of survival. The proportion of worker members is only 10%, and the proportion of professionals is less than 3%. This current situation does not conform to the SACP’s political positioning as a vanguard of the working class. The SACP has made plans, requiring party organizations at all levels to actively recruit workers and professionals into the organization. By the time of the party’s 15th Congress, these two categories of members should reach 30,758 and 4,600 people respectively. Judging from the rapid increase in total party membership in the past, the increase in these two categories of members is very small, and completing the set targets on schedule will be a relatively arduous task. Generally speaking, professionals and those who can pay more than 100 rand in monthly party dues represent advanced productive forces. For a communist party pursuing the cause of human progress, if it does not attract the attention and membership of numerous ideologically advanced young intellectuals, its future development prospects are worrying. In short, financial difficulties and a weak social foundation are long-term problems and challenges facing the SACP.

党的社会生存基础存在严重缺陷。工人党员的比例仅为10%，专业人才占比不到3%，这种现状不符合南非共产党工人阶级先锋队的政治定位。南非共产党做了规划，要求各级党组织积极发展工人和专业人才加入组织，到党的十五大召开时，以上两类党员分别达到30758人和4600人。从以往党员总数快速增加的情况来看，这两类党员的增加幅度很小，如期完成既定目标将是一项比较艰巨的任务。一般而言，专业人才和每月能支付100兰特党费的人群，代表着先进生产力。一个追求人类进步事业的共产党，如果没有众多的思想先进的青年知识分子的关注和加入，其未来发展前景是令人担忧的。总之，财政困难与社会基础薄弱是南非共产党长期面临的问题与挑战。

2. Participation in Politics and Independence Need Strengthening

2.参政议政与独立性有待加强

The current ruling alliance in South Africa faces multiple challenges. The SACP believes that it has always played the role of a “party of governance” rather than a ruling party. In the political report of its 12th Congress, the SACP proposed three guiding principles for participating in elections as a party participating in politics: First, the SACP is a socialist vanguard party, not formed on the basis of narrow electoralism. Second, at the current stage of struggle, the SACP’s electoral approach is guided by the overall strategy of defending, advancing, and deepening the national democratic revolution (South Africa’s path to socialism). Third, the SACP’s strategic goal regarding state power is to ensure that the state implements the dictatorship of the working class rather than party politics. However, due to factional strife and corruption, the ANC’s ability and willingness to lead the national democratic movement have been questioned; due to the split in COSATU, the unity of the working class is threatened; and due to the growth of populist forces with a strong Africanist tendency, external shocks have emerged. These are the challenges facing South Africa’s ruling alliance and also the dilemmas the SACP faces in exploring future strategic paths to socialism.

当前南非执政联盟面临多重挑战。南非共产党认为自己一直充当“管理型政党”的角色，不是执政党的角色。南非共产党在十二大政治报告中提出了作为参政党参与竞选的三个指导原则：一是南非共产党是社会主义先锋党，并非基于狭隘的选举主义而形成；二是在当前斗争阶段，南非共产党选举的方式受到捍卫、推进和深化民族民主革命（南非通往社会主义之路）这一整体战略的指导；三是南非共产党关于国家政权的战略目标是确保国家实行工人阶级专政而非政党政治。但是，因派系之争和贪腐问题非国大领导民族民主运动的能力和意愿遭到质疑，因南非工会的分裂工人阶级的团结统一受到威胁，因浓厚非洲主义倾向的民粹势力壮大而带来的外部冲击，这是南非执政联盟面临的挑战，也是南非共产党探索未来社会主义战略路径面临的困境。

How to maintain independence within the governing alliance. Due to the influence of capital forces with real interests on the African National Congress (ANC), cadres of the South African Communist Party (SACP) are forced to remain outside the ANC’s core leadership, a situation that is very evident at the provincial and district levels of the alliance. Therefore, the SACP faces the problem of “how to effectively maintain independence” in order to realize the Party’s goals and tasks. To preserve its independence within the governing alliance, the SACP adopts an approach of both uniting with and struggling against the ANC, explicitly demanding that the SACP have a certain quota in parliaments and administrative bodies at all levels, and that the SACP have direct control over these Party members. The SACP requires that its cadres participating in government consciously seek various forms of support, including creating the necessary conditions for social organizations to enter parliament. SACP members who serve as ministers or members of parliament must follow the Party’s principles and discipline, and must unhesitatingly participate in mass movements, even if these movements are directed against the government or parliament. In its end-of-year statement for 2019, the SACP stated that enriching the working class and the poor requires sustained and active mass action, progressive trade union unity, and the strengthening of the struggle against capitalist exploitation and the neoliberal policy regime. The SACP must further deepen this struggle, an important part of which is combating the looting of the state and other forms of corruption, crime, patriarchy, and gender-based violence. Therefore, the SACP needs to build itself into a political party with adaptability and flexibility, capable of responding to all possible situations.

在执政联盟中如何保持独立性。由于有着现实利益的资本势力对非国大的影响，南非共产党的干部被迫游离于非国大核心领导层之外，在省级和区级联盟中表现得非常明显。因此，南非共产党面临着“怎样才能有效保持独立”以实现党的目标和任务的问题。为了保持自身在执政联盟中的独立性，南非共产党对非国大采取既联合又斗争的方式，明确要求南非共产党在各级议会和行政机构中有一定的配额，南非共对这些党员有直接的控制权。南非共要求参政的干部应有意识地寻求各种支持，包括为社会组织进入议会创造必要条件。担任部长和国会议员的南非共产党党员，必须遵循党的原则和纪律，必须毫不犹豫地参加大规模群众运动，即使这些群众运动是反对政府或议会的。南非共产党在其2019年年终声明中表示，要使工人阶级和穷人富裕，需要持续积极的群众行动、进步的工会团结和加强反对资本主义剥削及新自由主义政策体制的斗争。南非共产党必须进一步深化这场斗争，其中一个重要部分是打击掠夺国家和其他形式的腐败、犯罪、父权制和基于性别的暴力。因此，南非共产党需要把自己建设成一个有适应性和灵活性、能应对一切可能情况的政党。

The possibility of the SACP governing independently through elections. In the political report of its 13th Congress, the SACP emphasized that “for the SACP to regard itself as a ruling party would be tantamount to suicide. The SACP’s sole driving force is to enrich the people after establishing a socialist regime.” The SACP’s mode of participating in and deliberating on government affairs is determined by South Africa’s political reality; the main reason the ANC became the leader of the alliance is the existence of narrow nationalism and anti-communist currents on the African continent. Furthermore, the weak social foundation of the SACP and of socialism in South Africa is another important reason. The proportion of worker and intellectual members in the SACP is very small, and the proportion of members with dual status who are managed by the ANC is as high as 48%; this segment of the membership is highly variable. In particular, Party members account for only 0.5% of South Africa’s total population and less than 1.2% of registered voters, indicating that the SACP currently does not enjoy the recognition of the majority of the South African working class, let alone represent the will of the entire South African nation. If the SACP were to contest elections independently, the possibility of its governing independently is self-evident. For these reasons, the SACP deepens and strengthens the tripartite alliance, continues to participate in and deliberate on government affairs, while maintaining its own independence. Only through this path can the SACP find opportunities and conditions to further propagate socialism.

南非共产党独立竞选的执政可能性。在十三大政治报告中，南非共产党强调，“南非共产党认为自己是执政党就无异于自杀。南非共产党唯一动力是建立社会主义政权后使民众富强”。南非共产党的参政议政方式是由南非的政治现实决定的，非国大成为联盟领导者的主要原因，是非洲大陆现实存在狭隘民族主义和反共产主义思潮。此外，南非共产党及南非社会主义的社会基础薄弱是另一个重要原因。南非共产党的工人党员和知识分子占的比例很小，具有双重身份的被非国大管理的党员比例高达48%，这部分党员变数很大。特别是党员占南非总人口的比例才0.5%，占南非登记选民人数不到1.2%，说明南非共产党目前还得不到南非大部分工人阶级的认可，更不用说代表南非全体国民的意志。如果南非共产党独立参加竞选，其独立执政的可能性是不言自明的。基于这些原因，南非共产党深化和加强三方联盟，继续参政议政，同时保持自己的独立性。通过这一途径南非共产党才能找到进一步宣传社会主义的机会和条件。

Conclusions and Implications

结论与启示

Compared with communist parties in other capitalist countries, due to South Africa’s special national conditions, the SACP operates in a more severe and complex struggle environment. However, the SACP adheres to an independent path of development, insists on integrating the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with South Africa’s national conditions, and persists in continuously strengthening its own building to maintain Party unity and cohesion, thereby making itself a relatively mature Marxist political party. Rooted in South African society, down-to-earth, and assessing the situation, the SACP has successively adopted tactical strategies such as petitioning and demonstrations, nonviolent non-cooperation, armed struggle, dialogue and negotiation, and participation in and deliberation on government affairs, carrying out the struggle against racism and exploring the socialist path for South Africa. Throughout the SACP’s growth process, despite various shocks from inside and outside the Party, the SACP has insisted on unity without splitting and has not committed major errors. It has become one of the very few communist parties in capitalist countries to have developed and grown since the upheavals in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and stands as a banner among the world’s currently non-ruling communist parties that advance socialism in their own countries through participation in and deliberation on government affairs. From the SACP’s successful experience, a conclusion can be drawn: communist party organizations in capitalist countries are not academic salons for a small number of advanced intellectuals. As long as they firmly believe in their ideals, keep pace with the times, maintain unity and cohesion, and are down-to-earth, they can still achieve something.

与其他资本主义国家的共产党相比，由于南非的特殊国情，南非共产党处于更严峻、更复杂的斗争环境，但是南非共产党坚持独立自主的发展道路，坚持把马列主义基本原理与南非国情相结合，坚持不断加强自身建设以保持党的团结统一，使自己成为一个较为成熟的马克思主义政党。南非共产党植根于南非社会，脚踏实地，审时度势，曾先后采取请愿示威、非暴力不合作、武装斗争、对话谈判和参政议政的策略战术，进行反对种族主义斗争和探索南非的社会主义道路。在南非共产党的成长过程中，虽然有来自党内外的各种冲击，但是南非共产党坚持团结不分裂，没有发生重大失误，成为苏东剧变以来极少数得到发展壮大的资本主义国家的共产党，是当今世界非执政共产党通过参政议政推进本国社会主义发展的一面旗帜。从南非共产党的成功经验可以得出结论：资本主义国家的共产党组织不是少数先进知识分子的学术沙龙，只要坚定信念、与时俱进、团结统一、脚踏实地，还是可以有所作为的。

Peace, development, and cooperation are the mainstream of the 21st century and also the theme of a community with a shared future for mankind. The international environment and domestic situation determine that the SACP will continue to consolidate the governing alliance led by the ANC, continuously expand its organizational scale, further enhance its ability to participate in and deliberate on government affairs while adhering to the communist ideal, and create more conditions and opportunities for future socialism in the struggle to eradicate the legacy of apartheid.

和平、发展与合作是21世纪的主流，也是人类命运共同体的主题，国际环境和国内形势决定了南非共产党会继续巩固以非国大为首的执政联盟，不断扩大组织规模，在坚持共产主义理想的同时进一步提高参政议政的能力，在根除种族隔离遗毒的斗争中为未来社会主义创造更多的条件和机会。

(The author is an assistant researcher at the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者系中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院助理研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心