An Analysis of the Trends in South Asian Socialist Movements since the 21st Century

Entering the 21st century, South Asia, South America, and South Africa constitute the famous "Three Souths" of the world socialist and communist movements. Among them, the South Asian region includes eight countries: India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan. Regarding socialist movements in South Asia, there are already some research results in domestic academic circles: from 2015 to 2016, there were seven papers on South Asian Maoist movements, and from 2016 to 2017, two papers on South Asian socialist movements. These research results all revolve around the history and current situation of South Asian socialist and communist movements, the thought and practice of their main schools, and their development prospects, effectively demonstrating the importance of South Asia in the world socialist and communist movements. However, none of these papers have focused on and deeply analyzed the development trends since the 21st century, nor has the scope of research covered all eight South Asian countries, being limited instead to four countries: India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Nepal. The authors of the first seven papers total three people, with only two briefly mentioning Bangladesh and Bhutan, and one believing that Pakistan and the Maldives have no Maoist factions; among the latter two documents, one briefly mentions Bangladesh. In view of this, the author, starting from a complete regional perspective, explores the development trends of socialist movements in South Asia since the 21st century at three analytical levels: country-specific, regional, and global systemic.

进入21世纪，南亚、南美和南非构成了世界社会主义共产主义运动的著名 “三南”。其中南亚地区包括印度、巴基斯坦、尼泊尔、不丹、斯里兰卡、马尔代夫、孟加拉国和阿富汗8个国家。关于南亚地区的社会主义运动，国内学界已有一些研究成果: 2015—2016年有7篇关于南亚毛主义运动的论文，2016—2017年有2篇关于南亚社会主义运动的论文。这些研究成果均围绕南亚社会主义和共产主义运动的历史与现状、主要流派的思想与实践以及发展前景展开，较好地证明了南亚在世界社会主义和共产主义运动中的重要性。不过，这些论文均没有对21世纪以来的发展态势进行重点关注和深入分析，研究范围也没有覆盖南亚8个国家，而是局限于印度、巴基斯坦、斯里兰卡和尼泊尔4个国家。前7篇论文的作者共3人，仅2人简单提及了孟加拉国和不丹，1人认为巴基斯坦和马尔代夫没有毛派; 后2篇文献中有1篇简单提及了孟加拉国。有鉴于此，笔者从完整的地区视角出发，从国别、地区和全球系统三个剖析层面，对21世纪以来南亚地区社会主义运动的发展态势 进行探讨。

I. The Trend of Typified Development of South Asian Socialist Movements

一、南亚社会主义运动类型化发展的态势

According to the general classification standards of left-wing parties in South Asia, there are three types of socialist movements: the first type is the socialist movement led by moderate left-wing parties, which insists on taking the path of parliamentary struggle; the second type is the socialist movement led by radical left-wing parties within the system, which takes parliamentary struggle as the main form and mass struggle as a supplement; the third type is the socialist and communist movement led by extreme left-wing parties outside the system, which advocates overthrowing the existing regime through armed struggle and establishing a new system.

依南亚地区左翼政党的一般分类标准，南亚社会主义运动有三种类型: 第一种是温和左翼政党 领导的社会主义运动，坚持走议会斗争的道路; 第二种是体制内激进左翼政党领导的社会主义运动，以议会斗争为主、群众斗争为辅; 第三种是体制外极端左翼政党领导的社会主义共产主义运动，主张通过武装斗争推翻现有政权，建立新制度。

1. Moderate left-wing movements have been in overall decline since the end of the Cold War and are currently at a low ebb

1、温和左翼运动自冷战结束后在整体上不断衰落，目前陷入低谷

Among the eight South Asian countries, the moderate left-wing parties in six countries are mainly old parties established in the 20th century, with only the Maldives and Bhutan seeing the emergence of moderate left-wing parties in the 21st century. Among them, India's moderate left-wing parties mainly include the Congress Socialist Party, established in 1934, and factions such as the Janata Party (Secular) that split off after independence. Pakistan's moderate left-wing is represented by the Pakistan People's Party, established in 1967, and the Awami National Party, established in 1986. Bangladesh's moderate left-wing parties mainly include the National Socialist Party and the People's National Party, both established in 1972. Sri Lanka's moderate left-wing parties mainly include the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, established in 1935, and the People's United Front, established in 1959. Nepal's moderate left-wing forces include the Nepali Congress Party, established in 1947, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, established in 1985, and the Madhesi People's Rights Forum, established in 1997. Afghanistan is relatively special; before entering the 21st century, it had several moderate left-wing parties, but after the promulgation of the Political Parties Law in 2003, the main ones continuing to operate are the Social Democratic Party and the Homeland Party, registered with the Ministry of Justice as the National Homeland Party. Additionally, there are some moderate left-wing parties derived from the People's Democratic Party, established in 1965, such as the National Progress Party and the People's Welfare Party. The situations in Bhutan and the Maldives are relatively special, as moderate left-wing parties only emerged after entering the 21st century. Bhutan's moderate left-wing parties mainly include the People's Democratic Party, established in 2007, the United Party, established in 2013, and the Kuen-Nyam Party. The Maldives' moderate left-wing parties mainly include the Social Liberal Party and the Labour Party, both established in 2008, and the Labour and Social Democratic Party (abbreviated as the Labour Party), registered in 2019. However, after the promulgation of the new Political Parties Law in 2013, the first two parties were dissolved, and currently only the Labour Party remains active.

南亚八国中6个国家的温和左翼政党是以20世纪建立的老党为主，只有马尔代夫和不丹是在21世纪才出现温和左翼政党。其中，印度的温和左翼政党主要是1934年建立的国大社会党和独立后分裂出来的人民党(世俗派)等派别。巴基斯坦的温和左翼以1967年成立的人民党和1986年成立的人民民族党为代表。孟加拉国的温和左翼政党主要是1972年成立的民族社会党和人民民族党。斯里兰卡温和左翼政党主要是1935年成立的兰卡平等社会党和1959年成立的人民联合阵线。尼泊尔的 温和左翼力量包括1947年成立的国民大会党、1985年成立的亲善党、1997年成立的马德西人民权利论坛等。阿富汗比较特殊，进入21世纪前曾经有几个温和左翼政党，但2003年《政党法》颁布后，继续活动的主要是社会民主党和在司法部注册为国家祖国党的祖国党，此外还有1965年成立的人民民主党衍生出的一些温和左翼政党，如国家进步党、人民福利党等。不丹和马尔代夫的情况比较特殊，是进入21世纪后才出现温和左翼政党的。不丹的温和左翼政党主要有2007年成立的人民民主党、2013年成立的统一党和昆尼安党。马尔代夫的温和左翼政党主要有2008年成立的社会自由党和工党、2019年注册的劳工与社会民主党 ( 简称劳工党) ，但2013年新《政党法》颁布后，前两个政党被解散，目前仍然活动的只有劳工党。

The decline of South Asia's traditional old parties is already a consensus. Among them, the moderate left-wing movements in countries with both land and sea borders and island countries have been in continuous decline since entering the 21st century and are currently at a low ebb. After India's independence, the Indian Congress Socialist Party underwent several splits and reorganizations. It once formed the Left Front in the 1996 general election, creating a tripartite stalemate with the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party, but subsequently fell into splits, leading to a continuous decline in its strength. In 2002, it reorganized the Samajwadi Party, but this mainly operated in Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, winning 40 and 23 seats in the Lok Sabha elections of 2004 and 2009 respectively, and 7 and 5 seats in the Lok Sabha elections of 2014 and 2019 respectively. The Pakistan People's Party has been dominant in national political life since its establishment, but since the 21st century, apart from governing from 2008 to 2013, it has been an opposition party at the national level. After the 2018 general election, although its chairman remains a member of the National Assembly, the party has been reduced to a regional party in Sindh Province. The Awami National Party held the governing position in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province from 2008 to 2013 but subsequently lost this status. Bangladesh's National Socialist Party won 8 seats in the 1979 parliamentary election; later, due to splits, it won only 1 seat in the 1996 parliamentary election and failed to win any seats in 2001. In the parliamentary elections of 2008, 2014, and 2018, it won 3, 5, and 3 seats respectively, but the cabinet list after the 2018 general election did not even include members of the National Socialist Party. In October 2020, the National Socialist Party split again. Sri Lanka's Lanka Sama Samaja Party, due to several splits, has not participated in parliamentary elections independently since 1994. Entering the 21st century, Sri Lanka's moderate left-wing parties have all participated in elections as members of the increasingly large coalition of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, with their political influence growing weaker. In the 2019 parliamentary election, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party failed to win even a single seat. The Maldives' moderate left-wing parties have gone from two initially to one now, and this sole Labour Party failed to win any seats in the 2019 parliamentary election.

南亚传统老党的衰落已是共识。其中，海陆兼备国和岛国的温和左翼运动进入21世纪后不断衰落，目前陷入低谷。印度独立后，印度国大社会党几经分裂与重组，曾经在1996年大选中组成左翼阵线，形成与国大党和印度人民党三足鼎立的局面，但随后陷入分裂，导致其力量不断衰落; 2002 年又重组了社会党，但主要在中央邦和北方邦开展活动，在 2004 年和2009 年的人民院选举中 分别获得40个和 23个席位，在2014年和2019年的人民院选举中分别获得7个和5个席位。巴基斯坦人民党自成立后一直在国家政治生活中居主导地位，但21世纪以来，除了在2008—2013年间执政外，在全国层面一直都是在野党; 2018 年大选后，尽管其主席仍为国民议会议员，该党沦为信德省的地方性政党; 人民民族党在2008—2013年间获得开伯尔普赫图赫瓦省的执政地位，但之后失去了这一地位。孟加拉国的民族社会党在1979年议会选举中获得8个席位; 后来由于分裂，在1996年议会选举中只获得1个席位，2001年未能获得席位; 在2008年、2014年和2018年的议会选举中分别获得3个、5个、3个席位，但2018年大选后的内阁名单中甚至没有民族社会党的成员; 2020年10月民族社会党再次发生分裂。斯里兰卡的兰卡平等社会党由于几度分裂，自1994年以后再也没有单独参加议会选举; 进入21世纪，斯里兰卡的温和左翼政党均作为越来越庞大的自由党的竞选联盟成员参加选举，政治影响力越来越弱，在2019年议会选举中，兰卡平等社会党连一个席位也未能获得。马尔代夫的温和左翼政党由一开始的两个变成了现在的一个，而这唯一的劳工党在2019 年议会选举中未能获得席位。

The moderate left-wing movements in South Asia's mountainous countries experienced a period of decline, but in recent years, there have been signs of revival. In Nepal, the Nepali Congress Party underwent splits and mergers after the Cold War, and its strength was enhanced in 2012 after absorbing the Nepali Democratic Forum. In 2015, there was a large-scale trend of mergers among Nepal's moderate left-wing parties, with three parties merging to form the Federal Socialist Forum, Nepal. In 2017, another three parties merged to form the Rastriya Janata Party. In 2019, the Federal Socialist Forum, Nepal merged with the Naya Shakti Party to form the Samajbadi Party. In 2020, the Samajbadi Party merged with the Rastriya Janata Party to form the People's Socialist Party, holding 34 seats in the lower house, becoming the third-largest party in parliament. In Bhutan, the People's Democratic Party became the ruling party in 2013, and the United Party became the ruling party in 2018. In Afghanistan, the National Unity Party was newly established after entering the 21st century; its chairman, Urumi, was elected as a member of the Kandahar Provincial Council in 2005 and appointed Minister of Interior in 2015. The Solidarity Party, established in 2004, has been relatively active in the past two years, currently having approximately 30,000 members and holding at least two large-scale rallies each year, aimed at defending peace and progress in Afghanistan and expressing solidarity with the movements of oppressed peoples in the United States.

南亚山地国的温和左翼运动经历过一个衰落期，近几年出现了重振迹象。在尼泊尔，国民大会党在冷战后经历了分裂与合并，2012年在吸纳了尼泊尔民主论坛后力量得到增强;2015年尼泊尔温和左翼政党出现大规模合并趋势，3个政党合并成立了尼泊尔联邦社会主义论坛，2017年另外三个政党合并组建了民族人民党，2019年尼泊尔联邦社会主义论坛又与新力量党合并组成社会党，2020年社会党再与民族人民党合并，组成社会主义人民党，拥有下议院34个席位，一跃成为议会第三大党。在不丹，人民民主党 2013年成为执政党，统一党2018年成为执政党。在阿富汗，进入21世纪后新成立了民族统一党，其主席乌鲁米在2005年当选坎大哈省议员，2015年被任命为内政部长; 2004年成立的团结党近两年较为活跃，目前大约有3万党员，每年至少举行两次大规模的集会活动，旨在捍卫阿富汗的和平与进步，声援美国被压迫人民的运动。

Overall, compared with the second half of the 20th century, since entering the 21st century, the moderate left-wing movements in the eight South Asian countries have shown an overall trend of decline, reaching a low ebb. Among them, the strength in island countries is the weakest, in mountainous countries it is the strongest, and in countries with both land and sea borders, it falls between the two.

总体而言，与20世纪下半叶相比，进入21世纪以来南亚八国的温和左翼运动在整体上呈现衰落态势，陷入低谷，其中，岛国的力量是最弱的，山地国是最强的，海陆兼备国居于二者之间。

2. The main body of radical left-wing movements survived the first two decades after the end of the Cold War, and in the past decade, country-specific differentiation has emerged

2、激进左翼运动的主体挺过了冷战结束后的头二十年，近十年出现国别分化

Similar to the situation of moderate left-wing parties, the radical left-wing parties in six of the eight South Asian countries are predominantly traditional old parties established in the 20th century, with the Maldives and Bhutan being relatively exceptional. India’s radical left-wing parties mainly include the Communist Party of India (CPI), founded in 1920; the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), founded in 1964; the Forward Bloc, founded in 1939; and the Revolutionary Socialist Party, founded in 1940. Bangladesh’s radical left-wing parties mainly include the Communist Party of Bangladesh, founded in 1971, and the Workers Party of Bangladesh, founded in 1980. Pakistan’s radical left-wing parties mainly include the Communist Party of Pakistan, founded in 1948; the Struggle Organization (Mazdoor Kisan Party), founded in 1980; the Labour Party of Pakistan, formally established in 1997; and the People’s Workers Party, formed in 2012 through the merger of three radical left-wing parties. Sri Lanka’s radical left-wing forces include the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, founded in 1943, and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), established in 1970. Nepal’s radical left-wing forces mainly include the Communist Party of Nepal, founded in 1949, and the Workers and Peasants Party of Nepal, formally established in 1981. Afghanistan’s radical left-wing parties are most significantly represented by the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), established in 1965 with direct Soviet assistance; it was the ruling party of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1990, renamed the “Homeland Party” in 1990, and dissolved in 1992. Other radical left-wing parties, such as the Labour Organization, the Revolutionary Association of the Toilers, and radical left-wing party organizations newly established in the 21st century, have almost no influence. The Maldives has only one small active group, “The Ninety-Nine,” which emerged in 2017; this group is dedicated to establishing a socialist-type society in the Maldives that transcends class and hierarchy, but its actions are limited to influencing politics by fielding independent candidates, holding peaceful protests, and negotiating with the government. Bhutan has never had a radical left-wing party. Therefore, in terms of the strength of radical left-wing forces, Afghanistan, the Maldives, and Bhutan are the three weakest countries in South Asia.

与温和左翼政党的情况相似，南亚八国中6 个国家的激进左翼政党以20世纪建立的传统老党为主，马尔代夫和不丹较为特殊。印度的激进左翼政党主要是1920年成立的印共、1964年成立的印共(马) 、1939年成立的前进集团和1940年成立的革命社会党。孟加拉国的激进左翼政党主要是1971年成立的共产党、1980年成立的工人党。巴基斯坦的激进左翼政党主要有1948年成立的共产党、1980年成立的斗争组织、1997年正式成立的工党、2012年由三个激进左翼政党合并而成的人民工人党。斯里兰卡的激进左翼力量包括1943年成立的共产党和1970 年建立的人民解放阵线等。尼泊尔的激进左翼力量主要是1949年成立的尼泊尔共产党和1981年正式成立的工农党。阿富汗的激进左翼政党以1965年在苏联的直接帮助下建立的人民民主党影响较大，该党1978—1990年间是阿富汗民主共和国的执政党，1990年改名为 “祖国党”，1992年被解散;其他的激进左翼政党如劳工组织、革命劳动者协会以及21世纪新建立的激进左翼政党组织几乎没有影响力。马尔代夫只有一个2017年出现的小型活跃团体 “九十九”，该团体致力于在马尔代夫建立一个超越阶级和等级的社会主义性质的社会，但其行动只是通过推出独立候选人、举行和平抗议活动、与政府进行协商等方式影响政治。不丹一直没有激进左翼政党。因此，就激进左翼的力量而言，阿富汗、马尔代夫和不丹是南亚最弱的三个国家。

The radical left-wing movements in three South Asian countries clearly survived the first two decades after the end of the Cold War, but have been in continuous decline over the past decade. These three countries are India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. In the Indian Lok Sabha [4]4 The Lok Sabha is the lower house of India's bicameral Parliament. elections of 1996, 1998, 1999, and 2004, the CPI won 12, 9, 5, and 11 seats respectively, while the CPI(M) won 32, 32, 35, and 44 seats respectively, and its member Somnath Chatterjee became the Speaker of the 14th Lok Sabha in 2004. However, starting from 2009, the CPI(M) and CPI suffered consecutive defeats in national elections and state assembly elections. In the national elections of 2009, 2014, and 2019, the CPI won 4, 1, and 2 seats respectively, while the CPI(M) won 15, 9, and 3 seats respectively. At the regional level, the Left Front led by the CPI(M) and CPI lost its 34-year hold on power in West Bengal in 2011, lost its hold on power in Tripura in 2017, and currently only maintains its hold on power in Kerala. However, after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a slight upturn in left-wing regional politics, which had been at a low ebb. As of June 2021, left-wing parties, aside from winning no seats in West Bengal, had won legislative assembly elections in Kerala and Tamil Nadu, and also made significant progress in the Bihar elections. Sri Lanka’s JVP announced in 2002 that it would abandon armed struggle and choose the parliamentary path, and it split in 2011. The Communist Party of Sri Lanka participated in parliamentary politics from the outset and began to obtain government positions after 1964, but after entering the 21st century, it was reduced to a member of Sri Lanka’s increasingly large electoral alliances, winning only one seat in the 2015 parliamentary election and no seats in the 2019 parliamentary election. The Communist Party of Bangladesh, although it also experienced splits, was still the fifth-largest party in the country in the 1992 general election. It began working to establish a left-wing front in 2007, merged with the Workers Party of Bangladesh in 2010 to form a new Communist Party of Bangladesh, but withdrew from the left-wing front in 2011. In the 2019 general election, it formed the Left Democratic Alliance with other left-wing parties, but still ended in failure.

南亚有3个国家的激进左翼运动明显挺过了冷战结束后的头20年，但近十年来持续衰落。这3个国家是印度、斯里兰卡和孟加拉国。在印度1996年、1998年、1999年和2004年人民院选举中，印共分别获得了12 席、9 席、5 席、11 席，印共(马)分别获得 32 席、32 席、35 席、44 席，其党员索姆纳特·查特吉成为2004年第14届人民院的发言人。然而，自2009年开始，印共(马)和印共在全国大选和各邦选举中接连失利。在2009年、2014年、2019年全国大选中，印共分别获得4席、1席、2席，印共( 马) 分别获得15席、9席、3席。在地方，以印共( 马) 和印共为首的左翼阵线2011年丧失了在西孟加拉长达34年的执政权，2017年丧失了在特里普拉的执政权，目前仅维持在喀拉拉的执政权。不过，新冠肺炎疫情发生后，处于低谷的左翼地方政治出现些许回温。截至2021年6月，左翼政党除了在西孟加拉邦没有获得席位外，已经赢得喀拉拉邦和泰米尔纳德邦的立法会议选举，在比哈尔邦选举中也取得了较大进展。斯里兰卡的人民解放阵线在2002年宣布放 弃暴力斗争，选择议会道路，且在2011年发生了分裂; 斯里兰卡共产党从一开始就参与议会政治， 1964年后开始获得政府职位，但进入21世纪后沦为斯里兰卡越来越庞大的竞选联盟的成员，在2015年议会选举中只获得了1个席位，在2019年议会选举中没有获得席位。孟加拉国共产党尽管也发生过分裂，但在1992年大选中仍然是全国第五大党; 2007年开始致力于建立左翼阵线，2010年与孟加拉国工人党合并为新的孟加拉国共产党，但2011年退出了左翼阵线; 2019年大选中又与其他左翼政党组成了左翼民主联盟，但仍以失败告终。

In another three South Asian countries, after a period of sustained decline, radical left-wing movements have shown signs of revival in recent years. These three countries are the Maldives, Pakistan, and Nepal. The radical left-wing group in the Maldives achieved a breakthrough from zero—albeit only the “The Ninety-Nine” movement group. The Communist Party of Pakistan was declared illegal in 1954. Currently, there are three forces claiming to be the Communist Party: first, the traditional Communist Party led by Imdad Qazi, which can only operate openly in Sindh province; second, the faction led by Khadim Taqsim, which split from the former in 2002; third, the faction led by Jamil Ahmed Malik, which successfully registered with the Election Commission of Pakistan in 2012. This party claims to be the officially recognized Communist Party of Pakistan. It won no seats in the 2013 general election, but in January 2021 it convened a left-wing alliance meeting in Pakistan. Additionally, the Struggle Organization (Mazdoor Kisan Party) won one seat in the 2018 general election, marking the first time radical left-wing forces in Pakistan held a seat in the National Assembly. The Communist Party of Nepal has split several times. The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) (CPN-UML) won the 1994–1995 general election and formed a government, and formed a coalition government with moderate left-wing parties in 1997–1998. The Workers and Peasants Party of Nepal formed a left-wing front to participate in elections and has long held seats. Entering the 21st century, various communist parties in Nepal began to unite: in 2017, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) and the CPN-UML formed a left-wing alliance, winning 174 seats in the House of Representatives and 42 seats in the National Assembly, and governing in six of the country’s seven provinces. In 2018, the CPN-UML and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) merged to form the new Nepal Communist Party, while also gaining support from other radical left-wing parties, forming a coalition government. This was the first time in the history of Nepal’s communist movement that three-quarters of left-wing parties jointly held power at the central level.

南亚有另外3个国家的激进左翼运动在持续衰落后，近几年出现了重振的迹象。这三个国家是 马尔代夫、巴基斯坦和尼泊尔。马尔代夫的激进左翼团体实现了零的突破———尽管只有一个“九十 九”运动团体。巴基斯坦共产党在1954年被宣布为非法，目前自称是共产党的力量有三支: 第一支是伊姆达德·卡奇领导的传统共产党，只能在信德省公开活动; 第二支是卡迪姆·塔希姆领导的，是 2002 年从前者中分裂出去的; 第三支是贾米尔·艾哈迈德·马利克领导的，2012 年在巴基斯坦 选举委员会注册成功，该党自称是巴基斯坦官方承认的共产党，在2013年大选中没有获得席位， 但在2021年1月主持召开了巴基斯坦的左翼联盟会议。此外，巴基斯坦斗争组织在2018年大选中获得了1个议席，是巴基斯坦激进左翼力量首次在国会拥有议席。尼泊尔共产党几经分裂，尼共( 联合马列) 在1994—1995年大选中获胜组阁，1997—1998年与温和左翼政党组成联合政府; 工农 党则组建了左翼阵线参与选举，长期拥有席位。进入21世纪，尼泊尔的各类共产党开始走向联合: 2017年尼共(毛主义中心)与尼共(联合马列) 组建左翼联盟，获得下院的 174 席和上院的42 席， 在全国7个省中的6个省执政; 2018年尼共(联合马列)与尼共 (毛主义中心) 合并为新的尼泊尔共产党，同时获得其他激进左翼政党的支持，组建了联合政府。这是尼泊尔共产主义运动史上第一次有四分之三的左翼政党在中央联合执政。

In summary, the current situation of radical left-wing movements in South Asia is relatively complex. In India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan, the decline is nearing its bottom; in the Maldives, the forces are extremely weak; in Bhutan, they are entirely absent; while in Pakistan, signs of revival are emerging, and in Nepal, they are flourishing.

总之，目前南亚地区的激进左翼运动情况比较复杂，在印度、孟加拉国、斯里兰卡和阿富汗的衰落接近谷底，在马尔代夫力量极其弱小，不丹完全没有，而在巴基斯坦却显现出重振的迹象，在 尼泊尔则是蓬勃发展。

3. The main body of extra-systemic extreme left-wing movements began to revive from the late 1990s, and their strength has clearly increased since the 21st century, but in recent years the situation for their armed struggle has become increasingly severe.

3、体制外极端左翼运动的主体自20世纪90年代末开始重振，21世纪以来力量明显增强，但近年来其武装斗争的形势渐趋严峻

The main body of South Asian extreme left-wing movements is flourishing. This is first manifested in the fact that among the eight South Asian countries, only the island nation of the Maldives has no extreme left-wing organization, while the other seven countries all do. Secondly, it is manifested in the fact that among these seven countries, apart from Sri Lanka, which only has the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist) established in 1991, the other six countries all have extreme left-wing party organizations and factions newly established and developed in the 21st century, and they continuously take joint actions. For example, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) was established in 2004, merging and reorganizing Maoist forces in eastern, central, and southern India, managing and operating a "red corridor" spanning three regions, pushing the previously north-south separated Maoist movement nationwide. In 2017, the CPI (Maoist) opened a "new red corridor." The Maoist organizations in Bangladesh have also intensified their activities in the 21st century. In 2011, there were 13 relatively active extreme left-wing organizations, including the East Bengal Proletarian Party and the East Bengal Communist Party, both established in 1968; the East Bengal Proletarian Party (Maoist Unity and Solidarity), established in 2004; and the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist), established in 2012. Moreover, some Maoist organizations have taken joint actions. For instance, in 2005, the East Bengal Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) and the East Bengal Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist-People's War) jointly carried out mass armed struggle. Finally, it is manifested in the fact that in Bhutan and Afghanistan, where extreme left-wing forces were historically quite weak, such forces have now developed considerably. After the 21st century, extreme left-wing forces in Bhutan have increased, including the clandestine Communist Party of Bhutan (Maoist), the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) established in 2001, and the United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan established in 2007. In Afghanistan, active extreme left-wing party organizations include the Afghanistan Liberation Organization, established in 1973; the Core of Afghan Communist Revolutionaries, established in the late 1980s (renamed the Communist Party of Afghanistan in 1991); in 2004, the Communist Party of Afghanistan merged with four other Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties to form the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist); in November 2020, it held a party reconstruction conference to strengthen internal Party building; and in 2021, it issued the "Statement of the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist) Announcing the Withdrawal of US Occupation Forces from Afghanistan." Additionally, there is a clandestine Marxist-Leninist organization in Afghanistan. Since August 2011, this organization has published the journal *The Eagle* to propagate its political ideas. In recent years, it has been relatively active internationally, issuing various joint statements or resolutions with communist party organizations from other countries and regions in 2020 and 2021.

南亚极端左翼运动的主体蓬勃发展。这首先表现在南亚八国中只有岛国马尔代夫没有极端左翼组织，其他 7个国家都有。其次表现在，这 7个国家中，除了斯里兰卡只有在1991年成立的锡兰共 产党 ( 毛) 外，其他 6 国都有在21世纪新建立和发展起来的极端左翼政党组织和派别，而且它们不断采取联合行动。例如，印共 ( 毛) 在 2004 年建立，合并重组了印度东部、中部和南部地区的毛主义力量，经营和管理着跨三地的 “红色走廊”，将南北分离的毛主义运动推向全国。2017年印 共 ( 毛) 又开辟了一条“新的红色走廊”。孟加拉国的毛派组织在 21世纪的活动力度也不断加大， 2011年有13个极端左翼组织较为活跃，包括 1968 年建立的东孟加拉无产阶级党和东孟加拉共产党，2004年成立的东孟加拉无产阶级党 ( 毛主义者统一团结) ，2012年成立的孟加拉国马列毛主义者共产党等。而且，一些毛派组织采取了联合行动。如 2005年东孟加拉共产党 (马列) 与东孟加拉共产党 ( 马列－人民战争) 共同开展了群众武装斗争。最后表现在，历史上极端左翼力量相当 弱小的不丹和阿富汗，目前极端左翼力量得到很大发展。21世纪后，不丹的极端左翼力量增多，包括处于秘密状态的不丹共产党(毛) 、2001年成立的不丹共产党 (马列毛) 、2007年成立的不丹联合革命阵线等。在阿富汗，活跃的极端左翼政党组织有1973年建立的阿富汗解放组织、20世纪80 年代后期建立的阿富汗共产主义革命者核心 (1991年改称为阿富汗共产党) ，2004年阿富汗共产党与另外四个马列毛主义政党合并组成阿富汗共产党(毛) ，2020 年11月召开党的重建会议，加强党内建设，2021年发布了《阿富汗共产党(毛) 宣布美国占领军撤出阿富汗的声明》。此外，阿富汗还有一个处于秘密状态的马列主义组织，2011年8月起该组织出版刊物《鹰》，宣传其政治思想，近年来在国际上较为活跃，2020年和2021年分别与其他国家和地区的共产党组织发表了各种联合声明或决议。

However, the situation of armed struggle for South Asian extreme left-wing forces is becoming increasingly severe. On the one hand, this is due to the forceful suppression by right-wing governments. For example, the CPI (Maoist) began efforts to open up new revolutionary base areas in 2019, but so far with little effect. On the other hand, it is mainly because contemporary South Asian socialist movements share a distinct common feature: there has been a widespread phenomenon of extra-systemic extreme left-wing movements transforming into intra-systemic radical left-wing movements. That is to say, those extreme or radical left-wing parties that initially focused on armed struggle gradually lay down their arms, participate in national and local elections, and influence the policies and measures of central and local governments through parliaments. Since the 21st century, represented by Nepal and Pakistan, an increasing number of extreme left-wing parties in South Asia have announced the abandonment of armed struggle and turned to the parliamentary path, while the number of extreme left-wing forces still insisting on armed struggle is dwindling. For instance, the representative of extreme left-wing forces in Nepal is the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Revolutionary), established in 2015, but its influence is weak. To date, it has only engaged in propaganda activities through its organ, *Revolutionary Maoist View*. In Pakistan, during the first 15 years of the 21st century, there were three main extreme left-wing forces. Two of them were the two Communist Parties of Pakistan not registered with the Election Commission, and the third was the Communist Workers and Peasants Party, established in 1995. However, in February 2015, the Communist Workers and Peasants Party merged with the People's Congress Party to form the People's Workers and Peasants Party, and the Communist Workers and Peasants Party ceased to exist. In December of the same year, the People's Workers and Peasants Party merged with the mainstream old Workers and Peasants Party to form a new Workers and Peasants Party, simultaneously announcing the abandonment of armed struggle and the adoption of the parliamentary struggle path. In September 2020, the party issued the "Views and Opinions of the Workers and Peasants Party on the All Pakistan Parties Conference," arguing that the All Pakistan Parties Conference was unlikely to generate a revolutionary movement. In Bangladesh, in April 2019, approximately 700 members of extreme organizations surrendered to the police. They came from the East Bengal Proletarian Party, the East Bengal Communist Party, the New Revolutionary Communist Party, and others. Under such circumstances, the situation for those extreme left-wing organizations persisting in extra-systemic armed struggle is becoming increasingly difficult.

然而，南亚极端左翼的武装斗争形势却渐趋严峻。一方面，这是因为右翼政府的强力镇压。如印共 ( 毛)2019年开始努力开辟新的革命根据地，但到目前为止收效甚微。另一方面，主要是 因为当代南亚社会主义运动有一个明显的共同特征，即一直存在着体制外极端左翼运动转化为体制内激进左翼运动的普遍现象。也就是说，那些一开始以武装斗争为主的极端或激进左翼政党逐步放 下武器，参加全国和地方的选举，在议会中影响中央和地方政府的政策措施。21世纪以来，以尼泊 尔和巴基斯坦为代表，南亚越来越多的极端左翼政党宣布放弃武装斗争，转向议会道路，仍然坚持 武装斗争的极端左翼力量越来越少。例如，尼泊尔的极端左翼代表是2015年成立的尼泊尔共产党 ( 毛主义革命) ，但影响力较弱，截至目前只是利用其机关刊物 《革命毛主义观》进行宣传活动。巴基斯坦在21世纪的前15年有三支主要的极端左翼力量，其中两支是没有在选举委员会注册的两个巴基斯坦共产党，第三支是1995年建立的共产主义工农党。但是，2015年2月共产主义工农党与人民大会党合并，组成人民工农党，共产主义工农党不复存在; 同年12月人民工农党又与主流的老工农党合并，成立新的工农党，同时宣布放弃武装斗争，采取议会斗争的道路;2020年9月该党发表《工农党关于全巴政党大会的意见看法》，认为全巴政党大会不太可能形成一场革命性的运动。孟加拉国在2019年4月有大约700名极端组织成员向警方投案，他们分别来自东孟加拉无产阶级政党、东孟加拉共产党、新革命共产党等。在这种情形下，那些坚持体制外武装斗争的极端左翼组织的处境越来越艰苦。

II. Trends in Domestic Unity and Alliances

二、国内联合与联盟的态势

Since the 21st century, at the national level, although the socialist movements in the eight South Asian countries exhibit differences in typological development, they clearly show a common new trend in their domestic networks: various types of left-wing party organizations have been engaging in joint struggles, and have even carried out mergers of varying degrees and scopes. The trend of mergers or alliances is particularly evident before national or local general elections, often involving as many as a dozen left-wing parties forming various left-wing alliances under different names, and the stability of such alliances has also increased.

21 世纪以来，在国别层面，南亚八国的社会主义运动尽管存在类型化发展的差异，但在国内的联系网络上却明显呈现出共同的新趋势，即各种类型的左翼政党组织纷纷开展联合斗争，甚至进行了不同程度、不同范围的不断合并。在全国性大选或地方性大选之前，合并或联合的趋势尤其明显， 往往多达十几个左翼政党共同组成各种名称的左翼联盟，而且这种联合的稳定性也有所增强。

First, the unity and merger of Maoist parties. In India, in 2004, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist-People's War Group) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India merged to form the CPI (Maoist). In 2014, the CPI (Maoist) further merged with the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist-Naxalbari), connecting the previously north-south separated Maoist movement. In Nepal, in 2014, the main Maoist parties formed an "alliance" for the first time: the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Communist Party of Nepal (United), and the Revolutionary Communist Centre formed a Maoist party working alliance to jointly participate in the constitution-making process. In 2017, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) formed a left-wing alliance to participate in the elections, and in 2018, the two parties merged to form a coalition government. In Afghanistan, in May 2004, the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist) was established. In the same year, the Afghanistan People's Liberation Struggle Organization, the Afghanistan Revolutionary Workers' Union, and the Communist Party of Afghanistan merged into the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist), collectively referred to as the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist). The situation in Bhutan is relatively special, being heavily influenced by Maoist organizations in India and Nepal. In 2020, the CPI (Maoist) planned to establish a revolutionary zone on the Bihar-Nepal border to facilitate contact with the Communist Party of Nepal and the Bhutanese Maoist Communist Party.

首先，毛派党的联合统一。在印度，2004年印共(马列－人民战争集团)和印度毛主义共产主 义中心合并，成立印共( 毛)，2014年印共 (毛)又与印共( 马列－纳萨尔巴里) 合并，将南北分离的毛主义运动连接起来。在尼泊尔，2014年主要毛派政党首次 “结盟”，尼共 (毛) 与尼联共(毛) 、尼共 (毛) 、尼共 (统一) 、革命共产主义中心组成毛派党工作联盟，共同参与制宪进程; 2017年尼共 ( 毛主义中心)与尼共(联合马列) 组建左翼联盟参加选举，2018年两党合并组建联合政府。在阿富汗，2004年5月阿富汗共产党(毛) 成立，同年阿富汗人民解放斗争组织、阿富汗革命工人联盟和阿富汗共产党合并加入阿富汗共产党(毛) ，统称阿富汗共产党(毛) 。不丹情况比 较特殊，受印度和尼泊尔毛派组织的影响较大，2020 年印共 (毛) 计划在比哈尔邦－尼泊尔边界建立一个革命区，便于与尼泊尔共产党和不丹毛派共产党联系。

Secondly, there is the unification of moderate left-wing and radical left-wing forces within the system, and even alliances with centre-left parties. In India, before the 2014 general election, the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and other radical left-wing parties cooperated with the Socialist Party and regional parties to form a left-wing front; in 2017, the Indian Red Flag Party merged into the Communist Party of India. In the 2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, and the Rashtriya Janata Dal formed a "grand alliance," and compared with the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, their vote share was only 0.03% lower. In Pakistan, left-wing radicals reached a consensus: "We must unite to improve past socialist experiments under the conditions of great changes in the 21st century." At the end of 2017, more than ten left-wing forces, including the Pakistan Workers' and Peasants' Party, the People's Workers' Party, and the Communist Party, formed the "Lahore Left Front"; by the 2018 general election, 17 left-wing parties had joined. In early 2020, Pakistan's radical left successfully published the magazine *Pakistan Left Review*. In Bangladesh, 11 left-wing parties, including the Communist Party, the Workers' Party, and the Socialist Party, formed a left-wing alliance in 2001 and again in 2007; in 2018, eight left-wing parties formed a left-wing alliance; in the 2019 general election, another eight left-wing parties formed the Left Democratic Alliance to jointly contest the election, and in April 2021 they jointly called on the government to aid the working class. In Sri Lanka, starting in 1994, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party have cooperated with the Freedom Party; in 2006, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, together with the Communist Party, the Democratic Left Front, the National Liberation People's Party, and others, formed the "Socialist Alliance" and participated in the "United People's Freedom Alliance" led by the Freedom Party; in the 2019 general election, 17 parties formed the "People's Freedom Alliance" to contest the election. In Nepal, in 2005, the Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), the Workers' and Peasants' Party, the People's Front, and the Left United Front jointly established the Seven-Party Alliance; in April 2020, the Socialist Party and the People's Party merged to form the Socialist People's Party, and in March 2021 they held political consultations with Prime Minister Oli. In Bhutan, in 2010, the Druk National Congress, the Democratic Party, and the National Democratic Party jointly formed the Democratic United Front, and the cooperation between the National Democratic Party and the Druk National Congress has continued to the present day.

其次，体制内温和左翼与激进左翼的联合统一，甚至是与中左翼政党的联盟。在印度，2014年大选前，印共和印共 ( 马)等激进左翼政党与社会党和地方性政党合作，组成了左翼阵线; 2017年印度红旗党并入印共。在2020年比哈尔邦立法会选举中，印共、印共( 马) 、印共 ( 马列－解放) 与全国人民党 (ＲJD) 结成了“大联盟”，与印度人民党领导的全国民主联盟相比，得票率仅低 0. 03%。在巴基斯坦，左翼激进分子达成了共识: “必须团结起来，在21世纪巨大变化的条件下， 改进过去的社会主义实验。” 2017年底，巴基斯坦工农党、人民工人党、共产党等十几个左翼力量组成 “拉合尔左翼阵线”，到 2018 年大选前加入的有 17个左翼政党; 2020年初，巴基斯坦的激进左翼成功出版了杂志《巴基斯坦左翼评论》。在孟加拉国，共产党、工人党和社会党等11个左翼 政党先后于 2001年和2007年组成左翼联盟，2018年有8个左翼政党组成左翼联盟，在2019年大选 中又有8个左翼政党组成了左翼民主联盟，共同参加选举，并在 2021年4月共同呼吁政府援助工人阶级。在斯里兰卡，从1994年开始，兰卡平等社会党、共产党一直与自由党合作，2006 年兰卡平 等社会党与共产党、民主左翼阵线、民族解放人民党等组成了 “社会主义联盟”，且参加了自由党 领导的 “统一人民自由联盟”; 在2019年大选中，有17个政党组成“人民自由联盟”参加选举。在尼泊尔，2005年，大会党、尼共 ( 联合马列)、工农党、人民阵线和左翼联合阵线等共同建立了七党联盟; 2020年4月社会党和人民党合并为社会主义人民党，并在2021年3月与奥利总理进行了 政治磋商。在不丹，2010年德鲁克国民大会、民主党、民族民主党共同组建了民主联合阵线，其中，民族民主党和德鲁克国民大会的合作一直持续至今。

Finally, compared with the second half of the 20th century, the unity and cooperation of left-wing forces in South Asian countries in the 21st century have been maintained for a longer period, most continuing to the present day, and the stability of unification has increased. The reasons for this are as follows: first, the rightward shift in the political ecology of various countries has forced the left to make ideological and strategic changes, with coalition politics and coalition governments having become a common phenomenon in South Asia; second, the continuous deterioration of the global objective situation—the 2008 global financial crisis had not fully ended when the global COVID-19 pandemic occurred in 2020—has also promoted sustained unity and cooperation in left-wing socialist movements; third, left-wing parties in South Asian countries have increasingly received broad support from the cultural, artistic, and news media circles in the 21st century. In India, in 2017, Marxist professor Murzban Jal compiled 37 articles by 21 left-wing intellectuals and social activists reflecting on the decline of radical left-wing factions such as the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and offered them advice. In Pakistan, although left-wing parties have little strength in the political sphere, they are relatively strong in the news media sphere. In Sri Lanka, left-wing parties also have considerable influence in the media and academia; for example, the anti-corruption movement launched by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has gained substantial support in academia, literary circles, and among professionals.

最后，与20世纪下半叶相比，21世纪南亚各国左翼的团结与合作均维持了较长时间，大部分持续至今，联合统一的稳定性有所增强。之所以如此，一是因为各国政治生态的右倾化迫使左翼不 得不作出思想和策略改变，联合政治和联合政府已经成为南亚地区的普遍现象; 二是全球客观形势 的连续恶化使然，2008 年全球金融危机还没有完全结束，2020年又发生了全球性的新冠肺炎疫情， 这些都促进了左翼社会主义运动的持续团结与合作;三是南亚国家的左翼政党在21世纪越来越得到 文化艺术界和新闻媒体界的广泛支持。在印度，2017年马克思主义学者穆尔兹班·贾尔教授汇编了21位左翼知识分子和社会活动家反思印共和印共(马)等左翼激进派衰落问题的37篇文章，并为它们出谋划策。在巴基斯坦，尽管左翼政党在政界的力量很小，但在新闻媒体界的力量比较强大。在斯里兰卡，左翼政党在媒体和学术界的影响也较大，例如，人民解放阵线发动的反腐败运动在学术界、文学界和专业人士中获得了大量支持。

Since the 21st century, although the socialist movements in the eight South Asian countries have achieved relatively long-term unity and cooperation, the trend of fragmentation still exists.

21世纪以来，尽管南亚八国的社会主义运动实现了较长时间的团结与合作，但碎片化的趋势仍然存在。

In the eight South Asian countries, except for the Maldives, each country still has three types of socialist movements: moderate left, radical left, and extreme left, and each type has more than one leading organization, some even as many as a dozen. Although the extreme left in South Asia often transforms into parliamentary leftists, the relationship between India's radical left-wing parties and social movements fully demonstrates that new, more radical left-wing organizations always emerge from old ones and grow rapidly. Moreover, within those united or merged parties and alliances, there are still numerous factions, and splits occur at any time. Taking Nepal as an example, in 2012, the defection of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) caused the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) to fall from power after only nine months in office; the Nepal Communist Party, formed by a merger in 2018, had in fact split by December 2020, leading to the eventual dissolution of parliament. On May 10, 2021, the Nepalese House of Representatives voted on a motion of confidence for Prime Minister Oli; both the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) and the Nepali Congress voted against it, and Oli failed the confidence vote. On May 24, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) split again, expelling 11 members of parliament from the party. In Bangladesh, observers believe that the left-wing parties have not truly integrated but remain fragmented, lacking a broad mass base, and therefore have not caused concern for the ruling party.

南亚八个国家，除了马尔代夫，每个国家内部都仍然存在温和左翼、激进左翼和极端左翼三种类型的社会主义运动，且每一种类型的领导组织都不止1个，有的甚至多达十几个。尽管南亚的极 端左翼常会转化为议会左翼，但印度的左翼激进党与社会运动的关系充分表明，总会有新的、更加激进的左翼组织从旧的组织中孕育出来且迅速成长起来。此外，那些联合或合并起来的政党与联盟内部仍然派系众多，分裂随时发生。以尼泊尔为例，2012年尼共(联合马列)的反戈致使尼联共(毛)仅执政了9个月便下台，2018年合并成立的尼泊尔共产党在2020年12月已经在事实上分裂了，导致议会最终被解散。2021年5月10日，尼泊尔众议院就总理奥利的信任案进行投票，尼共(毛主义中心)和大会党都投了反对票，奥利没有通过信任投票; 5 月24日尼共 ( 联合马列)又发生分裂，将11名议员驱逐出党。在孟加拉国，观察家们认为，左翼政党并没有融为一体，还是各自为政，更没有广泛的群众基础，因此并没有引起执政党的担忧。

The reasons for the fragmentation of socialist movements in South Asian countries are multifaceted. First, the history of splits within South Asian socialist movements has exceeded half a century, while the new journey toward unity and unification has only traversed a bumpy decade or so. South Asia is a museum of human races and a museum of religions, with complex and diverse ideologies and concepts. Although the South Asian left all wear the hat of “socialism,” they respectively take different socialist currents of thought as their guiding ideologies, ranging from classical Marxism to neo-Marxism, from Leninism to Stalinism to Trotskyism, from Maoism to Hoxhaism to eco-socialism, and so on. This diversity of socialist currents of thought determines that although the left can sometimes unite and cooperate, more often they act independently, even attacking and struggling against each other. Second, the left-wing political parties in South Asia, whether old or new, all exhibit obvious phenomena of personality cults or familial characteristics. In Bhutan and the Maldives, which only implemented party politics in the 21st century, this phenomenon is not particularly prominent. A typical representative of familial characteristics is the Pakistan People’s Party, which has always been in the hands of the Bhutto family. Left-wing parties with personality cults are everywhere, such as Narayan and Lohia of the Indian Socialist Party, Roy and Namboodiripad of the Communist Party of India, Basu of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Mazumdar of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), Bose of the All India Forward Bloc, Ghosh of the Socialist Unity Centre of India (Communist); Fatyab of the Pakistan Workers and Peasants Party, Lal Khan of the Struggle Organization; Inu of the Bangladesh National Socialist Party, Toha of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist-Leninist); Deuba of the Nepali Congress, Kumar of the Nepal Goodwill Party, Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Prachanda of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist); Goonewardene of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of Sri Lanka; Taraki of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan; and so on. With the death of their charismatic leaders or the decline of their families, these party organizations either suffer a serious decline in influence, fall into a state of fragmentation, or even cease to exist. Finally, these left-wing parties still exhibit very obvious localization characteristics, with their scope of activities mostly limited to a few states or a few cities, or even to one city or region within a state. For example, in India, the Socialist Party was originally a national party but gradually declined into a regional party, mainly active in Uttar Pradesh in the 21st century; the All India Forward Bloc and the Communist Party of India mainly operate in states such as Kerala, West Bengal, and Tripura; the Pakistan People’s Party mainly operates in the Sindh and Punjab regions; the Bangladesh National Socialist Party mainly operates in the Kushtia District; the Nepal Madhesi People’s Rights Forum mainly operates in the Madhesi-populated areas; the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of Sri Lanka’s activities are mainly concentrated in Colombo; the extreme left-wing parties of the seven South Asian countries generally operate in forested mountainous areas. This localization phenomenon is highly unfavorable for the unification of the leftist movement.

南亚各国社会主义运动碎片化的原因是多方面的。首先，南亚社会主义运动的分裂历史已经超过半个世纪，而联合统一的新征程只迈过了磕磕绊绊的十年左右。南亚是世界人种博物馆、宗教博 物馆，思想观念复杂多样。尽管南亚左翼均戴着 “社会主义”的帽子，但分别以不同的社会主义思 潮作为指导思想，从经典马克思主义到新马克思主义、从列宁主义到斯大林主义再到托洛茨基主义、从毛主义到霍查主义再到生态社会主义等。这种多元的社会主义思潮，决定了左翼之间尽管有的时候能够团结合作，但更多时候是各自为政，甚至相互攻击和斗争。其次，南亚的左翼政党，不论新旧，均存在明显的个人崇拜现象或家族化特征。在21世纪刚实行政党政治的不丹和马尔代夫，这一现象还不是特别突出。家族化的典型代表是巴基斯坦的人民党，一直掌握在布托家族手里。存在个人崇拜现象的左翼政党比比皆是，如印度社会党的纳拉扬和洛希亚，印度共产党的罗易和南布迪里 巴德、印共(马)的巴苏、印共(马列) 的马宗达，全印前进集团的鲍斯，社会主义统一中心( 共 产主义) 的高士; 巴基斯坦工农党的法提亚布，斗争组织的拉尔·汗; 孟加拉国民族社会党的伊努，孟加拉国共产党 ( 马列) 的托哈; 尼泊尔大会党的德乌帕，亲善党的库玛尔，尼共( 联合马 列) 的奥利，尼共(毛)的普拉昌达; 斯里兰卡兰卡平等社会党的谷内辛格; 阿富汗人民民主党的 塔拉基; 等等。随着其魅力型领导人去世或家族衰落，该政党组织要么影响力严重下降，要么陷入四分五裂状态，甚至不复存在。最后，这些左翼政党仍然存在十分明显的地方化特征，其活动范围 大多局限在几个邦或几个城市，甚至是一个邦的一个城市或地区。例如，在印度，社会党原为全国性政党，后来逐渐衰落为地方性政党，21世纪主要在北方邦开展活动; 全印前进集团和印度共产党主要在喀拉拉、西孟加拉和特里普拉等邦开展活动; 巴基斯坦人民党主要在信德、旁遮普地区活动; 孟加拉国民族社会党主要在库什蒂亚区活动，尼泊尔马德西人民权利论坛主要在马德西人聚居区开 展活动; 斯里兰卡兰卡平等社会党的活动主要集中在科伦坡; 南亚七国的极端左翼政党一般均活动在丛林山区。这种地方化的现象非常不利于左翼运动的统一。

III. New Trends in the Expansion of the Regional Spatial Pattern

三、地区空间格局扩展新态势

Since the 21st century, the geopolitical spatial pattern of South Asia has undergone major changes, and the regional spatial pattern of the socialist movement has also undergone obvious changes.

21世纪以来，南亚的地缘空间格局发生了重大变化，社会主义运动的地区空间格局也发生了明显的变化。

The concept of “South Asia” emerged in the context of the Cold War in the 1960s. Initially, six countries were classified as South Asia, including India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. In 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan, increasing the number of South Asian countries to seven. Entering the 21st century, in 2005 Afghanistan joined the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, becoming a full member of SAARC, and the number of South Asian countries became eight. The countries with both sea and land borders remain India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh; these three countries were all areas controlled by the former British colonial empire before the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, located on the three sides of the South Asian subcontinent extending deep into the Indian Ocean. The island countries remain Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The mountainous countries have increased from two, Nepal and Bhutan, to three, including Afghanistan, expanding the geographical space of South Asian mountainous countries. Afghanistan has traditionally been a country studied in Middle Eastern regional studies, spanning the strategic hub zone of West Asia, South Asia, and Central Asia. Afghanistan’s inclusion in the South Asian region means that South Asia is more closely connected with Central Asia and West Asia.

“南亚”概念出现于20世纪60年代的冷战背景下。初期，有6个国家被归于南亚，包括印度、巴基斯坦、尼泊尔、不丹、斯里兰卡和马尔代夫。1971年孟加拉国从巴基斯坦独立出来，南亚国家 增加到7个。进入21世纪，2005年阿富汗加入南亚区域合作联盟，成为南盟的正式成员国，南亚国家变成8个。海陆兼备国仍然是印度、巴基斯坦和孟加拉国，这3个国家在1947年印巴分治前都 是原英殖民帝国控制的地区，位于深入印度洋的南亚次大陆的三边; 岛国仍然是斯里兰卡和马尔代夫; 山地国由尼泊尔和不丹两个国家增加到包含阿富汗在内的3个，南亚山地国的地域空间增大。阿富汗传统上是中东区域研究的一个国别，地跨西亚、南亚和中亚的战略枢纽地带。阿富汗加入南亚区域，意味着南亚与中亚和西亚的联系更加紧密。

Since the 21st century, the legal space for socialist movements in South Asian countries has expanded significantly. First, movements previously considered illegal socialist or communist movements have become legal. Afghanistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh initially allowed socialist/communist parties to operate openly in the early post-World War II period, but during the Cold War they successively adopted policies prohibiting their legal activities. After the end of the Cold War, and especially since the 21st century, they have successively allowed them to obtain legal status and operate openly. In Afghanistan, party activities largely ceased after the Soviet invasion in 1979; in 2003, the Political Party Law and the Political Party Registration Measures were promulgated, giving party politics a new lease on life. The Nepalese monarchy and the Bangladeshi military regime successively imposed bans on political parties in 1959 and 1975, prohibiting party organizational activities. After the end of the Cold War, the two countries successively restored parliamentary democratic systems in 1990 and 1991, allowing parties to operate openly. Second, what previously did not exist has become legally existing. After entering the 21st century, the Maldives and Bhutan formally began implementing party politics for the first time. Before the 21st century, Bhutan had always practiced hereditary monarchy, until the first parliament passed constitutional regulations in 2008, implementing modern parliamentary democracy. The Maldives initially practiced a sultanate system upon independence in 1965, adopted a presidential republic system in 1968, but did not allow parties to participate in presidential elections, only allowing competition through interest groups and personal alliances, until the passage of a new constitution in 2008, which allowed parties to legally operate and participate in elections through registration. Therefore, only after entering the 21st century did all eight South Asian countries implement modern party politics, allowing parties to operate openly through registration.

21世纪以来，南亚各国社会主义运动的合法空间明显扩大。一是过去被认为非法的社会主义共产主义运动变成了合法的。阿富汗、尼泊尔和孟加拉国在二战后初期曾经允许社会主义/共产主义政党公开活动，但在冷战期间先后采取了禁止其合法活动的政策，而冷战结束后，特别是 21 世纪以来，先后允许其获得合法地位，公开开展活动。阿富汗自1979年苏联入侵之后政党活动基本停止，2003年颁布了《政党法》和《政党登记办法》，政党政治重获新生。尼泊尔的皇室和孟加拉国的军 政权先后在1959年和1975年实行党禁，禁止政党组织活动，冷战结束后，两国先后在1990年和1991年恢复议会民主制政体，政党可以公开活动。二是过去没有的变成了合法存在的。进入21世纪后，马尔代夫和不丹首次正式开始实行政党政治。在21世纪之前，不丹一直实行世袭君主制，直到 2008 年第一届议会通过宪法条例，实行现代议会民主制。马尔代夫在1965年独立之初实行苏丹制，1968年实行总统共和制，但不允许政党参与总统的选举，只能通过利益集团和个人联盟来参与竞争，直到2008年新宪法通过，才允许政党通过注册合法开展活动并参与竞选。因此，只有进入21世纪后，南亚八国才全部实行现代政党政治，允许政党通过注册公开开展活动。

Since the 21st century, the geopolitical center of gravity of the South Asian socialist movement has expanded inland. This is manifested at both the macro and micro levels.

21世纪以来，南亚社会主义运动的地缘重心向内陆拓展。这表现在宏观和微观两个层面。

At the macro level, countries that explicitly take “socialism” as their development direction have expanded from countries with both sea and land borders and island countries to mountainous countries. In the 20th century, the countries with both sea and land borders—India, Bangladesh—and the island country Sri Lanka constituted the key areas of the socialist movement in South Asia. Bangladesh’s 1972 constitution stipulates that “nationalism, socialism, democracy, and secularism” are the four basic political principles of Bangladesh’s founding. India’s 42nd constitutional amendment in 1976 formally incorporated “socialism” into the “nature of the state” as stipulated in the constitution. Sri Lanka’s 1978 constitution stipulates that “Sri Lanka is a free, sovereign, independent, democratic socialist republic.” Entering the 21st century, the mountainous country Nepal’s 2015 constitution stipulated for the first time that “Nepal is a federal republic with socialism as its development direction,” which is a major development.

从宏观层面看，明确以“社会主义”为发展方向的国家由海陆兼备国和岛国拓展到山地国。在20世纪，作为海陆兼备国的印度、孟加拉国和岛国斯里兰卡构成南亚地区社会主义运动的重点区域。孟加拉国 1972年的宪法规定， “民族主义、社会主义、民主主义和世俗主义” 是孟加拉国建 国的四大基本政治原则。印度1976年的第42次宪法修正案将“社会主义”正式写入宪法规定的“国家性质”中。斯里兰卡 1978年的宪法规定， “斯里兰卡是一个自由、拥有主权、独立的民主社 会主义共和国”。进入 21 世纪，山地国尼泊尔的 2015年宪法第一次规定， “尼泊尔是一个以社会主义为发展方向的联邦共和国”，这是一个重大的发展。

From a micro-level perspective, the center of gravity of all three categories of socialist movements shows a spatial expansion trend from the ocean to the inland. As described in the first part, among these three categories, the moderate left-wing movements have been in overall decline since the end of the Cold War, falling into a trough in the 21st century, but in recent years a momentum of revival has emerged in all three mountainous countries. [16]16 The "three mountainous countries" refers to Nepal, Bhutan, and Afghanistan, which are landlocked and predominantly mountainous in terrain, in contrast to the island countries (Sri Lanka, Maldives) and the sea-and-land countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh) of South Asia. The situation of institutional radical left-wing movements is more complex, with no geographical consistency across countries; differences exist between countries with both sea and land, between island countries, and between mountainous countries. Overall, institutional radical left-wing movements survived for about 20 years after the Cold War, but have been in continuous decline since 2009 and are currently approaching the bottom. However, in recent years, the radical left-wing movements in the sea-and-land countries of Pakistan and Bangladesh, as well as the mountainous country of Nepal, have begun to recover. The extra-institutional extreme left-wing socialist and communist movements began to revive in the late 1990s, and their strength has increased significantly since entering the 21st century, covering seven South Asian countries except the island country of the Maldives. Moreover, their geographical center of gravity is concentrated in the mountainous northeastern region of India, spreading to Bangladesh and Pakistan, as well as the mountainous countries of Nepal, Bhutan, and Afghanistan. It can thus be seen that since the 21st century, the socialist movements in the island countries of South Asia have been in continuous decline, while the socialist and communist movements in the mountainous countries have flourished. The sea-and-land countries lie between the former two, and overall, a new geographical trend of rapid expansion from the ocean to the inland is clearly evident.

从微观层面看，三种类别的社会主义运动重心均呈现从海洋到内陆的空间拓展趋势。如第一部分所述，在这三种类别中，温和左翼运动自冷战结束后在整体上不断衰落，在21世纪陷入低谷，但 近年来在三个山地国均出现了重振的势头。体制内激进左翼运动情况比较复杂，不存在地缘上的国别一致性，海陆兼备国之间、岛国之间、山地国之间都存在差异。整体看来，体制内激进左翼运动 在冷战后挺过了约20年，但2009年后持续下滑，目前临近谷底。然而，近年来海陆兼备国巴基斯 坦和孟加拉国以及山地国尼泊尔的激进左翼运动开始复苏。体制外极端左翼社会主义共产主义运动自20世纪90年代末开始重振，进入21世纪后力量明显增强，覆盖了南亚除岛国马尔代夫之外的7个国家，而且，其地缘重心集中在印度东北部山区，蔓延至孟加拉国和巴基斯坦以及山地国尼泊尔、不丹和阿富汗。由此可以看出，21世纪以来，南亚岛国的社会主义运动在不断衰落，而山地国的社会主义和共产主义运动蓬勃发展，海陆兼备国处于前两者之间，整体上明显呈现出从海洋向内陆迅猛拓展的地缘格局新态势。

IV. The Trend of Internationalization of Contact Networks

四、联系网络国际化的态势

Entering the 21st century, the international contact networks of South Asian socialist movements have shown a trend of dense expansion, with two distinct characteristics of expansion.

进入 21世纪，南亚社会主义运动的国际联系网络呈现密集扩张趋势，有两个明显的扩张特点。

1. The international contact networks of moderate and radical left-wing movements remain primarily based on international organizations outside the region, but the number of international organization networks and the number of South Asian countries they cover have both increased significantly, and the international contacts of the two types of left-wing movements show an interwoven trend.

1、温和与激进左翼运动的国际联系网络仍以地区外的国际组织为主，但国际组织的网络数量和 覆盖的南亚国家数量均明显增加，且两种类型左翼运动的国际联系呈现出交织的态势

First, the international contact networks and the countries covered by moderate left-wing movements have both increased significantly. In the 20th century, their main international contact organizations included the Fourth International (FI), founded in 1938; the Socialist International (SI), founded in 1951; the Asian Socialist Conference (ASC), which began in 1953; the reorganized Fourth International after 1963; and the Committee for a Workers' International (CWI), founded in 1974. In the 21st century, the Progressive Alliance (PA), founded in Leipzig, Germany in 2013, was newly added. Regarding the South Asian countries covered, the formal member parties of the Fourth International in South Asia include the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist), the New Equal Society Party (NSSP) of Sri Lanka, and the Pakistan People's Workers Party (AWP); the radical socialist group in India is its permanent observer. The founding South Asian parties of the Asian Socialist Conference included the Indian People's Socialist Party and the Pakistan Socialist Party; the Nepali Congress was its observer, and in 1956 the Nepali Congress and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party simultaneously became formal members. After the Asian Socialist Conference ceased operations in 1961, the number of members of the Socialist International in South Asia began to increase. The Pakistan People's Party was admitted as a consultative party in 1989 and became a full member in 2003, serving as an important representative of the South Asian region; its party chairman, Zardari, once served as Vice President of the Socialist International. The Nepali Congress also became a consultative member party in 1989 and a full member party in 1999. The Indian National Congress initially joined in 1993, then withdrew, but was readmitted as a full member in 2014. The representatives of the Committee for a Workers' International in South Asia in the 20th century were the Pakistan Struggle Organization and the Pakistan Workers' Party; however, its South Asian member parties in 2019 were only the New Socialist Party (Alternative) of India and the United Socialist Party of Sri Lanka. The South Asian member parties of the Progressive Alliance include the Indian National Congress and the Socialist Party of India, as well as the Indian Democratic Association (IAD), the Pakistan People's National Party, the Nepali Congress, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, and the Workers' and Social Democratic Party of the Maldives, among which the Indian Democratic Association is relatively active. It can thus be seen that in the 21st century, more moderate left-wing parties from more South Asian countries have joined more international organizations.

首先，温和左翼运动的国际联系网络和覆盖的国家均明显增加。20世纪其国际联络组织主要有1938年成立的第四国际 ( FI) 、1951 年成立的社会党国际 ( SI) 、1953年开始的亚洲社会党大会 ( ASC) 、1963年重组后的第四国际和1974年成立的工人国际委员会 ( CWI) ，21 世纪新增加了2013年在德国莱比锡成立的进步联盟 (PA) 。就覆盖的南亚国家而言，第四国际的南亚正式成员党有孟 加拉国共产党 (马列) 、斯里兰卡的新平等社会党 (NSSP) 、巴基斯坦的人民工人党 (AWP) ， 印度的激进社会主义团体是其永久观察员。亚洲社会党大会的南亚创始党包括印度人民社会党和巴基斯坦社会党，尼泊尔大会党是其观察员，1956年尼泊尔大会党和斯里兰卡自由党同时成为正式 成员。1961年亚洲社会党大会停止运行后，社会党国际在南亚的成员开始增多。巴基斯坦人民党在1989年被接纳为咨询员党，2003年成为正式成员，是南亚地区的重要代表，党主席扎尔达里曾担任社会党国际的副主席; 尼泊尔大会党也在 1989年成为咨询成员党，1999年成为正式成员党; 印度国大党最初在1993年加入，后退出，但在2014年被重新接纳为正式成员。工人国际委员会在20世纪的南亚代表是巴基斯坦斗争组织和巴基斯坦工党，不过，2019年的南亚成员党只有印度的新社会党 ( 替代) 和斯里兰卡的统一社会党。进步联盟的南亚成员党包括印度的国大党和社会党以及印度民主协会 ( IAD) 、巴基斯坦人民民族党、尼泊尔的大会党、斯里兰卡的自由党、马尔代夫的工人与社会民主党，其中印度民主协会较为活跃。由此可以看出，在21世纪，南亚更多国家的更多温 和左翼政党加入了更多的国际组织。

Second, the international contact network of radical left-wing movements has consistently been centered on the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP), founded in 1998. The number of South Asian member parties in this meeting has gradually increased: at its founding in 1998, the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) participated; in 2006, the Communist Party of Pakistan established contact with it; after 2007, the communist parties of Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka participated from time to time; and since 2010, the Communist Party and the Workers' Party of Bangladesh have participated.

其次，激进左翼运动的国际联系网络一直都以1998 年成立的共产党和工人党国际会议为主，该会议的南亚地区成员党逐渐增多: 1998年成立时印共和印共 (马)参加了会议，2006年巴基斯坦 共产党与其建立联系，2007年后巴基斯坦、尼泊尔和斯里兰卡的共产党不时参加会议，自2010年起孟加拉国共产党和工人党参加会议。

Finally, the international contacts of moderate left-wing and radical left-wing movements have shown an interwoven trend in the 21st century. This is mainly manifested in their joint participation in a new international organization of political parties in the Asian region that began in 2000—the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP). The Pakistan People's Party participated in the first conference. Starting from the fourth conference in 2006, official statistics on participating parties became available; at that time, only Afghanistan and Bhutan among the South Asian countries had no parties participating, while moderate and radical left-wing parties from the other six countries all sent representatives. In 2010, the Islamic Party of Afghanistan participated in the conference for the first time, and in 2016, the People's Democratic Party and the Peace and Prosperity Party of Bhutan participated for the first time.

最后，温和左翼与激进左翼的国际联系在21世纪出现了交织趋势。这主要表现在他们均参加了2000年开始的亚洲地区新的政党国际组织———亚洲政党国际会议(ICAPP) 。巴基斯坦人民党参加了首届大会。自2006 年第四届会议开始，参加会议的政党有了官方的统计数据，当时南亚地区只有 阿富汗和不丹没有政党参加，其他六国的温和与激进左翼政党均有代表参加。2010年阿富汗的伊斯兰党第一次参加该会议，2016年不丹的人民民主党、和平繁荣党第一次参加该会议。

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2. The international contact network of extreme left-wing movements is primarily characterized by significant expansion at the regional level, while simultaneously increasing extra-regional contacts.

2、极端左翼运动的国际联系网络以地区层面的明显扩张为主，同时增加地区外联络

First, the regional self-organization of South Asian extreme left-wing movements achieved a breakthrough from zero in the 21st century. In July 2001, in the jungle areas of the central mountainous region of India, ten extreme left-wing parties and organizations from South Asia established the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA), including five extreme left-wing parties from India, three extreme left-wing parties from Bangladesh, the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist) from Sri Lanka, and the Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal. In 2002, the East Bengal Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist–Red Flag) joined as a full member, and in 2004, the East Bengal Proletarian Party (Maoist Bolshevik Reorganization Movement) and the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist–Leninist–Maoist) jointly joined as observers. At this point, the organization's coverage expanded from island countries and sea-and-land countries to mountainous countries, leaving only the sea-and-land country of Pakistan, the island country of the Maldives, and the mountainous country of Afghanistan. The Maldives itself has no extreme left-wing parties, while Afghanistan only became a South Asian member in 2005 due to its accession to SAARC, and its extreme left-wing parties have consistently been a leading force in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM).

首先，南亚极端左翼的地区性自组织在21世纪实现了零的突破。2001年7月在印度中部山区 的丛林地带，10个南亚极端左翼党派组织建立了南亚毛主义政党和组织协调委员会( CCOMPOSA) ，包括印度的5个极端左翼政党、孟加拉国的3个极端左翼政党、斯里兰卡的锡兰共产党(毛)和尼泊尔革命共产党。2002年东孟加拉共产党 (马列－红旗)作为正式成员加入，2004年东孟加拉无 产阶级党 ( 毛主义布尔什维克重组运动)和不丹共产党 ( 马列毛) 共同作为观察员加入。至此，该组织的覆盖范围由岛国与海陆兼备国拓展到了山地国，只余海陆兼备国巴基斯坦、岛国马尔代夫和山地国阿富汗。马尔代夫本身没有极端左翼政党，而阿富汗直到2005年才由于加入南盟而成为南亚成员，其极端左翼政党一直是革命国际主义运动(ＲIM)的主导力量。

Second, the global international organization initiated and established by South Asian extreme left-wing parties has been revitalized. In 1984, the Nepal Communist Party (Torch), together with the Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Leadership Committee), the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist–Central Reorganization Committee), the Ceylon Communist Party (Beijing Faction) of Sri Lanka, and 18 other Maoist parties, established the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), which was then the international platform for Maoist parties worldwide to maintain contact. However, with the end of the Cold War, its activities gradually decreased, and it ceased operations in 2007. Nevertheless, in 2012, at the initiative of parties such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist–Naxalbari) and the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist), the organization was rebuilt, with its members also including the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), the East Bengal Proletarian Party, and the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist–Leninist–Dutta).

其次，由南亚极端左翼政党发起和建立的全球性国际组织重新焕发了生机。1984年，尼共(火炬) 联合印度的革命共产党领导委员会、印共(马列－中央重组委员会) 、斯里兰卡的锡兰共产党 (北京派) 等 18个毛主义政党建立了革命国际主义运动(ＲIM) ，这是当时世界上毛主义政党进行 联系的国际平台。但随着冷战的结束，其活动日益减少，2007年停止活动。然而，2012年，在印共 ( 马列－纳萨尔巴里) 、阿富汗共产党 (毛) 等党的倡议下，该组织得以重建，其成员还包括尼共 (毛主义中心) 、东孟加拉无产阶级党、孟加拉国共产党 (马列－杜塔) 。

Finally, changes and enhancements in the connections of global international organizations. The "changes" are reflected in the relationship with the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), established during the Cold War. This organization comprises two mutually independent organizations of the same name: one that believes in Maoism, "International Communication," and one that believes in Hoxhaism, "Unity and Struggle." According to the official websites of these two organizations, as of July 2011, the South Asian member parties participating in the 10th International Conference of "International Communication" included the Communist Party of Bangladesh, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist – Provisional Central Committee), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal); as of February 2021, the South Asian member parties and organizations of the 26th Plenary Session of the "Unity and Struggle" International Conference included the Communist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist-Leninist), the Revolutionary Democratic Organization of India, and the Pakistan Workers' Front. The "enhancements" are reflected in the connections with new organizations of the new century. In 2010, over 40 extreme left-wing political parties and organizations initiated the establishment of the International Coordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR), whose membership has now increased to over 60. According to its official website, South Asian member parties include the Marxist-Leninist Organization of Afghanistan, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party of Bangladesh, two factions of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), the Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) and the Nepalese Patriotic People's Republican Front (PPRF), the All Pakistan Trade Union Federation, and the New Democratic Marxist-Leninist Party (NDMLP) of Sri Lanka.

最后，全球性国际组织联络的变化与增强。“变化”体现在与冷战时期建立的马列主义政党和组织的国际会议 (ICMLPO)关系上。该组织包括两个互相独立的同名组织，分别为信仰毛主义的“国际通讯”和信仰霍查主义的 “团结与斗争”。根据这两个组织的官网显示，截至 2011年7月， 参加第10届 “国际通讯”国际会议的南亚成员党包括孟加拉国共产党、印共 (马列) 、印共 (马 列－临时中央委员会)、尼泊尔共产党 (马沙尔) ; 截至 2021年2月， “团结与斗争”国际会议第 26次全体会议南亚成员党及组织包括孟加拉国共产党 (马列主义) 、印度革命民主组织、巴基斯坦工人阵线。“增强”体现在与新世纪新组织的联系上。2010年40多个极端左翼政党组织发起建立了革命政党和组织的国际协调(ICOＲ) ，现在其成员增加到了60多个。根据其官网显示，南亚成员党包括阿富汗的马列主义组织、孟加拉国的共产党和社会党、印共(马列)的两个派别、尼泊尔共产党 (马沙尔) 和尼泊尔爱国人民共和阵线 (PPＲF)、巴基斯坦的全巴工会联合会、斯里兰卡的新民主马列主义党 (NDMLP) 。

In summary, since the 21st century, the socialist movements in the eight South Asian countries, in addition to inheriting the fragmented development trend that had already emerged in the second half of the 20th century, have all shown new common development trends in terms of the regional spatial pattern and domestic and international network connections. At the same time, there are differences in the typological development of South Asian socialist movements. Among them, the Maoist movement is one of the bright spots of the world socialist and communist movement. However, because the traditional moderate left and radical left are currently basically in a development trough, the overall socialist forces in South Asia are still not strong enough, and the hope for revival in the coming period is relatively small. Nevertheless, considering the continuous reflection and adjustment of the South Asian left-wing movements since the 21st century and the ever-strengthening trend of grand unity, and given that its stability surpasses the various unifications of the second half of the 20th century, the trend of South Asian socialist movements since the 21st century is worthy of affirmation, and future development is also worthy of expectation.

总之，21世纪以来，南亚八国的社会主义运动在承继其20世纪下半叶已出现的碎片化发展态势之外，在地区的空间格局、国内和国际的网络联系方面均呈现出共同的发展新态势。同时，南亚的社会主义运动存在着类型化发展的差异，其中，毛派运动是世界社会主义共产主义运动的亮点之 一，但由于传统的温和左翼和激进左翼目前基本上陷入发展低谷，因此，南亚整体的社会主义力量仍然不够强大，在未来一段时期内复兴的希望比较小。但是，考虑到 21世纪以来南亚左翼运动的不断反思与调整和不断增强的大联合趋势，而且其稳定性超过20世纪下半叶的各种联合，因此，21世纪以来南亚社会主义运动的态势是值得肯定的，未来的发展也是值得期待的。

(The author is Deputy Director of the Institute of Contemporary Socialism at Shandong University, Director of the South Asia Research Center at Shandong University, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor.)

（作者系山东大学当代社会主义研究所副所长，山东大学南亚研究中心主任，教授、博士生导师）

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