Lenin’s Historical Contribution to the Creation of the Bolshevik New-Type Party’s Ideological Doctrine

As is well known, understanding ideology is a key to unlocking the logic of modern politics and social revolution. Bourgeois political revolution is the most extensive演绎 of modern political logic; it targets humanity’s worldview and values, seeks to alter human thought and concepts, and aims to achieve the subjugation of human beings. The proletariat, in addition to completing its own political revolution, must also accomplish a social revolution, realize the free and comprehensive development of the individual, and thereby achieve the complete emancipation of humanity. This path, which shifts from political revolution to social revolution in the pursuit of human liberation, cannot do without the leadership of a proletarian party. The Bolsheviks emerged at the right moment. As a proletarian party, they assumed for the first time in human history the great mission of advancing the proletarian political revolution toward a socialist social revolution. The reason the Bolshevik new-type party was able to shoulder this historical mission is that Lenin, throughout his revolutionary career, consistently adhered to the guidance of Marxism, firmly grasped the theme of the epochal transition, and, through arduous theoretical exploration, established a scientific socialist ideology and gave it a creative interpretation. In doing so, he enriched and developed Marxist ideological theory, made it conform to the developmental requirements of the era, and integrated it into the practical activities of the Bolshevik revolution.

众所周知，理解意识形态是打开现代政治与社会革命逻辑的一把重要钥匙。资产阶级的政治革命是现代政治逻辑最广泛的演绎，它指向人类的世界观、价值观，妄图改变人类的思想观念，实现对人的征服；无产阶级除了完成自身的政治革命外，还要完成社会革命，实现人的自由全面发展，继而实现人的彻底解放。这条由政治革命向社会革命转换追求人类解放的道路，离不开无产阶级政党的领导。布尔什维克适时应运而生，它作为无产阶级政党，在人类历史上第一次担负起了推进无产阶级政治革命转向社会主义社会革命的伟大使命。布尔什维克新型政党之所以能够承担起该历史使命，是因为列宁在其革命生涯中始终坚持在马克思主义指导下，紧紧把握住时代转变的主题，在艰苦卓绝的理论探索中，确立了科学的社会主义意识形态，并对其进行了创造性阐释，从而丰富和发展了马克思主义意识形态理论，使其符合时代发展要求，并将之融进布尔什维克革命的实践活动当中。

I. The Premise of the Ideological Character of the Bolshevik New-Type Party: Lenin’s Creative Interpretation of the Scientific Doctrine of Ideology

一、布尔什维克新型政党意识形态特质的前提：列宁对科学的意识形态学说的创造性阐释

At the important turning point from the 19th to the 20th century, the transition from liberal capitalism to monopoly capitalism triggered contradictions within the capitalist system. Against this backdrop, the development of capitalism in Russia faced difficulties: the Russian tsar was extremely dissatisfied with the status quo, the emerging capitalists were full of complaints, and workers’ strike movements followed one after another. Consequently, organizations initiating the workers’ movement began to appear and develop rapidly in Russia’s industrially concentrated cities. At the same time, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, beset by internal and external pressures, fell into crisis. Amid this complex social reality, “Marx’s doctrine of ideology was assailed by various social trends of thought in the course of its dissemination.” In Russia’s increasingly complicated circumstances, Lenin had to address the tangled problems created by the interweaving of chaotic and disorderly ideas, the confused and unorganized workers’ movement, and the restless and helpless masses. The epochal transformation of Marx’s doctrine of ideology had become urgent. As for Lenin himself, he “was a leader rich in revolutionary spirit and a leader of revolution,” and “at the beginning of the 20th century, not only by intuition and not only tactically, but also theoretically, he had already geniusly foreseen and depicted the era of great revolution that was rapidly approaching in human life.” Exploring the reasons for this, on the one hand, Lenin was able to grasp the theme of the era according to the needs of practical change and the needs of theoretical development in real struggle; on the other hand, through a scientific analysis of the ideological, political, and struggle environments in which he found himself, he recognized the extreme importance of incorporating ideological logical analysis into the interpretation of the Russification of Marxism.

在从19世纪迈向20世纪的重要转折点上，自由资本主义向垄断资本主义过渡，引发了资本主义体系内部矛盾。在这样的背景下，俄国资本主义发展处境艰难，俄国沙皇对现状极度不满，新兴资本家亦是颇多怨词，工人罢工运动更是此起彼伏。因此，发起工人运动的组织开始在俄国工业集中的城市出现并迅速发展，与此同时，俄国社会民主工党由于内外交迫，陷入危机。在这纷繁复杂的社会现实中，“马克思的意识形态学说在传播中受到了各种各样社会思潮的侵袭”。在俄国日益复杂的境况下，列宁必须着手解决混沌无章的各种思想、混乱无序的工人运动、忙乱无依的人民群众彼此交织在一起所造成的重重困局，对马克思意识形态学说进行时代转换已然迫在眉睫。从列宁自身来说，他“是一个富于革命精神的领袖和领导革命的领袖”，“在20世纪初不仅凭直觉，也不仅在策略上，而且在理论上也已经天才地预见到并描绘了人类生活中日益迫近的伟大革命的时代”。探究其缘由，一方面是因为列宁能够根据实践变化需要和现实斗争中理论发展的需要，把握住时代主题；另一方面是因为他通过对所处的思想环境、政治环境和斗争环境的科学分析，认识到对马克思主义俄国化进行阐释时融入意识形态逻辑分析的极端重要性。

1. The Needs of Real Political Struggle Drove Lenin to Express the Interests of the Proletariat in a Theorized Form

1.现实政治斗争的需要推动列宁以理论化的方式表达无产阶级的利益

“The conformity of theory to reality is the sole criterion of theory.” The form in which theory appears depends on the theorist’s choice, application, and development of theory in the face of the problems of the era. Only a theory that meets the needs of the era is a theory that advances with the times and can realize the arming of the masses with theory. During this period, Marxism continued to spread through polemics with other non-Marxist doctrines and gradually gained a dominant position in the theoretical debates on Russia’s developmental path. Although the Russian social democratic movement was still in its childhood and youth, Russian capitalism had already developed to some extent, the number of the working class had increased sharply, and strike movements were expanding. Where the mass workers’ movement would head became the focus of Lenin’s thinking. At that time, the entire Russian intellectual world’s judgment of the Russian situation was uneven and chaotic, especially regarding how to coordinate individual action with mass participation in real political struggle. Therefore, Lenin put forward the theory that “all history is undoubtedly composed of the actions of individuals who are active figures” and the theory of attracting the masses to participate in activities aimed at achieving the socialist system, and he subjected these to practical reflection.

“理论符合现实是理论的唯一标准。”理论以什么样的面貌出现，取决于理论阐释者在面对时代问题时对理论的选择、运用与发展，只有符合时代需要的理论才是与时俱进的理论，才能实现理论武装群众。在这个时期，马克思主义在同其他非马克思主义学说的论战中继续传播，并逐渐在关于俄国发展形势的理论论战中居于主导地位。虽然俄国社会民主主义运动尚处在童年期和少年时期，但是俄国资本主义已有所发展，工人阶级数量急剧增加，罢工运动不断扩大。群众性的工人运动将会走向何方，就成为列宁思考的重心。当时整个俄国思想界对俄国形势的判断是参差不齐、混乱无序的，尤其是在如何协调个人行动与群众参与现实政治斗争方面存在较大争论。所以，列宁提出了关于“全部历史正是由那些无疑是活动家的个人的行动构成的”和吸引群众参加以实现社会主义制度为目标活动的理论，并对之进行了现实思考。

At that time, the complex reality and the chaotic state of theoretical circles posed severe challenges to upholding and developing Marxism under new conditions. This was mainly manifested in two aspects: first, it greatly affected the proletariat’s scientific understanding of the theory of class struggle; second, it seriously affected the correct understanding of the materialist conception of history, which served as the theoretical pillar of proletarian ideology. Both of these ultimately pointed directly to an attack on the method of materialism. In Lenin’s view, only by scientifically understanding the theory of class struggle could the historical mission of the proletariat be clarified; only by defending the method of materialism could the crisis be addressed. To this end, on the basis of interpreting and developing the Marxist methodology for understanding the world, he proposed a distinction between two types of social relations: one is material social relations, and the other is ideological social relations. Distinguishing these two types of social relations helps to recognize the independence of ideology and its close connection with material social relations.

在当时，复杂的现实状况和理论界的混乱状况对于在新的条件下坚持和发展马克思主义提出了严峻挑战。这主要表现在两个方面，一是极大地影响了无产阶级对阶级斗争理论的科学认识，二是严重影响了正确理解作为无产阶级意识形态理论支柱的唯物主义历史观。而这二者归根结底都直指对唯物主义的方法的诘难。在列宁看来，只有科学认识阶级斗争理论，才能明确无产阶级的历史使命；只有捍卫唯物主义的方法，才能应对出现的危机。为此，他在阐释与发展马克思主义认识世界的方法论的基础上，提出了对两种社会关系的区分，一是物质的社会关系，二是思想的社会关系。而区分这两种社会关系有助于认清意识形态的独立性及其同物质的社会关系的紧密联系。

On the basis of grasping the actual characteristics of capitalism at the time, Lenin believed that, on the one hand, big capital inflicted social disasters on the working people, such as oppression, bullying, and physical and mental devastation; on the other hand, the working people had to start from fighting for economic interests and ensuring survival, overcoming the combined effects of economic oppression, political domination, ideological poisoning, and cultural erosion. It was precisely these social disasters that “enlighten the workers’ minds, turn vague and obscure discontent into conscious resistance, and transform scattered, insignificant petty disturbances into an organized class struggle for the liberation of all working people, a struggle that draws its strength from the very conditions of existence of this big capitalism and therefore has absolutely reliable prospects of success.” However, in real life and political struggle, the importance of “comparing the population engaged in the production of material wealth with the ‘ideological stratum’” was overlooked, and it was not seen that Marxism “is the ideology of the working class.”

列宁在把握当时资本主义现实特征的基础上认为，一方面，大资本给劳动者造成了社会灾难，如受压迫、受欺凌、身心受摧残；另一方面，劳动者又必须从争取经济利益、保证生存出发，克服来自经济压迫、政治统治、思想毒害、文化侵蚀等的综合影响。正是这些社会灾难“启迪工人的思想，把隐约的和模糊的不满变成自觉的反抗，把零星的无意义的小骚动变成争取全体劳动者解放的有组织的阶级斗争，这一斗争从这个大资本主义存在的条件本身中吸取力量，因而绝对有希望获得可靠的成功”。然而，在现实生活与政治斗争中，忽略了“把从事物质财富生产的人口同‘意识形态的阶层’加以比较”的重要性，没有看到马克思主义“是劳动阶级的意识形态”。

In such a social environment, Lenin recognized the importance of Marxism as the ideology of the working class. Based on his deep concern for Russia’s fate and his anxious worry about the future of the proletarian movement, and relying on his own revolutionary practice, Lenin decided to realize the demands of social action through theoretical struggle. Therefore, by skillfully applying the method of materialism, Lenin conducted a detailed analysis and exposition of the development of capitalism in Russia, concluding that “the current development of capitalism in Russia is slow.” On this basis, through understanding and analyzing the structure and social changes of Russian social reality, he provided indispensable theoretical support for the dissemination of the theory of proletarian revolution. These were necessary conditions for “the basis and understanding that enabled Lenin to make accurate and genius judgments about every situation, shift, and change in the balance of forces in Russian society.”

在这样的社会环境下，列宁认识到了马克思主义是劳动阶级的意识形态的重要性。列宁基于对俄国命运的深切关注以及对无产阶级运动未来前途的忧心焦思，并以亲身的革命实践为依托，决定通过理论斗争的方式实现对社会行动的诉求。因此，列宁通过娴熟运用唯物主义的方法对俄国资本主义发展进行了详细分析与阐述，得出“俄国当前的资本主义发展是缓慢的”这一结论，并在此基础上，又通过认识与分析俄国社会现实的结构和社会变动，为无产阶级革命理论传播提供了必不可少的理论支撑。这些是“列宁有可能对俄国社会的力量对比的每一个情况、移动和改变做出准确而天才的判断的基础和认识”的必要条件。

2. Cultivating Proletarian Consciousness and Realizing the Unity of the Critical and Revolutionary Character of the Proletarian Principle of Party Spirit

2.培育无产阶级意识，实现无产阶级党性原则批判性与革命性的统一

The view that the workers’ movement itself cannot generate revolutionary socialist consciousness, but must obtain socialist consciousness from educated advanced intellectuals, was shared by Lenin, Kautsky, Victor Adler, and many Social Democratic leaders who on this point emphasized their distinction from the syndicalists. When the bourgeoisie, driven by its interests, strengthens the ruling function of state power under its control and squeezes the working class, the working class must achieve internal unity under the leadership of a proletarian-type party. This “helps to eradicate all prejudices and myths, to gather the socialists under the banner of Marxism, and to have the remaining groups form a democratic party.”

工人运动本身不能产生革命的社会主义意识，而必须从受过教育的先进知识分子那里获得社会主义意识，这个观点是列宁、考茨基、维克特·阿德勒和在这一点上强调与工团主义者有所区别的许多社会民主党领袖所共有的。当资产阶级因利益而强化掌控的国家权力统治功能、压榨工人阶级时，工人阶级必须在无产阶级类型政党领导下实现内部团结，这“有助于根除一切偏见和神话，使社会主义者在马克思主义旗帜下聚集起来，由其余的集团组成一个民主主义政党”。

The most important task for socialist intellectuals is to seek answers to questions from Russian history and reality. On the one hand, the “direction of the theoretical work” of socialist intellectuals “should be to study concretely all forms of economic antagonism in Russia, to study their interconnection and consistent development, and to reveal wherever this antagonism is concealed by political history, legal characteristics, and traditional prejudices. Theoretical work should provide a complete explanation of our country’s reality as a system of definite relations of production, should indicate the inevitability of the exploitation and expropriation of the working people under this system, and should point out the way out of this system as revealed by economic development.” On the other hand, socialist intellectuals must achieve two kinds of comprehension. The first is that “the advanced representatives of the working class have comprehended the ideas of scientific socialism”; the second is that they have “comprehended the ideas concerning the historical mission of the Russian workers.” Only on the basis of these two kinds of comprehension can the Russian proletarian revolution be realized.

社会主义知识分子最重要的是应该从俄国历史与现实中寻找问题的解答。一方面，社会主义知识分子“理论工作的方向应当是具体地研究俄国经济对抗的一切形式，研究它们的联系和一贯发展，凡是这种对抗被政治史、法制特点和传统偏见所掩盖的地方，都应把它揭示出来。理论工作应当把我国现实作为一定生产关系的体系给以完备的说明，应当指明劳动者在这个体系下遭受剥削和剥夺的必然性，指明经济发展所昭示的摆脱这个制度的出路”。另一方面，社会主义知识分子必须做到两个领会。一是“工人阶级的先进代表领会了科学社会主义思想”，二是“领会了关于俄国工人的历史使命的思想”。只有在这两个领会的基础上，才能实现俄国无产阶级革命。

On the above basis, it is also necessary for the advanced fighters of the vanguard—the socialist intellectuals—to carry out the necessary inculcation of the working class, so as to truly “unite the workers into a political force.” The crux of this issue lies in realizing the unity of the critical and revolutionary character of the proletarian principle of Party spirit. The working class was born in the era of large-scale capitalist machine industry; its daily life, working environment, and the accompanying bourgeois ideas that arise from these constantly influence the working class through various cultural carriers and media. This shows that the cultural education of the workers is a product of the rule of bourgeois political thought. To overcome this difficulty, the working class needs to achieve unity in ideology and unity in organization. The realization of these “two unities” is inseparable from a clear distinction between the two camps of materialism and idealism. Only in this way can the unity of the critical and revolutionary character of the proletarian principle of Party spirit be realized. For genuine socialist intellectuals, the only scientific method of social science—the materialist method—must be adhered to.

在上述基础上，还必须通过先锋队的先进战士——社会主义知识分子对工人阶级进行必要的灌输，才能真正把“工人团结为一支政治力量”。该问题的根本就在于实现无产阶级党性原则的批判性与革命性相统一。工人阶级诞生于资本主义机器大工业时期，其日常生活、工作环境，以及与此相随而生的资产阶级观念随时都会通过各种文化载体和媒介影响工人阶级，这表明工人的文化教育是资产阶级政治思想统治的产物。要克服这种困难，需要工人阶级实现思想上的统一、组织上的统一。这“两种统一”的实现离不开对唯物主义与唯心主义两种阵营的明确区分。因为只有这样，才能实现无产阶级党性原则批判性与革命性的统一。对真正的社会主义知识分子而言，必须坚持社会科学的唯一科学的方法即唯物主义的方法。

On the basis of adhering to the materialist method, Lenin emphasized the importance of realizing the unity of the critical and revolutionary character of the proletarian principle of Party spirit. If the workers’ movement lacks a political direction, it will “submit to the leadership of the bourgeoisie in the democratic revolution and cause the workers to face the danger of losing their autonomy in organization and ideology.” In fact, the real situation of the workers is that the spontaneity of the workers’ movement is deeply dominated by bourgeois ideology. First, the bourgeoisie possesses a huge ideological advantage—its ideology has been tempered over several centuries, is more long-standing and more widespread, and with the boost of its control over cultural education, its ideological penetration into daily life is ubiquitous. Second, “because the spontaneous workers’ movement is a trade-unionist, that is, a purely trade-union movement, and trade-unionism precisely means the ideological enslavement of the workers by the bourgeoisie.” This is because “the working masses have not created an independent ideology of their own in the course of their movement; the question can only be: either bourgeois ideology or socialist ideology. There is no middle course here (for humanity has not created any ‘third’ ideology, and in a society torn by class contradictions there can never be a non-class or supra-class ideology). Hence, any belittling of socialist ideology, any deviation from it, means the strengthening of bourgeois ideology.” Therefore, “we must resolutely fight against all bourgeois ideology, no matter what fashionable and gaudy cloak it may be wrapped in.”

列宁在坚持唯物主义的方法基础上，强调了实现无产阶级党性原则的批判性与革命性统一的重要性。如果工人运动缺乏政治方向，就会“屈从于民主革命的资产阶级的领导，并使工人在组织上和意识形态上存在丧失自主性的危险”。事实上，工人的现实境况是工人运动自发性深受资产阶级意识形态的支配，其一，资产阶级拥有巨大的意识形态优势——它的意识形态历经几个世纪锤炼，更久远、更普遍，并且在掌握文化教育控制权的助推下，其意识形态日常化渗透无处不在；其二，“因为自发的工人运动就是工联主义的、也就是纯粹工会的运动，而工联主义正是意味着工人受资产阶级的思想奴役”。这是因为，工人群众并没有在“其运动进程中自己创立的独立的意识形态，那么问题只能是这样：或者是资产阶级的意识形态，或者是社会主义的意识形态。这里中间的东西是没有的（因为人类没有创造过任何‘第三种’意识形态，而且在为阶级矛盾所分裂的社会中，任何时候也不可能有非阶级的或超阶级的意识形态）。因此，对社会主义意识形态的任何轻视和任何脱离，都意味着资产阶级意识形态的加强”。所以，“我们应当坚决地同一切资产阶级意识形态作斗争，不管它披着怎样时髦而华丽的外衣”。

3. Establishing a Scientific Ideology, Positioning the Theoretical Coordinates for the Construction and Development of Socialist Ideology

3.确立科学的意识形态，定位社会主义意识形态建设与发展的理论坐标

In the early 20th century, the Russian tsar waged war abroad and suppressed workers’ strikes at home, triggering a series of political, social, and economic events. Lenin was also persecuted and forced to wander from place to place. In harsh conditions, he continued to work for the cause of proletarian revolutionary liberation and strove to eliminate the adverse effects of the defeat of the 1905 Russian Revolution on the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. These adverse effects were prominently manifested in the emergence of pessimism and negative revolutionary ideas within the Party. Many people gradually deviated from Marxist faith, and some even exhibited negative phenomena of denying the philosophical foundations of Marxism, especially represented by the intellectual group of *Studies in the Philosophy of Marxism* [n], who fully advocated the empiriocriticist viewpoint in philosophy. In response, Lenin was determined “to express his own opinion in his own way, no matter what.” That he was able to express his own opinion was mainly due to his “profound grasp of dialectics, so that in both theory and practice he was extremely adept at overcoming the abstract approach to problems, an approach that can never see the particular and the specific from the general and the whole, just as pragmatism cannot see the general from the particular.” “This extraordinary dialectical quality and flexibility are the basic characteristics of Lenin’s historical activity.” In particular, he thoroughly refuted Bogdanov’s empiriomonist doctrine, which isolatedly and extremely insisted on the primacy of productive forces over ideology, and which made a division of ideology—that is, the “increasing opposition between normative ideology and cognitive ideology, and the division of different classes into two societies.”

20世纪初俄国沙皇对外发动战争、对内镇压工人罢工，引发了一系列政治、社会、经济事件，列宁也受到迫害，颠沛流离。他在艰苦环境中继续从事无产阶级革命解放事业，并极力消除因1905年俄国革命失败给俄国社会民主工党造成的不良影响。这种不良影响突出表现在党内出现了悲观情绪和消极的革命念头，其中有不少人逐渐偏离马克思主义信仰，甚至出现了否定马克思主义哲学基础的消极现象，尤以《马克思主义哲学的论丛》知识分子群为代表，他们完全主张哲学上的经验批判主义观点。对此，列宁决意“无论如何要按照自己的方式说出自己的意见”。他能够说出自己的意见，主要得益于他“深刻地掌握了辩证法，所以在理论上实践上都十分善于克服抽象地对待问题的方法，这种方法永远不能从一般和总体中看到特殊和特点，正如实用主义不能从特殊中看到一般一样”。“这种非凡的辩证性和灵活性是列宁的历史活动的基本特点。”特别是针对波格丹诺夫经验一元论孤立地、极端地坚持生产力对于意识形态来说具有首要性的学说，并对意识形态分立，即“规范性的意识形态与认识性的意识形态之间对立日益加剧，并把不同阶级分化为两个社会”这样的论断进行了透彻说理。

In the perspective of Lenin’s revolutionary practice, philosophical issues projected onto real society were always seen as a political issue, and politics was always closely related to ideology. Out of the need of political reality, Lenin, in refuting the empiriocriticist intellectual group, proposed that “any ideology is conditioned by historical circumstances, but any scientific ideology (for example, unlike religious ideology) corresponds to objective truth and absolute nature unconditionally.” The formulation of this proposition by Lenin was the inevitable result of his conscious, “complete, precise, and full exposition of the Marxist” theoretical method in the process of his early theoretical exploration and revolutionary practical activities. It was even more the result of Lenin’s consistent adherence to the internal logic that “Marx considered the whole value of his theory to lie in the fact that it is ‘in its very essence critical and revolutionary’,” and his work in both theory and practice. This also fully proves that Marxism is the true core of the truthfulness of “scientific ideology.”

在列宁的革命实践视阈中，哲学问题投射到现实社会中，始终被看作一个政治问题，而政治总是和意识形态紧密相关的。出于政治现实的需要，列宁在反驳经验批判主义的认识论知识分子群时提出“任何意识形态都是受历史条件制约的，可是，任何科学的意识形态（例如不同于宗教的意识形态）都和客观真理、绝对自然相符合，这是无条件的”。列宁这个命题的提出，是列宁早期理论探索与革命实践活动过程中自觉地、“完整地、确切地和充分地叙述马克思主义”的理论方法的必然结果，更是列宁始终坚持按照“马克思认为他的理论的全部价值在于这个理论‘按其本质来说，它是批判的和革命的’”这一内在逻辑进行理论与实践的工作。这也充分证明马克思主义是“科学的意识形态”的真理性的本真内核。

II. The Characteristics of the Ideology of the Bolshevik New-Type Political Party

二、布尔什维克新型政党意识形态的特质

After Lenin defined and proposed scientific ideology from the comprehensive perspective of scientific methodology and workers’ liberation, who would undertake the historical mission of developing this doctrine became a new issue. In fact, only the proletarian political party can consciously assume this historical mission. Because “the proletarian party is a free alliance, established precisely to struggle against bourgeois ‘ideas’ (read: ideology), to defend and realize a definite worldview, namely, the Marxist worldview.”

在列宁从科学方法论与工人解放的综合角度提出与界定了科学的意识形态之后，谁来承担发展该学说的历史使命就成为一个崭新的课题。事实上，只能是无产阶级政党自觉担负起这个历史使命。因为“无产阶级的党是一个自由的联盟，建立这个党就是为了同资产阶级‘思想’（应读做：意识形态）作斗争，为了捍卫和实现一种明确的世界观，即马克思主义的世界观”。

The characteristics of the ideology of the Bolshevik new-type political party are, under the premise of adhering to the Marxist worldview and methodology, through an accurate grasp of the characteristics of the times, taking the promotion of the unity of the proletarian organization and proletarian ideology as an opportunity, to realize the unity of the form and content of the proletarian revolution, and then to achieve the highest organizational form of the practice of scientific socialism, namely, the establishment of the socialist state system, and through the socialist system to defend the cause of workers’ liberation. At the same time, under the socialist system, the leadership of the proletarian party over socialist ideology is upheld, and this is used to guide the direction of social thought and culture.

布尔什维克新型政党意识形态的特质，就是在坚持马克思主义世界观与方法论的前提下，通过对时代特点的准确把握，以推动无产阶级组织与无产阶级思想的统一为契机，实现无产阶级革命形式与内容相统一，继而达到科学社会主义运动实践的最高组织形态，即建立社会主义的国家制度，并通过社会主义制度捍卫工人解放事业。同时，在社会主义制度下，坚持无产阶级政党对社会主义意识形态的领导，并以此统领社会思潮与文化的前进方向。

We find that, in advancing the proletarian workers’ movement, Lenin, based on the needs of revolutionary practical movement, profoundly grasped that Marxist “theory is a theory that develops, not a dogma to be memorised and mechanically repeated,” and it was for this reason that he was able to correctly distinguish between capitalist ideology and socialist ideology. Therefore, in deepening the theoretical characteristics of the Bolsheviks as a new-type party’s ideology, he consistently adhered to the principle that “Marx’s entire world outlook is not a doctrine, but a method. It provides not a ready-made dogma, but the starting point for further research and the method for that research.” It was “because Lenin possessed the extraordinary gift of combining revolutionary theory and practice that this faction became particularly important,” and he was able to follow the logical requirement that “in order to make socialism into a science, it must first be placed on a real foundation,” which provides us with an entry point for understanding the characteristics of the Bolshevik new-type party’s ideology.

我们发现，在推动无产阶级工人运动的过程中，列宁基于革命现实运动的需要，深刻领会了马克思主义“理论是发展着的理论，而不是必须背得烂熟并机械地加以重复的教条”，所以他才能够正确区分资本主义意识形态与社会主义意识形态。因此，他在深化布尔什维克作为新型政党意识形态理论特质的过程中，始终坚持“马克思的整个世界观不是教义，而是方法。它提供的不是现成的教条，而是进一步研究的出发点和供这种研究使用的方法”。正是“由于列宁拥有结合革命理论和实践的非凡禀赋，因此使得这个派别显得特别重要”，他才能够遵循“为了使社会主义变为科学，就必须首先把它置于现实的基础之上”的逻辑要求，这为我们理解布尔什维克新型政党意识形态的特质提供了切入口。

First, the reason for highlighting the characteristics of the Bolshevik new-type party’s ideology stems from Lenin’s emphasis, under the dual influence of revolutionary realism and the real movement of workers, on the thesis that Marxism is the ideology of the labouring class. We usually understand the Bolsheviks as a new-type proletarian revolutionary party based on its features: maintaining ideological purity and revolutionary character, emphasising organisational centralism, and adhering to flexible and resolute tactical principles. Among these three, the question of ideology is particularly important. We know that individuals or groups existing as a class are easily influenced by the external environment. “It is precisely people who change the environment, and the educator himself must be educated.” The educator and the educated embody a social relation, and this social relation is the sum total of human practical intercourse. The realisation of intercourse cannot be separated from human civilisation. After human civilisation entered class society, due to the irreconcilability of conflicts of interest, the state emerged as a coercive organ. In this human environment, the ruling class of the state, out of the need to maintain its rule, must maximise the function of the superstructure corresponding to the economic base. On this, Engels said: “The state appears before us as the first ideological power over man.”

第一，之所以要凸显布尔什维克新型政党意识形态的特质，是源于列宁在革命现实主义与工人现实运动双重逻辑影响下，对马克思主义是劳动阶级意识形态这一论断的强调。我们通常理解布尔什维克是新型的无产阶级革命政党是依据其特征，即保持思想上的纯洁性和革命性、强调组织上的集中制、坚定灵活的策略原则这三个方面。在这三者中，尤为重要的是思想意识问题。我们知道，作为个体或者阶级存在的群体极易受到外部环境的影响。“环境正是由人来改变的，而教育者本人一定是受教育的。”教育者与受教育者体现了一种社会关系，这种社会关系是人类交往实践的总和。交往的实现，离不开人类文明，在人类文明进入阶级社会以后，由于利益矛盾冲突的不可调和，国家作为强力机关出现。在这种人文环境中，国家统治阶级出于维护统治的需要，便要最大限度地发挥与经济基础相对应的上层建筑的功能。对此，恩格斯说：“国家作为第一个支配人的意识形态力量出现在我们面前。”

Engels emphasised that ideology plays an important function in historical development and real politics. In his view, the French Revolution swept away the last remnants of feudalism, cleared away the last residues of medieval ideology covering the bourgeoisie, and established the ideology of the middle class in capitalist society—political liberalism. It includes two points: “First, politics is by its nature the art of achieving non-coercive coordination between mutually antagonistic interests; second, democratic procedures are the only effective method for achieving such coordination.” After political liberalism became the ideological source of the legitimacy of bourgeois rule, they opposed any act that threatened the rule of the capitalist state, especially brutally suppressing the protest actions of the proletariat dissatisfied with politics. Apart from violent means, they also hoped to erode, soften, and capture the proletariat through democratic forms such as party politics, universal suffrage, and parliaments. At that time, the proletariat itself lacked guidance from scientific theory, and there were still many insurmountable problems in organisation and tactics, preventing its class forces from achieving effective aggregation. Marx discovered the fact that the proletariat was buried in capital and imprisoned in the naked relationship of money and power. To break this predicament, a social revolution more thorough than the French Revolution was needed to help workers escape poverty, resist exploitation, and thereby achieve the free and comprehensive development of the individual and the liberation of humanity.

恩格斯强调意识形态在历史发展与现实政治中发挥着重要功能。在他看来，法国革命扫荡了封建的最后残余，清除掉覆盖在资产阶级身上的中世纪意识形态的最后残留物，确立了资本主义社会中产阶级意识形态——政治自由主义。它包括两点：“一是政治就其特征而言乃是一种彼此对抗的利益之间达成非强制性协调的艺术，二是民主程序乃是达成这种协调的唯一有效方法。”政治自由主义在成为资产阶级统治合法化的意识形态根源后，他们反对任何威胁资本主义国家统治的行为，尤其对无产阶级不满政治的抗议行为进行了残酷的镇压。除了暴力手段之外，他们还希望通过政党政治、普选、议会等民主形式销蚀、软化、俘获无产阶级。此时，无产阶级本身缺乏科学理论指导，组织上、策略上还存在不少无法克服的问题，致使其阶级力量不能够实现有效聚合。马克思发现了无产阶级被掩埋在资本中、被囚禁于金钱与权力的赤裸关系中的事实，而要破解这种困境需要一场比法国大革命更彻底的社会革命，才能助推工人摆脱贫困、反抗剥削，进而实现人自由全面的发展，实现人的解放。

Although Marx provided the working class with a completely new ideology, in a backward country like Russia, many difficulties still had to be overcome, prominently manifested in the gap that still needed to be stitched between tradition and modernity, between educated Marxist theorists and the ideologically and morally backward proletariat and serfs. This gap had to be stitched and filled by the Bolsheviks, the “vanguard” of the proletariat; only then could the combination of Marxist theory and reality be achieved. However, the development of capitalist party politics brought great adverse effects on workers’ unity. Needless to say, the bourgeoisie achieved the rule of the ruled class through continuous cross-control of politics and public opinion. This does not mean that internal contradictions within the bourgeoisie were eliminated; capitalist party struggles still caused divisions within the bourgeoisie. Consequently, the working class, as a product of large-scale machine industry, was often used by the bourgeoisie as a tool for seizing power. In Marx’s view, power struggles and infighting within the bourgeoisie were commonplace. Once the demands of the proletariat exceeded the tolerance limits under bourgeois rule, the bourgeoisie would inevitably counterattack and suppress the proletariat. The core of the proletariat’s political demands was to fight for economic interests and conditions for survival and development, while the bourgeois state was the “bourgeois republic of capital.” This type of republic was mainly manifested in: “Upon the different forms of property, upon the social conditions of existence, there rises a whole superstructure of various and distinct sentiments, illusions, modes of thought, and outlooks on life. The entire class creates and constitutes all this on the basis of its material conditions and the corresponding social relations. Individuals, who receive these sentiments and views through tradition and education, may believe that these sentiments and views are the real motives and starting points of their actions.” Lenin, at that time under the rule of the tsarist government, felt deeply about Marx’s discussion of this issue. To break free from the political rule of the bourgeoisie, Lenin had to emphasise the leading position of the proletarian party vanguard in the ideology of the labouring class. This was because “in Marxism, it has a special history. Since the debates within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, it has played a core role in (1) party theory, (2) hegemony theory, and (3) alliance policy.” It was for this reason that Lenin emphasised more than once that Marxism is the ideology of the labouring class. Therefore, the Bolsheviks should not for a moment abandon the soul-position of Marxism as their scientific ideology.

尽管马克思为工人阶级提供了全新的意识形态，但在俄国这样落后的国家中，需要克服的困难仍然还有很多，突出表现在传统与现代、有教养的马克思主义理论家与思想道德滞后的无产阶级和农奴之间确实存在尚待缝合的裂隙。这个裂隙必须由无产阶级“先锋队”的布尔什维克来进行缝合弥补，只有这样才能实现马克思主义理论与现实的结合。然而，资本主义政党政治的发展却给工人团结带来极大的不利影响。毋庸多言，资产阶级正是通过政治与舆论不断的交叉控制实现了对被统治阶级的统治，这并不意味资产阶级内部矛盾得到消除，资本主义党争仍会造成资产阶级内部的分歧。于是，作为机器大工业产物的工人阶级，便时常被资产阶级当成争夺权力的工具。在马克思看来，资产阶级内部权力斗争倾轧司空见惯，一旦无产阶级诉求超越资产阶级统治下的容忍限度，资产阶级必然会作出反扑，对无产阶级实行镇压。无产阶级政治要求的核心是争取经济利益以及生存与发展的条件，而资产阶级国家却是“资本的资产阶级共和国”。该类共和国主要体现为，“在不同的财产形式上，在社会生存条件上，耸立着由各种不同的，表现独特的情感、幻想、思想方式和人生观构成的整个上层建筑。整个阶级在其物质条件和相应的社会关系的基础上创造和构成这一切。通过传统和教育承受了这些情感和观点的个人，会以为这些情感和观点就是他的行为的真实动机和出发点”。列宁此时处于沙皇政府的统治之下，对马克思关于此问题的论述感同身受，要摆脱资产阶级的政治统治，列宁必须强调无产阶级政党先锋队在劳动阶级意识形态中的统领地位，这是因为“在马克思主义中，它又有着特殊的历史。自19世纪末20世纪初的俄国社会民主党内争论起，它就在（1）政党理论，（2）领导权理论，（3）联盟政策中发挥着核心作用”。正是因此，列宁才不止一次强调马克思主义是劳动阶级的意识形态。所以，布尔什维克一刻都不应该放弃马克思主义作为其科学的意识形态的灵魂地位。

Second, the Bolsheviks bear the historical mission of being the producers of the characteristics of the new-type party’s ideology. Marx once said: “People make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please.” At that time, Russia was in an environment of tsarist autocratic rule. The secret police system and the powerful ideological apparatus of the bourgeoisie both cooperated and diverged, and under their combined effect, oppression did not diminish. In particular, the entire political, economic, cultural, social, moral, and educational living environment of the proletariat was in a state of minimal, rotten decline. This was the existential condition of the Bolsheviks as producers of the characteristics of the new-type party’s ideology. For the proletariat to fulfil its historical mission, it could not escape the constraints of history and reality. Instead, it had to rely on the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, that is, the Bolsheviks as the vanguard, to bear the heavy responsibility of realising scientific socialism.

第二，布尔什维克担负着新型政党意识形态特质的生产者的历史使命。马克思曾说过：“人们自己创造自己的历史，但是他们并不是随心所欲地创造。”当时俄国正处于沙皇政府专制统治的环境中，秘密警察制度同强大的资产阶级意识形态机器既合作又分歧，并且在它们共同作用下，压迫并未减少，尤其是无产阶级的整个政治、经济、文化、社会、道德、教育生存环境更处于一种低限度的腐朽败落中。这是布尔什维克新型政党意识形态特质的生产者的生存境况。无产阶级要实现自身历史使命，就不能逃脱历史与现实的限制，而是要通过无产阶级运动的理论表达，即由作为先锋队的布尔什维克来承担实现科学社会主义的重任。

The reason the Bolsheviks were able to stand out from the numerous political parties that emerged at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries lies precisely in Lenin’s organizational transformation of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party and the Marxistization of its guiding ideology. The profound changes in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries gave rise to hundreds of political parties and organizations. Classified by party faction, these mainly included three types: socialist (revolutionary) parties, liberal parties, and traditional conservative parties. Within the socialist (revolutionary) parties, there was a further division between the Social Democratic faction and the Neo-Populist faction. The Social Democratic faction mainly included the following groups: the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks and Mensheviks), the National Socialist Party, the Bund (“General Jewish Labour Bund in Lithuania, Poland and Russia”), the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, the Estonian Social Democratic Union, the Armenian Social Democratic Party “Hnchak” (Bell), and several others. The Neo-Populist faction mainly included the Anarchists, the Socialist Revolutionaries, the Belarusian Socialist Hromada, the National Neo-Populist Party, the Armenian Dashnaktsutyun Party (an Armenian bourgeois nationalist party), the Polish Socialist Party, and others. Between 1905 and 1907, the membership numbers of the above major parties were respectively: Russian Social Democratic Labour Party 170,000, Socialist Revolutionaries 65,000, Russian Constitutional Democratic Party 50,000, Octobrists (a party of large landowners and industrial-commercial bourgeoisie in Russia from 1905 to 1914, also known as the “Union of October 17”) 50,000–60,000, and Monarchist-Imperialist faction 100,000.

布尔什维克之所以能从19世纪末20世纪初产生的众多政党中脱颖而出，恰恰得益于列宁对俄国社会民主工党的组织改造与指导思想上的马克思主义化。俄国在19世纪末20世纪初的深刻变动下催生了数百个政党和政治组织。按照政党派别分类主要包括社会主义（革命）类型政党、自由主义类型政党和传统保守主义政党三类，而在社会主义（革命）政党内部又出现了社会民主派与新民粹派之分，其中社会民主派主要包括以下几个派别：俄国社会民主工党（布尔什维克和孟什维克）、民族社会主义党、崩得（“立陶宛、波兰、俄罗斯犹太工人联盟”）、革命乌克兰党、立陶宛社会民主党、爱沙尼亚社会民主联盟、亚美尼亚社会民主党“格恩恰克”（钟）等几个派别；而新民粹派主要有无政府主义、社会革命党人、白俄罗斯社会主义村社、民族新民粹党、亚美尼亚达什纳克楚党（亚美尼亚资产阶级民族主义政党）、波兰社会主义党等。在1905—1907年间，上述几个主要政党的人数分别为：俄国社会民主工党170000人、社会革命党人65000人、俄国立宪民主党50000人、十月党人（1905—1914年俄国大地主和工商业资产阶级类型政党，又称“10月17日同盟分子”）50000—60000人、君主帝制派100000人。

Although there were differences within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, it still maintained the original aspirations of its founding regarding revolutionary goals, and its political and social influence could not be ignored. More importantly, they had undergone long-term theoretical propaganda, were able to penetrate deeply into the workers’ movement, personally experienced the misery of workers’ lives, and timely organized workers’ strike movements to fight for improvements in workers’ survival and working conditions, thereby promoting labour legislation that protected workers’ rights. However, due to the tsarist government’s discrimination against workers, while formulating labour legislation it also set up factory inspection agencies to closely monitor the working class, which intensified the contradiction between the tsarist government and the working class, leading to successive waves of workers’ strikes in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, “reaching their peak during the 1905 Revolution. Strikes occurred in almost all industries and all places across the country, and trade unions and soviets spread everywhere. The government legalized workers’ strikes in December 1905 and legalized trade unions in March 1906, hoping that through the legalization of strikes and trade unions, as well as allowing workers to elect representatives to participate in the new State Duma, the workers’ movement would be steered onto a more peaceful path.” The emergence of this situation posed a huge challenge to the Bolsheviks. In addition, there was an even more important issue: “Many activists among the workers and many ‘class-conscious’ workers often complained that the ordinary working class spent most of their lives in a drunken stupor, passive and pessimistic, seeking stimulation from entertainment novels, music halls, and (on the eve of the war) vulgar cinemas, muddling through their wasted years.”

虽然俄国社会民主工党内部有分歧，但在革命目标上还保持着立党之初的追求，其政治影响力与社会影响力不容忽视。更重要的是他们经历了长期的理论宣传，能够深入工人运动，切身体验到工人生活的不幸，并适时组织工人罢工运动，以争取工人生存和工作环境的改善，从而促成了保护工人权益的劳工立法。但由于沙皇政府对工人歧视，致使其在制定劳工立法的同时又设立了工厂检查机关，以此严密监控工人阶级，这就激化了沙皇政府与工人阶级之间的矛盾，从而导致19世纪末20世纪初俄国的工人罢工浪潮此起彼伏，“在1905年革命时期达到顶点。几乎全国的所有行业、所有地方都发生了罢工，工会和苏维埃也遍布开来。政府在1905年12月宣布工人罢工合法化，1906年3月宣布工会合法，希望通过罢工和工会的合法化，以及允许工人选举代表参加新一届国家杜马等做法，让工人运动走向更为和平的道路”。这种情况的出现给布尔什维克带来了巨大挑战，此外，还有一个更重要问题是“工人中的很多活动家和很多‘有意识的’工人经常抱怨，普通的工人阶级一生中大部分时间都醉生梦死，消极悲观，从娱乐小说、音乐厅以及（战争前夕）品味低下的电影院内寻求刺激，浑浑噩噩地度过蹉跎岁月”。

It should be said that, under the dual effect of the reality of workers’ lives and the future vision of revolution, Lenin had to repeatedly reaffirm the historical mission of the Bolsheviks as producers of the ideological characteristics of a new type of party. To fulfil this historical mission, it was necessary, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks as a working-class party, to arm the masses with Marxist doctrine, establish a revolutionary atmosphere and revolutionary culture suited to the proletariat, and ultimately achieve the goal of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat through revolutionary means. To achieve the above goals, the Bolsheviks should consciously assume the historical mission of ideological producers. Only in this way could the Bolsheviks lead the working class in fulfilling its mission as the subject of ideological production and transmission.

应该说，在工人生活现实与革命未来图景的双重效应下，列宁不得不多次重申布尔什维克作为新型政党意识形态特质的生产者的历史使命，而要实现这个历史使命，需要在工人阶级政党布尔什维克领导下，以马克思主义学说武装群众，建立与无产阶级相适应的革命氛围、革命文化，最终实现以革命的方式建立无产阶级专政的目的。为了实现上述目的，布尔什维克应该自觉承担起意识形态生产者的历史使命，只有这样，布尔什维克才能领导工人阶级实现其作为意识形态生产传承主体的使命。

III. The Influence of the Characteristics of the Bolshevik New-Type Party Ideology on the Fate of the Soviet Union

三、布尔什维克新型政党意识形态的特质对苏联命运的影响

After the victory of the October Revolution, the situation in Russia was complex and volatile. Faced with numerous difficulties, the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, actively responded and sought solutions. Especially on the issue that “the fundamental question of revolution is the question of political power,” Lenin made no compromises. On the one hand, he actively countered threats from reactionary forces; on the other hand, he coordinated the various revolutionary forces that participated in the October Revolution, such as the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, while simultaneously engaging in confrontation with the Mensheviks, the Right Socialist Revolutionaries, and the Constitutional Democrats over the question of political power. In the end, the Bolsheviks emerged victorious. However, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who had taken joint action with the Bolsheviks on the October uprising and the Constituent Assembly issue, diverged from the Bolsheviks over the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, peasant policy, and food policy, to the point where the Left Socialist Revolutionaries attempted to seize power by assassinating the German ambassador and arresting Bolsheviks like Dzerzhinsky. At the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, held from July 4 to 10, 1918, the members of this faction who attended were arrested, and the faction split and dissolved, with some joining the Bolsheviks and others leaving the party. The emergence of this political situation greatly affected the process of building state power in Russia after the October Revolution. In March of the same year, the Seventh Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) passed a resolution to change the party’s name to the “Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)” and revised the party programme. At the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in March 1919, the revision of the party programme by the Seventh Congress was adopted. The programme affirmed the historical contribution of the proletarian socialist revolution, declared the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat, affirmed the importance of relying on the Soviet state organization, and proposed that “for the success of future socialist construction, the continued struggle against bureaucracy is absolutely urgent.”

十月革命胜利后，俄国形势复杂多变。面对重重困难，以列宁为首的布尔什维克，积极应对，寻求解决办法。尤其在“革命的根本问题是政权问题”上，列宁毫不妥协，他一方面积极应对来自反动势力的威胁，另一方面协调参与十月革命的各方革命力量，如左派社会革命党，同时又积极同孟什维克、右派社会革命党、立宪民主党围绕政权问题展开交锋。最后布尔什维克取得了胜利。然而在十月革命起义和立宪问题上同布尔什维克采取联合行动的左派革命党，却因《布列斯特和约》、农民政策和粮食政策等问题同布尔什维克发生了分歧，以致左派社会革命党想通过刺杀德国大使、逮捕捷尔任斯基等布尔什维克，实现左派社会革命党人掌权。在1918年7月4—10日召开的全俄苏维埃第五次代表大会上，该派参会成员被逮捕，该派分裂解散，一部分转入布尔什维克，一部分退党。该政治形势的出现，极大影响到了十月革命后俄国政权建设的进程。同年3月份俄国社会民主工党（布尔什维克）第七次代表大会通过了关于改变党的名称的决定，更改为“俄国共产党（布尔什维克）”，并修订了党的纲领。在1919年3月俄共（布）第八次代表大会上通过了第七次代表大会对党纲的修订，党纲肯定了无产阶级社会主义革命的历史贡献，并申明无产阶级专政的必要性，肯定了依靠苏维埃国家组织的重要性，并提出了“要使今后的社会主义建设获得成就，继续进行反官僚主义的斗争是绝对迫切需要的”。

In Lenin’s view, the above situation was only one of many circumstances that emerged after the October Revolution. An even more important circumstance was that the issue of recognition of the Bolsheviks by the broad masses after they came to power was increasingly coming to the fore. Lenin believed the reason was that the cultural level of the population was not high enough, and the masses had long been rendered ignorant and benighted by capitalism. During the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, it was necessary to carry out the most extensive propaganda of communist ideas. This required the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) to lead ideological work suited to it, and to establish a proletarian culture, that is, a proletarian culture as a highly theoretical generalization of Lenin’s ideological doctrine. The development of proletarian culture to nurture the new socialist person was thus placed on the agenda. The new socialist person should possess proletarian qualities, namely, “tenacity, persistence, determination, the ability to repeatedly experiment, repeatedly correct, and never stop until the goal is achieved.” These proletarian qualities should be an important part of “training and cultivating one’s own new people,” only in this way could the victory of the proletarian revolution be guaranteed. At the same time, “we must use the entire state apparatus to make schools, social education, and practical training serve the proletarians, the workers, and the labouring peasants under the leadership of the Communists.” More importantly, the significance of “making our agitation and propaganda work based on analysis and explanation” was to be highlighted, which fully demonstrates that “from the very first day in power, the Bolsheviks attached great importance to and relied on the powerful function of ideology.”

在列宁看来，上述情况只是十月革命后出现的诸多状况之一，还有一个更重要的情况就是广大人民群众对执政后的布尔什维克认同方面出现的问题越来越提上议事日程。列宁认为，其原因是居民文化水平不够高，群众长期被资本主义弄得愚昧无知。在无产阶级专政时期，必须开展最广泛的共产主义思想的宣传工作。这要求俄共（布）能够领导与之相适应的意识形态工作，必须建立无产阶级的文化，即作为列宁意识形态学说高度理论概括的无产阶级文化。发展无产阶级文化以孕育社会主义新人就被提上日程，而社会主义新人应具备无产阶级品质，即“有韧性，能坚持，有决心，善于反复试验、反复修正，不达目的决不罢休”。这些无产阶级品质应该是“训练和培养自己的新人”的重要内容，唯此才能保证无产阶级革命取得胜利。同时，“我们要运用全部国家机构，使学校、社会教育、实际训练都能在共产党员领导之下为无产者、为工人、为劳动农民服务”。更重要的是“要使我们的鼓动和宣传工作建立在分析和说明上”的重要意义得到彰显，这充分表明“布尔什维克从执政的第一天起，就十分重视和依靠意识形态的强大功能”。

First, with the mission of cultivating the young generation of communists as successors to the building of communist society, the cohesion of socialist ideology is achieved. This cohesion is concentrated in Lenin’s advocacy of “communist morality”: “the entire work of educating, training, and teaching the youth of today must be the work of cultivating communist morality in them.” Because “the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles,” and when the proletarian revolution has not yet been achieved, “the Communists have not invented the influence of society on education; they merely seek to change its character, to free education from the influence of the ruling class.” However, the bourgeoisie will not abandon ideological infiltration, which determines that the morality of the proletariat is naturally deeply influenced by bourgeois ideology, indicating that there is no morality existing beyond human society. For us, we must rely on communist morality to consolidate strength and achieve class struggle, because “in the view of the Communists, all morality lies in this disciplined solidarity and conscious mass struggle against the exploiters. We do not believe in eternal morality, and we will expose all deceptive talk about morality. Morality serves to elevate human society to a higher level, to free human society from the exploitation of labor.”

第一，以培养共产主义年轻一代成为建设共产主义社会接班人为使命，实现社会主义意识形态的凝聚。这种凝聚集中体现在列宁倡导的“共产主义道德”上，“应该使培养、教育和训练现代青年的全部事业，成为培养青年的共产主义道德的事业”。因为，“至今一切社会的历史都是阶级斗争的历史”，在无产阶级革命没有实现时，“共产党人并没有发明社会对教育的作用；他们仅仅是要改变这种作用的性质，要使教育摆脱统治阶级的影响”。然而，资产阶级并不会放弃意识形态渗透，这就决定了无产阶级的道德自然深受资产阶级意识形态的影响，这说明没有超人类社会的道德存在。对我们来说，必须依靠共产主义道德凝聚力量实现阶级斗争，因为“在共产主义者看来，全部道德就在于这种团结一致的纪律和反对剥削者的自觉的群众斗争。我们不相信有永恒的道德，并且要揭穿关于道德的骗人的鬼话。道德是为人类社会上升到更高的水平，为人类社会摆脱对劳动的剥削服务的”。

Second, “develop a genuine proletarian culture,” consolidate the position of “proletarian ideology,” and at the same time, take the “cultural revolution” as an opportunity to build the culture of a socialist state. Lenin recognized the importance of developing a genuine proletarian culture. On the one hand, after the successful establishment of Soviet power in the October Revolution in Russia, personnel carrying out general education and propaganda all came from the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois intellectuals. These strata themselves still retained the old habits and remnants of the bourgeois and Tsarist eras, and their ideological understanding still could not meet the requirements of the proletarian social revolution; they lacked a correct understanding of what proletarian culture actually was. On the other hand, after the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) came to power, it did not define proletarian culture; instead, the “Proletarian Cultural Group” [13]13 The “Proletarian Cultural Group” (Proletkult) was a mass cultural and educational organization in Soviet Russia (1917–1932) that sought to create a purely proletarian culture, often rejecting all pre-revolutionary cultural heritage and advocating autonomy from Party and state control. Lenin criticized its nihilistic and separatist tendencies. emerged with nihilistic views. This group represented an ultra-left cultural trend. First, it flaunted the “class culture” of the proletariat, advocating for separation from or non-subordination to Party leadership, implementing separatism. Second, it negated the cultural heritage of past eras and the bourgeoisie. Third, it excluded and attacked writers and artists of non-proletarian origin, pursuing a sectarian cultural policy. Fourth, this group excessively worshipped modern machine production and tended to vulgarize and simplify Marxism, thereby exerting an extremely negative influence on the development of Soviet socialist culture. This situation drew great attention from Lenin. To this end, Lenin specifically drafted a resolution draft for the convening of the First All-Russian Congress of the Proletarian Cultural and Educational Organizations. Lenin believed that the entire educational enterprise of the Soviets “must be imbued with the spirit of the proletarian class struggle,” and that the proletarian “vanguard, the Communist Party, and all proletarian organizations” must actively participate, affirming the importance of the Marxist worldview for the revolutionary proletariat.

第二，“发展真正的无产阶级文化”，巩固“无产阶级的意识形态”的地位，同时以“文化革命”为契机，建设社会主义国家的文化。列宁认识到发展真正的无产阶级文化的重要性，一方面，在俄国十月革命成功建立苏维埃政权后，执行一般性教育、宣传等的人员都来自资产阶级、小资产阶级知识分子，这些阶层本身还残留旧的资产阶级、沙皇时代的旧习遗痕，在思想认识上仍然不能符合无产阶级社会革命的要求，他们对无产阶级文化究竟是什么还缺乏正确认识；另一方面，俄共（布）在取得政权后并没有定义无产阶级文化，反而出现了“无产阶级文化派”虚无主义观点。这个派别属于一种极左文化思潮，一是标榜无产阶级的“阶级文化”，鼓吹脱离或者不要党的领导，实行分立主义；二是否定过去时代的和资产阶级的文化遗产；三是排斥和打击非无产阶级出身的作家和艺术家，推行宗派主义的文化政策；四是该派过度崇拜现代机器生产，并有庸俗化、简单化马克思主义倾向，从而对苏联社会主义文化事业的发展产生了极为消极的影响。该情况引起了列宁的极大重视，为此，列宁专门为全俄无产阶级文化协会第一次代表大会召开写了一份决议草案。列宁认为，苏维埃整个教育事业都“必须贯彻无产阶级阶级斗争的精神”，而无产阶级“先锋队共产党和所有无产阶级组织”必须积极参与，并申明马克思主义的世界观对革命无产阶级的重要性。

Third, Lenin clarified the leading force for developing proletarian culture and positioned the cultural implications of Marxism as proletarian ideology, namely that it cannot sever history, but must respect the historical inheritance of culture, rather than the “Proletarian Cultural Group” “concocting their own special culture.” Lenin pointed out: “Marxism, as the ideology of the revolutionary proletariat, has won world-historical significance because it did not discard the most valuable achievements of the bourgeois era, but on the contrary, absorbed and transformed all that was valuable in the more than two thousand years of development of human thought and culture. Only by continuing to work on this basis, in this direction, inspired by the practical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat (which is the final struggle of the proletariat against all exploitation), can it be considered the development of a genuine proletarian culture.” This indicates that proletarian culture should develop under the guidance of the practical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Because proletarian culture itself includes the critical inheritance of excellent culture, it is the inheritance and development of the outstanding cultural heritage of humanity, combined with the priority recognition of revolutionary culture formed under the conditions of the times, especially in revolutionary struggle, thereby endowing the proletariat with its own revolutionary character. It is precisely because of its thoroughness that the proletariat will not compromise with any reactionary or backward forces. This resolute and thorough struggle must inevitably be reflected in culture, that is, the ruthless criticism of any dross in old culture. After the proletariat attains ruling status, it must inevitably fulfill the mission of cultural renewal. Therefore, the development of proletarian culture is realized through the concrete implementation of socialist cultural construction. To achieve the cultural tasks of the aforementioned social revolution, the primary issue is the creation of proletarian culture—what the tasks of proletarian culture are. The second issue is the construction of proletarian culture—that is, which social forces can be relied upon to realize socialist cultural construction. In response to these issues, Lenin proposed the idea of “cultural revolution,” through cultural work: first, to achieve the transformation of the state organs inherited from the old era; second, “to carry out cultural work among the peasants.” In Lenin’s view, a cultural revolution played an extremely critical role in raising the people’s consciousness: “Once this cultural revolution is achieved, our country can become a completely socialist country.” At the same time, “in cultural matters, rashness and impetuosity are the most harmful,” and “in cultural matters, only what has penetrated deeply into culture, into daily life, and become habitual can be considered an achievement already attained.” Under the influence of the idea of cultural revolution, the revolutionary character of Marxist ideology became the spiritual and intellectual pillar that consolidated and guided the Soviet people of this period to actively engage in socialist construction.

第三，列宁明确了发展无产阶级文化的领导力量，定位了马克思主义作为无产阶级意识形态的文化意蕴，就在于其不能割裂历史，要尊重文化的历史传承而不是“无产阶级文化派”“臆造自己的特殊的文化”。列宁指出：“马克思主义这一革命无产阶级的意识形态赢得了世界历史性的意义，是因为它并没有抛弃资产阶级时代最宝贵的成就，相反却吸收和改造了两千多年来人类思想和文化发展中一切有价值的东西。只有在这个基础上，按照这个方向，在无产阶级专政（这是无产阶级反对一切剥削的最后的斗争）的实际经验的鼓舞下继续进行工作，才能认为是发展真正的无产阶级文化。”这表明无产阶级文化应该是在无产阶级专政实际经验指导下发展。无产阶级文化由于其本身就包括对优秀文化的批判继承，是对人类过往优秀文化遗产的继承与发展，并结合时代条件尤其是革命斗争中形成的对革命文化的优先承认，从而赋予了无产阶级自身革命性。无产阶级恰因自身的彻底性，才不会同任何反动与落后势力妥协。这种坚决彻底的斗争又必然在文化上有所体现，即对任何旧文化中的糟粕进行无情批判。无产阶级取得执政地位后，其自身必然履行文化更新的使命。所以，无产阶级文化的发展，是以社会主义文化建设具体落实来实现的。要实现上述社会革命的文化任务，首要的问题是无产阶级文化创造问题，无产阶级文化任务是什么。其次是无产阶级文化建设问题，即社会主义文化建设能够依托哪些社会力量实现的问题。针对这些问题，列宁提出了“文化革命”思想，通过文化工作：一是实现对旧时代的接收的国家机关的改造，二是“在农民中进行文化工作”。在列宁看来，一场文化革命对提升人民认识具有极其关键的作用，“只要实现了这个文化革命，我们的国家就能成为完全社会主义的国家了”。同时，“在文化问题上，急躁冒进是最有危害的”，“文化问题，因为在这种事情上，只有那些已经深入文化、深入日常生活和成为习惯的东西，才能算做已达到的成就”。在文化革命思想影响下，马克思主义意识形态的革命性成为凝聚、引领这个时期苏维埃人民积极投身社会主义建设的精神智力支柱。

In summary, it is not difficult to see that it was precisely Lenin’s adherence to principles and combative spirit in advancing the construction of proletarian culture that fully exerted the role of proletarian ideology in educating and guiding the people, as well as in leading the development of the state and society. It is evident that Lenin was both clear-cut and principled, both insistent on revolutionary criticism and realistic in distinguishing and treating practical problems. These are the “living principles” embodied in the application of Lenin’s ideological doctrine in his era, and they are also important components of his doctrine, exerting a profound influence on the continued development and growth of the Bolsheviks, even affecting the fate of the Soviet Union. From then on, the fate of the Soviet Union became increasingly closely intertwined with the complex relationship of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)’s strong dependence on ideology, and closely linked to the appropriate functioning of ideological functions. Under the combined effect of these two factors, the trajectory of the Soviet Union’s fate was, to a certain extent, driven forward.

综上所述，不难发现，正是列宁在推进无产阶级文化建设过程中，坚持原则又富有战斗性的精神，充分发挥了无产阶级意识形态对人民的教育与引导作用以及对国家、社会发展的引领作用。显而易见，列宁既旗帜鲜明又不失原则、既坚持革命批判又实事求是地区别对待现实问题。这些都是列宁意识形态学说在其时代运用中体现的“活原则”，同时也是其学说的重要构成部分，对布尔什维克继续发展壮大产生了深远影响，甚至影响到苏联命运。从此，苏联命运同俄共（布）对意识形态强烈依赖的复杂关系越发紧密，同意识形态功能恰当发挥紧密相连，在这两者综合作用下，在一定程度上推动了苏联的命运走向。

IV. Remaining Remarks

四、余论

In the era in which Lenin lived, the Soviet Communist Party carried out many explorations and experiments rich in inspiration, thereby promoting “Bolshevism’s creation of a model of the true revolutionary” and “the Bolsheviks’ creation, through prolonged and unceasing struggle, of their own political environment and their own moral environment,” forming a public opinion independent of the bourgeoisie and establishing a public opinion favorable to the Bolsheviks. This infused proletarian ideology with the nourishment of the era of revolutionary practice, while also posing new challenges to the assumption of the proletariat’s historical mission. In the New Era, faced with the various threats posed by numerous social trends of thought to China’s ideological security, we must always adhere to the guidance of Marxism and continue to advance the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. First, on the basis of accurately determining the historical orientation, we should safeguard the security of the socialist ideological front. Second, amid cultural diversity, we should strengthen cultural confidence and consolidate the cornerstone of socialist cultural leadership. Finally, Chinese Communists should firm up their ideals and convictions, remain true to their original aspiration and founding mission, consciously assume the responsibility of advancing the great social revolution of reform and opening up on the basis of promoting innovation in ideological revolutionary theory, and consciously shoulder the historical mission of building a socialist ideology with strong cohesion and leading power.

在列宁生活的时代，苏联共产党进行了很多富有启迪的探索与尝试，从而推动“布尔什维主义创造了真正的革命者典范”以及“布尔什维克在长期不断的斗争中创造了自己的政治环境，而且创造了自己的道德环境”，形成不依赖于资产阶级的社会舆论，建立有利于布尔什维克的社会舆论。给无产阶级意识形态注入了革命实践的时代养料，同时，也给无产阶级历史使命担当提出了新挑战。在新时代，面对众多社会思潮对我国意识形态安全所造成的各种威胁，必须始终坚持在马克思主义的指导下，继续推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业。首先，应该在准确判定历史方位基础上，维护社会主义意识形态阵地安全；其次，在文化多样性中坚定文化自信，筑牢社会主义文化领导权基石；最后，中国共产党人应该坚定理想信念、不忘初心，自觉承担起在推进意识形态革命理论创新基础上、实现改革开放新的伟大社会革命，自觉担负起建设具有强大凝聚力和引领力的社会主义意识形态的历史使命。

(The author is a lecturer at the School of Marxism, Ningbo University)

（作者系宁波大学马克思主义学院讲师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心