Knowledge Monopoly Is an Important Feature of Contemporary Capitalism

From the establishment of the capitalist mode of production, the appropriation and utilization of scientific and technological knowledge have been important means of capital accumulation. Since the latter half of the 20th century, the development of contemporary science and technology has driven the expansion of the capitalist mode of production on a global scale, while monopolizing the latest achievements in scientific and technological development has become an important means for international monopoly capital to exploit workers worldwide and extract high monopoly profits. The implementation of knowledge monopoly by international monopoly capital in global economic activities is an important feature of contemporary capitalism. The knowledge monopoly of contemporary capitalism manifests itself in the fact that transnational corporations and strategic alliances, through monopolizing the conditions of production of knowledge such as intellectual property rights and professional talent, control the production and reproduction of core scientific and technological knowledge, thereby obtaining the power to dominate non-core production links and extracting surplus value from processing and manufacturing fields worldwide.

从资本主义生产方式确立起，占有和利用科学技术知识一直是资本积累的重要手段。20世纪下半叶以来，当代科学技术的发展推动了资本主义生产方式在世界范围的扩张，而垄断科技发展的最新成果又成为国际垄断资本在世界范围剥削劳动者、攫取高额垄断利润的重要手段。国际垄断资本在全球经济活动中实施知识垄断是当代资本主义的重要特征。当代资本主义知识垄断表现为跨国企业与战略联盟通过对知识产权、专业人才等知识的生产条件进行垄断，控制核心科学技术知识的生产和再生产，以获取对非核心生产环节的支配权，从世界范围的加工制造等领域攫取剩余价值。

I. How Knowledge Combines with Capital — Analysis by Marx and Braverman

一、知识如何与资本相结合——马克思和布雷弗曼的分析

Science and technology are not isolated and spontaneous; they need to be embedded within the social system to develop. Not only is the development of science and technology based on the economic and social development conditions at a given historical stage, but the mode of production and use of scientific and technological knowledge is also shaped by the social relations of production in which it is situated. Marx did not explain the relationship between science and technology and society using one-way determinism, but rather acknowledged the interaction between the two. On the one hand, Marx affirmed that the development of science and technology plays a decisive role in social development; on the other hand, he pointed out that science and technology are applied and developed under specific social relations of production and are constrained by social relations. Science and technology and capital are interdependent and co-evolve, and their combination takes different forms at different stages of capitalist development.

科学技术并不是孤立和自发的，科学技术需要嵌入社会体系内部获得发展。不仅科学技术的发展是以一定历史发展阶段下的经济和社会发展的状况为基础的，而且科技知识的生产方式和使用方式也受到所在的社会生产关系的作用。马克思不是用单向的决定论解释科学技术与社会之间的关系，而是承认二者之间的相互作用。马克思一方面肯定了科学和技术的发展对社会发展起决定性作用，另一方面也指出科学技术在一定的社会生产关系下被应用和发展，并受社会关系所制约。科学技术与资本相互依赖、共同演进，二者的结合在资本主义发展的不同阶段具有不同的表现。

1. Marx’s Analysis of the Relationship between Knowledge and Capital

1.马克思关于知识与资本关系的分析

In human history, the widespread application of scientific knowledge in material production first emerged under the capitalist mode of production. Conversely, the development of capitalist production also provided conditions for the advancement of science and technology, promoting their progress. From the latter half of the 18th century to the 19th century, through the Industrial Revolution, the establishment of the machine-based large-scale industrial production system laid the material and technological foundation for the capitalist mode of production. Marx provided a profound explanation of the relationship between knowledge and capital under the capitalist mode of production. Under the capitalist mode of production, scientific and technological knowledge, as a key element of productive forces, is an important means for capital to produce wealth. As Marx pointed out, capital, to meet the needs of the production process, “utilizes science, appropriates science.” [1]1 “Made in China 2025” is a national strategic plan unveiled by the Chinese State Council in 2015 aimed at upgrading China’s manufacturing sector, moving it from labor-intensive industries toward higher value-added, technology-intensive production. The production and use of scientific and technological knowledge serve the needs of capital in pursuing profit. Regarding the production of knowledge, Marx noted that invention became a specialized profession, and science was consciously and extensively developed to meet the needs of capitalist production. Regarding the capitalist use of knowledge, Marx pointed out that knowledge in the material production process becomes separated from direct labor and becomes a tool for capitalists to exploit workers: “Science, which is in general an element of the productive forces, which is independent of the individual workers and which serves capital, confronts the workers as an alien, hostile, and dominant power.” [2]2 *America 2000: An Education Strategy* was a national education reform plan announced by President George H. W. Bush in 1991, setting six national education goals for the year 2000. Capital dominates the knowledge embodied in machinery and production methods, making “science appear as an alien, hostile, and ruling power opposed to labor.” [3]3 The *American Competitiveness Initiative* (ACI) was a federal initiative announced by President George W. Bush in 2006 to increase investment in research and development and strengthen science and technology education to maintain US competitiveness. The capitalist use of science and technology leads to the degradation of workers’ intelligence and skills: “The application of science in production … is achieved only by making labor subordinate to capital, only by suppressing the workers’ own intellectual and professional development.” [4]4 The *Strategy for American Innovation* is a series of policy documents issued by the US government since 2009 outlining goals for fostering innovation to drive economic growth and address national challenges. In the factory, machinery replaces manual labor; the knowledge, experience, and skills workers had accumulated in production are replaced by “mechanical skill.” The labor process is decomposed into several steps, turning labor into a kind of unintelligent labor adapted to machine operation. The application of machinery enables capitalists to replace skilled labor with unskilled labor, to absorb women and children into the capitalist production system, causing the devaluation of labor power. Capitalists extend the working day and increase the continuity and intensity of labor, using science and technology to resist workers’ strikes. Workers’ production and living conditions are extremely unstable. On the one hand, the application of machinery continuously excludes workers, turning them into a surplus population cast onto the streets; on the other hand, it continuously absorbs workers to expand the scale of production. In this process, capital’s power to dominate labor is strengthened. The relationship between capital and workers is one where the “head” dominates the “limbs.” Borrowing the words of Ure, [5]5 The *Bayh-Dole Act* (Patent and Trademark Law Amendments Act) of 1980 is a US law that permits universities, small businesses, and non-profit institutions to retain ownership of inventions made with federal funding, encouraging commercialization. the apologist for the factory system, Marx pointed out that, with the help of science, capitalists can “legitimately” exercise “the right of the head to dominate the other parts of the body.” [6]6 The *Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights* (TRIPS) is an international legal agreement between all World Trade Organization (WTO) members, setting down minimum standards for many forms of intellectual property regulation.

在人类历史上，科学知识在物质生产中得以广泛应用是在资本主义生产方式下才第一次产生的现象，反过来，资本主义生产的发展也为科学技术的发展提供了条件，促进了科学技术的进步。从18世纪下半叶到19世纪，经过工业革命，机器大工业生产体系的建立为资本主义生产方式的确立奠定了物质技术基础。马克思对资本主义生产方式下知识与资本的关系进行过深刻的阐释。在资本主义生产方式下，科学技术知识作为生产力的关键要素，是为资本生产财富的重要手段，正如马克思所指出的，资本为了生产过程的需要，“利用科学，占有科学”。科学技术知识的生产和使用服务于资本逐利的需要。在知识的生产上，马克思指出，发明成为一种特殊的职业，科学被有意识地和广泛地加以发展以适应资本主义生产的需要。在知识的资本主义使用上，马克思指出，物质生产过程中的知识与直接劳动相分离并成为资本家剥削工人的工具，“科学成为与劳动相对立的、服务于资本的独立力量，一般说来属于生产条件成为与劳动相对立的独立力量这一范畴”。资本支配着体现在机器和生产方法中的知识，使“科学对于劳动来说，表现为异己的、敌对的和统治的权力”。资本对科学技术的使用方式导致了工人在智力和技能上的退化，“科学在生产中的应用……只是通过使劳动从属于资本，只是通过压制工人本身的智力和专业的发展来实现的”。在工厂里，机器代替了手工劳动，工人过去在生产中积累的知识、经验与技能被“机械技巧”取代了，劳动过程被分解为若干步骤，使劳动变成了一种不需要智力的、适应机器操作的劳动。机器的应用使资本家能够用非熟练劳动力代替熟练劳动力，将妇女和儿童吸纳到资本主义生产体系中，造成劳动力的贬值。资本家延长工作日并加强劳动的连续性与强度，利用科学技术抵制工人罢工。工人的生产和生活处于极其不稳定的状态。机器的应用一方面使工人被不断排斥，将工人变成过剩人口抛向街头，另一方面又为了生产规模的扩大不断吸收工人。在这一过程中，资本支配劳动的权力加强了。资本与工人的关系是“头脑”支配“肢体”的关系，马克思借用工厂制度的辩护人尤尔的话指出，借助于科学，资本家能够“合法”行使“头脑支配身体其他部分的权利”。

The separation of science and technology as an independent productive capacity from labor is a phenomenon unique to the capitalist mode of production, and this separation presupposes a certain level of development of productive forces. When analyzing the historical development process of this separation, Marx pointed out: “A product of the division of labor in manufacture is that the intellectual powers of the material process of production confront the worker as an alien property and a power dominating him. This separation begins in simple cooperation, develops in manufacture, and is completed in large-scale industry. In simple cooperation, the capitalist represents the unity and will of the social labor body in the face of the individual worker; manufacture mutilates the worker, turning him into a detail worker; large-scale industry separates science as an independent productive capacity from labor and forces it to serve capital.” [7]7 The *Antitrust Guidelines for the Licensing of Intellectual Property* (1995) are US Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission guidelines outlining antitrust enforcement policy regarding intellectual property licensing. In the stages of production preceding the capitalist mode of production, “the limited scope of knowledge and experience was directly linked to labor itself and did not develop into an independent power separated from labor.” [8]8 The *Antitrust Enforcement and Intellectual Property Rights: Promoting Innovation and Competition* report (2007) is a joint report by the US Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission examining the intersection of antitrust law and intellectual property law.

科学技术作为一种独立的生产能力与劳动相分离是资本主义生产方式所特有的现象，这种分离以一定的生产力发展水平为前提。马克思在分析这一分离的历史发展过程时指出：“工场手工业分工的一个产物，就是物质生产过程的智力作为他人的财产和统治工人的力量同工人相对立。这个分离过程在简单协作中开始，在工场手工业中得到发展，在大工业中完成。在简单协作中，资本家在单个工人面前代表社会劳动体的统一和意志，工场手工业使工人畸形发展，变成局部工人，大工业则把科学作为一种独立的生产能力与劳动分离开来，并迫使科学为资本服务。”而在资本主义生产方式以前的生产阶段，“范围有限的知识和经验是同劳动本身直接联系在一起的，并没有发展成为同劳动相分离的独立的力量”。

2. Braverman’s Analysis of the Combination of Knowledge and Capital

2.布雷弗曼关于知识与资本结合的分析

From the second half of the 19th century to the 20th century, the scientific and technological revolution, marked mainly by the technological revolutions in electricity and petroleum, promoted the concentration of production and capital, and capitalist monopoly organizations began to emerge. The Western Marxist economist Braverman, based on the new conditions of capitalist development, analyzed how capitalism combines knowledge with the needs of capital, causing scientific and technological knowledge to become separated from and opposed to the worker. During this period, along with the development of the scientific and technological revolution, science was proven to be an important means of promoting capital accumulation and was systematically applied to production. Braverman believed that science transformed from a kind of "general social property" into the core property of capitalist production, and that "the entire scientific and technological revolution must be seen as a mode of production... Science itself is transformed into capital; this is the crucial innovation of the scientific and technological revolution." [1]1 “Made in China 2025” is a national strategic plan unveiled by the Chinese State Council in 2015 aimed at upgrading China’s manufacturing sector, moving it from labor-intensive industries toward higher value-added, technology-intensive production. Capitalism develops science in an increasingly planned and socialized manner, commodifying scientific knowledge, so that the production of scientific knowledge is more attuned to the needs of capital. Regarding the capitalist use of knowledge, Braverman analyzed how the capitalist management department integrates new achievements from scientific and technological development, new machines, and production methods with comprehensive control over the labor process, making labor a subordinate element of capital. During this period, Taylor initiated the scientific management movement, applying scientific methods to the analysis and control of the labor process in order to subject labor to the needs of capitalist management. Taylor believed that the labor process should not rely on the worker's knowledge and initiative; knowledge should be concentrated in the hands of the management department, which would comprehensively plan the labor process and give workers detailed execution instructions. Braverman analyzed the basic principles of Taylor's scientific management: the management department collects and studies the knowledge within the labor process, separating the labor process from the worker's skills, not relying on the worker's knowledge and craft; breaking the unity of the labor process, separating mental labor from manual labor; using the monopoly of knowledge to control every step of the labor process and its execution methods. Science is concentrated in the hands of the management department, which centralizes the craft knowledge dispersed among workers, depriving workers of their craft knowledge and autonomous control over the production process. Although the labor process becomes increasingly complex and scientific, workers are excluded from the process of scientific development and application and cannot understand the labor process in which they participate. Braverman pointed out that during the rise of scientific management, the remaining connection between science and the worker was almost completely severed along with the destruction of artisan skills. In the early period of capitalism, science was closely linked to artisan skills; the development of science was rooted in the development of technology. Artisans and craftsmen possessed a certain amount of scientific knowledge; craft was the link between science and work, and many inventions came from artisans. Braverman pointed out, "The separation of hand and brain is the most decisive single step taken by the capitalist mode of production in the division of labor," [2]2 *America 2000: An Education Strategy* was a national education reform plan announced by President George H. W. Bush in 1991, setting six national education goals for the year 2000. and scientific management continued the logic of the separation of "brain" and "limb" in the capitalist division of labor, making it more systematic and institutionalized. A limited part of the labor force specializes in mental work such as design, planning, and calculation, while a greater number of workers become executors stripped of knowledge and skills. The general law of the capitalist division of labor manifests as a bipolar structure of the labor process and the population: on one pole is a small number of people with specialized knowledge and training, while on the other pole is the vast majority of people engaged in simple labor.

从19世纪下半叶到20世纪，以电力和石油技术革命为主要标志的科技革命促进了生产和资本的集中，资本主义垄断组织开始出现。西方马克思主义经济学者布雷弗曼根据资本主义发展的新情况，分析了资本主义如何将知识与资本的需要结合起来，使科学技术知识与工人相分离、相对立。在这一时期，伴随着科技革命的发展，科学被证明是促进资本积累的重要手段，被系统地应用于生产。布雷弗曼认为，科学从一种“一般社会财产”转变成为资本主义生产的核心财产，“必须把整个科技革命看成一种生产方式……科学本身转化为资本，这才是科技革命的关键性的革新”。资本主义越来越有计划地、社会化地发展科学，使科学知识商品化，科学知识的生产更加配合资本的需要。在知识的资本主义使用上，布雷弗曼分析了资本主义管理部门如何将科技发展取得的新成果、新的机器和生产方法与全面控制劳动过程结合在一起，使劳动成为资本的从属要素。泰勒在这一时期开创了科学管理运动，将科学方法应用于分析和控制劳动过程，以使劳动服从于资本家管理的需要。泰勒认为，劳动过程不应该依赖于工人的知识和积极性，知识应该集中在管理部门手中，由管理者对劳动过程进行全面计划并给予工人详细的执行指令。布雷弗曼分析了泰勒科学管理的基本原则：由管理部门来搜集和研究劳动过程中的知识，使劳动过程与工人的技术相分离，不依靠工人的知识和手艺；打破劳动过程的统一性，使脑力劳动与体力劳动分离；利用垄断知识来控制劳动过程的每一步骤及其执行方式。科学被集中在管理部门手里，管理部门将分散在工人那里的工艺知识集中起来，剥夺了工人的工艺知识和对生产过程的自主控制权。尽管劳动过程越来越复杂和具有科学性，但工人被排除在科学的发展和运用过程之外，不能理解他们所参与的劳动过程。布雷弗曼指出，在科学管理兴起的时期，科学与劳动者残存的联系随着工匠技艺被摧毁也几乎完全断裂。而在资本主义早期，科学与工匠技艺紧密联系在一起，科学的发展扎根于技术的发展，工匠、手艺人掌握着一定的科学知识，手艺是科学与工作之间的联系物，许多发明来自工匠。布雷弗曼指出，“手脑分离是资本主义生产方式在劳动分工方面所采取的最决定性的一个步骤”，而科学管理延续了资本主义劳动分工的“头脑”和“肢体”分离的逻辑，并使之更为系统化和制度化，由有限的一部分劳动者专门从事设计、计划、计算等脑力工作，而更多的劳动者成为丧失知识和技能的执行者。资本主义分工的一般规律表现为劳动过程和人口的两极结构：一极是有专门知识和受专门训练的少数人，而另一极是从事简单劳动的大多数人。

3. The General Process of the Combination of Knowledge and Capital and Its Manifestation in Contemporary Capitalism

3.知识与资本结合的一般过程及其在当代资本主义的表现

Under the capitalist mode of production, the capitalist not only transforms the material conditions of labor into capital but also utilizes and appropriates scientific and technological knowledge. Knowledge itself is not capital, but the capitalist appropriation and utilization of knowledge endows knowledge with the attributes of capital. The essence of the capitalization of knowledge is to transform knowledge into a power of capital that is separated from and opposed to the worker. Marx believed that conscious, free, purposeful labor is the species-characteristic of human beings, but under the capitalist mode of production, labor is dominated by capital, and workers cannot freely exert their physical and intellectual powers in labor. Because "intellect is transformed into the power of capital to dominate labor," [3]3 The *American Competitiveness Initiative* (ACI) was a federal initiative announced by President George W. Bush in 2006 to increase investment in research and development and strengthen science and technology education to maintain US competitiveness. scientific and technological knowledge not only fails to become a means for ordinary workers to develop their own labor capacity but instead causes the decline and one-sidedness of workers' intellectual and skill development. As Marx pointed out: "The intellectual potentialities of production are enlarged on one side because they vanish from many sides." [4]4 The *Strategy for American Innovation* is a series of policy documents issued by the US government since 2009 outlining goals for fostering innovation to drive economic growth and address national challenges. The more science and technology develop, the more capitalism establishes comprehensive control within the field of science and technology, and the deeper the exploitation and domination of workers by capital. The general process of the combination of knowledge and capital can be summarized as follows: first, scientific and technological knowledge is separated from labor; scientific and technological knowledge is dominated by the capitalist and, as a means for the capitalist to exploit and oppress workers, is opposed to the worker, in order to make labor a subordinate element of capital. Second, the production and use of scientific and technological knowledge are subordinated to the need for the valorization of capital. Finally, the division of labor corresponding to the combination of knowledge and capital manifests as a bipolar structure of the separation of "brain" and "limb," where a small minority concentrates on developing science and technology, while the vast majority of ordinary workers engage in simple labor.

在资本主义生产方式下，资本家不仅要将物质劳动条件转化为资本，还要利用和占有科学技术知识。知识本身不是资本，但是，知识的资本主义占有和利用赋予了知识以资本的属性。知识资本化的实质，是使知识转化为与工人相分离、相对立的资本的权力。马克思认为，自觉自由的、有目的的劳动是人的类特性，但在资本主义生产方式下，劳动受到资本的支配，劳动者不能在劳动中自由发挥自己的体力和智力。由于“智力转化为资本支配劳动的权力”，科学技术知识不仅没有成为普通工人用来发展自身劳动能力的手段，反而造成劳动者在智力和技能发展上的衰退和片面化。正如马克思所指出的：“生产上的智力在一个方面扩大了它的规模，正是因为它在许多方面消失了。”科学技术越发展，资本主义越是在科学技术领域中建立全面的控制，资本对工人的剥削和统治越深。知识与资本结合的一般过程可以概括为：首先，科学技术知识与劳动相分离，科学技术受资本家的支配并作为资本家剥削和压迫工人的手段与工人相对立，以使劳动成为资本的从属要素；其次，科学技术知识的生产和使用从属于资本的价值增殖的需要；最后，与知识同资本的结合相适应的劳动分工表现为“头脑“和“肢体”分离的两极结构，由一小部分人集中发展科学技术，而大部分普通工人从事简单劳动。

Knowledge capital is a product of the development of capitalism to a certain stage. With the development of capitalist productive forces and the establishment and improvement of the intellectual property system, the factor of science and technology began to become a special form of capital and was developed as capital. Knowledge capital is a special form of productive capital, specifically manifested as capital existing in the form of intellectual property rights such as patent rights and copyrights. Science and technology can only function as a real productive force when combined with material production. In the process of the valorization of capital, science and technology can only perform the function of productive capital, become the capitalist's productive force and a means to extract surplus value from workers, and enable the capital invested in scientific and technological production activities to realize valorization, when they enter the commodity production process. The production and reproduction of scientific and technological knowledge under the control of capital are subordinated to the valorization of capital, making the goals of scientific and technological knowledge production and the application of its results serve the profit-seeking needs of capital.

知识资本是资本主义发展到一定阶段的产物。随着资本主义生产力的发展和知识产权制度的建立和完善，科学技术要素开始成为资本的一种特殊形式并被作为资本加以发展。知识资本是生产资本的特殊形式，具体表现为专利权、著作权等以知识产权形式存在的资本。科学技术只有与物质生产相结合，才能作为一种现实的生产力发挥作用。在资本的价值增殖过程中，科学技术只有进入商品生产过程，才能执行生产资本的职能，成为资本家的生产力和榨取工人剩余价值的手段，投资于科技生产活动上的资本才可能实现价值增殖。资本控制下的科技知识的生产和再生产从属于资本的价值增殖，使科技知识生产的目标及其成果应用服务于资本逐利的需要。

In the past, knowledge capital was mainly attached to material productive capital in capital accumulation. With the development of science and technology and the advent of the era of the knowledge economy, the importance of knowledge capital in capital accumulation has become increasingly prominent. Since the second half of the 20th century, the economic structures of developed capitalist countries have changed. Traditional industrial sectors have gradually declined, the tertiary industry has grown and expanded, and knowledge centered on modern science and technology is considered the most important factor of production in the economy. The knowledge economy has become the dominant activity of the contemporary world economy. Monopoly capital in developed capitalist countries, relying on its advantages in knowledge capital, implements knowledge monopoly in global economic activities, and knowledge monopoly has become the decisive factor for contemporary monopoly capital to realize accumulation. The development of the intellectual property system provides the institutional basis for international monopoly capital to implement knowledge monopoly. By promoting intellectual property protection domestically and internationally, developed capitalist countries have given so-called legitimacy to capital's implementation of knowledge monopoly in the global economy. Scientific and technological knowledge is widely privatized and transformed into the most important property of capitalist enterprises.

以往知识资本在资本积累中主要依附于物质生产资本，随着科学技术的发展和知识经济时代的来临，知识资本在资本积累中的重要性日益凸显。20世纪下半叶以来，发达资本主义国家经济结构发生变化，传统工业部门逐渐衰弱，第三产业日益发展壮大，以现代科学技术为核心的知识被认为是经济生产中最重要的生产要素，知识经济成为当代世界经济活动的主导。发达资本主义国家的垄断资本凭借在知识资本上的优势，在全球经济活动中实施知识垄断，知识垄断成为当代垄断资本实现积累的决定性因素。知识产权制度的发展为国际垄断资本实施知识垄断提供了制度基础。发达资本主义国家通过在国内和国际上推进知识产权保护，使资本在全球经济中实施知识垄断取得了所谓合法性，科学技术知识被广泛地私有化并转化为资本主义企业最重要的财产。

II. Characteristics of the Knowledge Monopoly of Contemporary Capitalism

二、当代资本主义知识垄断的特点

1. International Monopoly Capital Combines Knowledge Monopoly with the Globalization of Production

1.国际垄断资本将知识垄断与生产的全球化相结合

By monopolizing scientific and technological knowledge, international monopoly capital combines a division of labor centered on its own interests with the globalization of production. The application of information technology makes the degree of specialization in the production process increasingly fine; the production process can be divided into a series of operational steps, becoming increasingly standardized, routinized, and modularized, enabling transnational corporations to coordinate and control production activities on a global scale. On this basis, leading enterprises that master core technologies control key links such as R&D and design, while transferring non-core, lower-technology links to subsidiaries and external suppliers scattered globally, extracting surplus value from non-core links such as processing and manufacturing. By virtue of their monopoly on core technologies, leading enterprises occupy a dominant position in global production activities. Outsourcing is an important means for international monopoly capital to hire labor on a global scale. Outsourcing has continuously expanded across borders over the past few decades and has become an important global economic activity. The basic driving force of outsourcing activities is cost minimization, particularly the minimization of labor costs. Transnational corporations in developed countries can use outsourcing to exploit cheap labor in developing countries. On the one hand, leading enterprises can reduce internal labor-capital problems through outsourcing, externalize certain production costs and operational risks, enabling them to concentrate on developing their core business and strengthening investment in core technologies. On the other hand, leading enterprises can replace non-critical suppliers according to their needs, creating competition among outsourcing enterprises and subordinating them to the needs of the leading enterprise. Through this strategy, the leading enterprise further lowers production costs and strengthens control over the supply chain. In the unequal relationship between the leading enterprise and the suppliers at the bottom of the supply chain, the latter can both serve the former's business expansion and be "sacrificed" at any time.

通过垄断科技知识，国际垄断资本将以其利益为核心的分工模式与生产的全球化相结合。信息技术的应用使生产过程中的专业化程度越来越精细，生产过程可以被分割为一系列操作环节，生产过程越来越标准化、常规化、模块化，使跨国公司能够对全球范围的生产活动进行协调和控制。在此基础上，掌握核心技术的主导企业控制着研发、设计等关键环节，将非核心、较低技术水平的环节转移给分散在全球范围的子公司和外部供应商，从加工制造等非核心环节攫取剩余价值。主导企业凭借对核心技术的垄断在全球生产活动中处于支配地位。外包是国际垄断资本在全球范围雇佣劳动力的重要途径。外包在过去几十年来不断跨国界扩张并成为一项重要的全球经济活动，外包活动的基本动力是使成本最小化，特别是劳动力成本的最小化，发达国家跨国企业可以通过外包来利用发展中国家的廉价劳动力。一方面，主导企业能够通过外包减少内部的劳资问题、将一定的生产成本和运营的风险外部化，使主导企业能够集中发展其核心业务，加强对核心技术的投入。另一方面，主导企业能够根据其需求更换非关键供应商，使外包企业之间形成竞争并从属于主导企业的需要，主导企业通过这一策略进一步压低了生产成本，加强了对供应链的控制。在主导企业与处于供应链底层的供应商之间的不对等关系中，后者既可以服务于前者的经营扩张，又可以随时被“牺牲”掉。

In this process, the power of monopoly capital to dominate workers' labor on a global scale is continuously strengthened, subordinating workers to globalized production dominated by the interests of international monopoly capital. First, the standardization and modularization of the production process strengthen the enterprise's control over the labor process, allowing the use of semi-skilled and unskilled workers. Second, competition among workers intensifies, leading to instability in employment relations. Outsourcing enables transnational corporations to replace high-wage domestic labor with cheap labor from developing countries, creating competition between workers in developed countries and those in developing countries. At the same time, the risks and costs transferred externally by the leading enterprise are ultimately passed on to workers; competition among enterprises transforms into competition among workers. The intensification of competition leads to job instability, further worsening the situation of workers, especially those at the bottom of the production chain. Finally, the geographical dispersion of production activities and the differentiation of workers' interests hinder the unification of workers.

在这一过程中，垄断资本在全球范围支配工人劳动的权力不断加强，使工人隶属于国际垄断资本利益主导下的全球化生产。首先，生产过程的标准化、模块化使企业加强了对劳动过程的控制，容许使用半熟练和不熟练工人。其次，工人之间的竞争加剧，带来雇佣关系的不稳定。外包使跨国企业能够用发展中国家的廉价劳动力代替国内的高工资劳动力，使发达国家工人与发展中国家工人之间形成竞争。同时，主导企业将风险和成本向外部的转移最终会传递给劳动者，企业之间的竞争会转化为劳动者之间的竞争。竞争的加剧导致了工作的不稳定性，使工人特别是处于生产底端环节的劳动者的处境进一步恶化。最后，生产活动在地理上的分散和工人利益的分化阻碍了工人的联合。

2. Developed capitalist countries strengthen knowledge monopoly by promoting intellectual property protection worldwide

2.发达资本主义国家通过在世界范围推进知识产权保护加强知识垄断

Since the 1970s, with the expansion of capitalist commodification into the field of science and technology and the continuous promotion of intellectual property protection by developed capitalist countries domestically and internationally, capital's control over science and technology has been strengthened. Intellectual property is the legal embodiment of the private appropriation of knowledge, and the intellectual property system in turn promotes the commodification and capitalization of knowledge. Intellectual property grants the rights holder exclusive rights, i.e., a legal monopoly, over a certain knowledge product for a limited period, enabling "the intellectual property holder to possess, use, benefit from, and dispose of the object of their rights." The intellectual property system aims to protect the fruits of intellectual labor, encourage invention and innovation activities, promote scientific and technological progress, and thereby provide impetus for economic development. Under the capitalist mode of production, intellectual property actually serves capital's appropriation and control of science and technology, a core factor of production. Intellectual property restricts the freedom of non-rights holders to use specific knowledge in economic activities; even if someone happens to produce the same knowledge, their right to use identical or similar intellectual achievements in commercial activities is thereby restricted. Teixeira and others argue that through the intellectual property system, knowledge is transformed into a monopolized commodity that can be privatized, preventing the free acquisition and reproduction of knowledge commodities. Gagnon argues that endowing knowledge with value is not a matter of creating knowledge, but of making knowledge scarce by restricting opportunities for its acquisition.

20世纪70年代以来，随着资本主义商品化在科学技术领域的扩张以及发达资本主义国家在国内和国际上对知识产权保护的不断推进，使资本对科学技术的控制得以加强。知识产权是知识的私人占有在法律层面的体现，知识产权制度反过来也促进了知识的商品化和资本化。知识产权赋予权利所有者在一定期限内对某一知识产品的专有权利即一种合法的垄断权，使“知识产权人对其权利的客体享有占有、使用、收益和处分的权利”。知识产权制度旨在保护智力劳动成果、鼓励发明创新活动，促进科技进步，进而为经济发展提供动力。在资本主义生产方式下，知识产权实际上服务于资本对科学技术这一核心生产要素的占有和控制。知识产权限制了经济活动中非权利持有者使用特定知识的自由，即使有人恰巧生产出了同样的知识，他们在商业活动中使用相同或相似的智力成果的权利也因此受到限制。特谢拉等人就认为，通过知识产权制度，知识被转化为能够被私有化的垄断商品，防止对知识商品的自由获取和再生产。加侬则认为赋予知识价值不是创造知识的问题，而是通过限制获取知识的机会使知识变得稀缺。

Knowledge monopoly under the protection of the intellectual property system has a self-reinforcing characteristic. Most technologies are cumulative and interdependent; each technology is linked to another technology in the production chain. Therefore, Rooke and Pagano point out that the owner of intellectual property not only has the right to exclude others from using that technology but can also hinder non-rights holders from investing in and innovating in industrial activities requiring that patented technology. They argue that under the global intellectual property protection system, the privatization of knowledge has become a major factor affecting the specialization of enterprises and countries; they are all forced to engage in fields not restricted by the privatization of knowledge, and this leads to a self-reinforcing innovation model. Enterprises and countries with more intellectual property will have more investment opportunities and opportunities to acquire more intellectual property, while enterprises and countries lacking intellectual property stagnate in a state of low investment and low patents. This may, on the whole, cause polarization in innovation capabilities between enterprises and between countries. International monopoly capital, relying on its advantages in intellectual property, excludes or restricts competition and implements monopolistic practices. Monopolists elevate their own technologies to standards to implement standard monopolies, joint intellectual property operations, refusal to deal, licensing restrictions, and restrictions on the flow of professional talent under the guise of intellectual property protection, thereby strengthening the knowledge monopoly. Intellectual property protection has become a tool for developed countries to mutually restrain each other and, especially, to curb the technological development of developing countries. The United States and other developed countries exploit the weak position of developing countries in intellectual property and the institutional gaps in related fields to implement monopolies and extract high monopoly profits.

知识产权制度保护下的知识垄断具有自我加强的特点。大多数技术是累积的和相互依存的，每项技术都与生产链中的另一项技术相关联。因此，洛克和帕加诺指出，知识产权的所有者不仅有权排除他人使用该项技术，同时还能够阻碍非权利持有人对需要该项专利技术的工业活动进行投资和创新。他们认为，在全球知识产权保护体系下，知识的私有已经成了影响企业和国家专业化的一个主要因素，它们都被迫从事不受知识私有限制的领域，并因此导致了自我强化的创新模式，拥有越多知识产权的企业和国家就会拥有更多的投资机会并有机会获得更多的知识产权，而缺乏知识产权的企业和国家停滞在低投资低专利状态，这在整体上可能造成企业之间以及国家之间在创新能力上的两极分化。国际垄断资本凭借其在知识产权上的优势排除或限制竞争、实施垄断行为，垄断者将自己拥有的技术上升为标准从而实施标准垄断、知识产权联合经营、拒绝交易、许可限制、以知识产权保护为名限制专业人才流动等，加强了知识垄断。知识产权保护成了发达国家之间相互制约尤其是遏制发展中国家科技发展的工具，美国等发达国家利用发展中国家在知识产权上的弱势地位与相关领域制度上的空缺实施垄断，以攫取高额垄断利润。

3. Transnational corporations and strategic alliances are the main entities implementing knowledge monopoly in world economic activities

3.跨国公司与战略联盟是在世界经济活动中实施知识垄断的主体

To maintain international competitiveness and obtain the high profits brought by knowledge monopoly, international monopoly capital has the impetus to continuously develop advanced technologies and strengthen the knowledge monopoly. International monopoly capital, represented by transnational corporations, on the one hand makes huge investments in R&D activities to control core technologies, and on the other hand strictly controls technology use and technology transfer to prevent the external diffusion of core technologies. Strategic alliances developed on the basis of transnational corporations are an important organizational form of contemporary international monopoly capital, and technology R&D cooperation is the main content of strategic alliances. Alliance enterprises share knowledge resources, costs, and risks in R&D cooperation to overcome the limitations of individual enterprises in developing new technologies. Leading enterprises also form technology standard alliances and promote their technology standards globally, strengthening their monopoly advantages by controlling technology standards. Moreover, to better utilize the advantages of intellectual property concentration and defend against the harm of knowledge monopoly to themselves, the patent pool model has increasingly emerged in developed countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States. Large enterprises capable of joining alliances have more opportunities to invest and apply for patents. These interest-based alliances further strengthen international monopoly capital's control over R&D activities and its monopoly over technology. Since the mid-1990s, international monopoly enterprises have controlled 80% of the world's patents and technology transfers and the vast majority of internationally renowned trademarks.

为保持国际竞争力、获取知识垄断带来的高额利润，国际垄断资本具有不断发展先进技术、加强知识垄断的动力。以跨国企业为代表的国际垄断资本一方面对研发活动进行巨额投入以掌控核心技术，另一方面在技术使用和技术转让上进行严格的控制以阻碍核心技术向外部扩散。在以跨国企业为基础发展起来的战略联盟是当代国际垄断资本的重要组织形式，而技术研发合作是战略联盟的主要内容，联盟企业在研发合作中共享知识资源、共担成本和风险，以克服单个企业在开发新技术上的局限性。领先企业还结成技术标准联盟并将其技术标准在全球范围推广，通过掌控技术标准加强垄断优势。不仅如此，为了更好地利用知识产权集中的优势并防御知识垄断对其自身的伤害，专利集中经营模式在英美等发达国家日渐兴起，有能力加入联盟的大企业拥有更多投资和申请专利的机会。这些利益关系联盟进一步加强了国际垄断资本对研发活动的控制与对技术的垄断。20世纪90年代中期以来，国际垄断企业控制了全世界80%的专利和技术转让及绝大部分国际知名商标。

4. State power is the supporting force for international monopoly capital to implement knowledge monopoly

4.国家政权是国际垄断资本实施知识垄断的支撑力量

As the power of science and technology becomes the focus of competition among international monopoly capitals and between nations, the importance of the state, as the political representative of the monopoly bourgeoisie, in promoting scientific and technological progress and supporting the development of knowledge capital becomes increasingly prominent. Private monopoly capital has played a certain positive role in the development of modern science and technology, but it also restricts the development and application of science and technology out of the need to ensure the valorization of capital, or is unwilling to bear the costs and risks of modern scientific and technological research. Modern scientific and technological innovation is characterized by long cycles, high investment, and interdisciplinary integration. The state bears the costs and risks of research and development, which to a certain extent breaks through the limitations of the private sector in scientific and technological innovation and alleviates the contradiction between the socialization of scientific and technological research and the limited capacity of the private sector to develop science and technology. Since the Second World War, developed capitalist countries have closely integrated scientific and technological development with the economy and national interests, playing a leading role in promoting revolutionary scientific and technological development. This is manifested in the state establishing scientific research institutions, funding basic and applied scientific research, encouraging and supporting the private sector in conducting scientific and technological research, leading the exploration of frontier science and technology fields, promoting the commercialization of scientific and technological research results, organizing and integrating scientific and technological innovation resources, promoting educational reform and development, and cultivating and supporting scientific and technological talent, among other things. Developed capitalist countries, represented by the United States, by promoting intellectual property protection, ensure capital's possession and control of core scientific and technological achievements, transforming the advantages accumulated in scientific and technological development into the technological advantages of enterprises in global competition. Moreover, they use the power of the state to technologically contain other countries and maintain knowledge monopoly. The state apparatus performs the function of "a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie," consciously and systematically safeguarding the long-term and overall interests of monopoly capital.

随着科技力量成为国际垄断资本之间和国家之间竞争的焦点，国家政权作为垄断资产阶级的政治代表，在推动科技前进和扶持知识资本发展上的重要性愈加凸显。私人垄断资本在现代科学技术的发展中起到了一定的积极作用，但它又出于保证资本价值增殖的目的限制科学技术的发展和应用，或者不愿意承担现代科学技术研究的成本和风险。现代科技创新具有长周期、高投入、学科交叉融合等特征，国家承担研发的成本及其风险，这在一定程度上突破了私人部门在科技创新上的局限性，缓和了科学技术研究的社会化与私人部门发展科学技术的有限性之间的矛盾。第二次世界大战以来，发达资本主义国家将科技发展与经济、国家利益紧密结合在一起，在推进革命性科技发展的过程中起着主导作用，具体表现为国家成立科学研究机构、资助基础科学和应用科学研究、鼓励和扶持私人部门开展科学技术研究、引领对前沿科技领域的探索、促进科技研究成果的商业化、组织整合科技创新资源、促进教育的改革与发展、培育和支持科技人才，等等。以美国为代表的发达资本主义国家通过推进知识产权保护，保障了资本对核心科学技术成果的占有和控制，将在科技发展上积累的优势转化为企业在全球竞争中的技术优势。不仅如此，还以国家之力对他国进行科技遏制、维护知识垄断。国家政权执行着“管理整个资产阶级的共同事务的委员会”的功能，有意识、有组织地维护垄断资本的长期和整体利益。

5. Knowledge monopoly deepens the uneven development of the capitalist world division of labor system

5.知识垄断加深了资本主义世界分工体系的不平衡发展

Knowledge monopoly presupposes the uneven development of the world economy and further exacerbates it. Huang Yajun et al. point out that knowledge has become the decisive factor in the international division of labor, and the new international division of labor is essentially a division between "brains" and "hands and feet," forming a new "center-periphery" international division of labor system. The relationship between countries and enterprises that master advanced science and technology and possess knowledge capital and those that lag behind in scientific and technological development and lack knowledge capital in the world division of labor system is essentially one of "head" dominating "limbs." There is a considerable gap between the two in terms of the quality and quantity of intellectual property, research and development investment intensity, and professional talent reserves. Knowledge monopoly causes the production of core scientific and technological knowledge to become increasingly concentrated in the former, while the latter, lacking investment in R&D and specialized talent, depends on the technology provided by the former and reproduces this dominant relationship, exacerbating the uneven development of the capitalist world division of labor system. The uneven development of capitalist science and technology inevitably leads to the uneven development of labor power. A limited number of knowledge workers benefit from high professional skills, high wages, more professional training opportunities, and relatively stable jobs, while ordinary workers lack professional knowledge and skills, have low incomes, lack job security, and endure poor working conditions. This creates differences in the conditions for the reproduction of labor power and their uneven development, further intensifying the differentiation within the working class. Kim Hyun-ki [Kim Hyun-ki] believes that the labor market shows a polarization between knowledge workers and ordinary workers, which at the social level produces new forms of antagonistic relations between the knowledgeable and the knowledge-less.

知识垄断以世界经济的不平衡发展为前提，又进一步加剧了世界经济的不平衡发展。黄亚钧等指出，知识成为国际分工的决定性因素，新的国际分工实质上就是“大脑”与“手脚”的分工，并形成新的“中心-边缘”国际分工体系。掌握先进科学技术、占有知识资本的国家和企业对科技发展落后、缺乏知识资本的国家和企业在世界分工体系中的关系实质上是“头脑”支配“肢体”的关系。二者在知识产权的质量和数量、研发投入力度、专业人才储备等方面均存在较大程度的差距。知识垄断使核心科技知识的生产越来越集中于前者，后者缺乏在研发和专业化人才上的投资，依赖于前者提供的技术，并再生产出这一支配关系，加剧了资本主义世界分工体系的不平衡发展。资本主义的科学技术的不平衡发展必然造成劳动力的不平衡发展。有限的一部分知识型工人受益于高专业能力、高工资、更多的专业培训机会、工作相对稳定，而普通工人则缺乏专业知识和技能、收入低、缺乏就业保障并承受恶劣的劳动条件，因此造成劳动力的再生产条件的差异及其不平衡发展，使工人内部的分化进一步加剧。金贤基认为，劳动力市场出现知识工人与普通工人之间的两极分化，在社会层面会产生有知识者和无知识者之间的新形式的对抗关系。

In summary, the combination of knowledge and capital in contemporary capitalism manifests as international monopoly capital implementing knowledge monopoly in global economic activities, mastering structural power in global economic activities by controlling the core factor of production—science and technology—and exploiting laborers on a world scale. Science and technology, as "the power of others and the power of domination over the worker," have achieved unprecedented development in contemporary capitalism.

综上所述，知识与资本的结合在当代资本主义表现为国际垄断资本在全球经济活动中实施知识垄断，通过支配科学技术这一核心生产要素来掌握全球经济活动中的结构性权力，在世界范围剥削劳动者。科学技术作为“他人的财产和统治工人的力量”在当代资本主义得到了前所未有的发展。

III. Viewing the Knowledge Monopoly of Contemporary Capitalism and Its Harms from the Perspective of US Technological Hegemony

三、从美国的科技霸权看当代资本主义知识垄断及其危害

The United States is the dominant force in knowledge monopoly capitalism. As the world's superpower and technological powerhouse, the United States has adopted a two-pronged policy in technological development: domestically, it systematically promotes scientific and technological development and advances intellectual property protection to maintain the monopoly advantages of its domestic enterprises in the technology sector; externally, it uses its superpower status and technological advantages to implement technological monopoly, blockade, and suppression against other countries. Looking at the historical confrontations between the United States and its international competitors in the technology field, the US domestic science and technology development policy and its external technology containment strategy complement each other, working in concert to serve the maintenance of the US global hegemonic position in the technology field.

美国是知识垄断资本主义的主导者。美国作为世界上的超级大国和科技强国，在科技发展上采取了两手政策：对内有计划地推动科学技术发展，推进知识产权保护来维护本国企业在科技领域的垄断优势；对外则利用自己的超级大国地位和科技优势对别国实施科技垄断和封锁打压。从历史上美国与国际竞争对手在科技领域的历次较量来看，美国对内推行科技发展政策与对外实施科技遏制战略相辅相成，二者协同服务于维护美国在科技领域的全球霸主地位。

1. Promoting domestic technological progress and supporting the development of knowledge capital

1.对内推动科技进步，扶植知识资本发展

Since the Second World War, in order to maintain its leading position in world science and technology, the US government has always played a key role in promoting the development of frontier science and technology. Behind the US technological revolution is the state's use of rational planned investment covering the entire scientific and technological innovation chain, including basic research, applied research, and innovative enterprises. Government involvement has promoted the development of key technologies in a wide range of fields such as computers, aviation and space technology, biotechnology, nanotechnology, and energy. During World War II, in order to continue the successful practical experience of the government in organizing and mobilizing scientific and technological development during wartime into the post-war period, Vannevar Bush submitted a report to the President titled *Science: The Endless Frontier*, which laid the ideological foundation for government support of scientific research. After World War II, with the onset of the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union, US science and technology policy primarily served national military competitiveness. The government combined mission orientation with support for basic research, promoting the development of a number of advanced technologies and laying the foundation for the development of US industrial technology. After the 1970s, the focus of US science and technology policy gradually shifted from the military field to the economic field. Under the pressure of domestic economic stagnation and intensified international competition, the US government in the 1980s promoted the privatization and commercialization of government-funded scientific research. The government adopted a series of active measures, including legislation and funding, to promote the transfer of technological achievements and foster cooperation between government agencies, universities, and enterprises in technology, in order to enhance the technological competitiveness of US enterprises. In the 1990s, against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War and increasingly fierce international economic competition, US science and technology policy became more explicitly oriented towards economic growth. Government agencies actively cultivated and supported the development of revolutionary technologies crucial for future economic growth. In recent years, facing the rapid technological progress of China and other countries, the US has increasingly regarded technological development as a top national strategic priority. In May 2020, US bipartisan senators and representatives from both houses introduced the *Endless Frontier Act* bill, aiming to maintain the US's leading position in global science and technology in the 21st century.

自第二次世界大战后，美国为了保持其在世界科学技术上的领先地位，政府在推动前沿科技发展上始终起着关键的作用。美国的科技革命的背后是国家运用理性计划投资于包括基础研究、应用研究和创新企业的整个科技创新链条。政府参与推动了诸如计算机、航空和空间技术、生物科技、纳米技术、能源等广泛领域的关键技术的开发。二战期间，为将政府在战时组织和动员科学技术发展这一成功的实践经验在战后得以继续应用，万尼瓦尔·布什向总统提交了题为《科学：没有止境的边疆》的报告，为政府支持科学研究奠定了思想基础。二战后，随着美苏冷战的开启，美国的科技政策主要服务于国家的军事竞争力，政府将使命导向与支持基础研究相结合，促进了一批先进技术的发展，为美国工业技术的发展奠定了基础。20世纪70年代以后，美国科技政策的重心逐步从军事领域转向经济领域。在国内经济停滞不前、国际竞争加强的压力下，美国政府在20世纪80年代促进了政府资助的科学研究的私有化和商业化，政府通过立法、经费资助等一系列积极措施来推进技术成果转移，促进政府机构、大学与企业之间在技术上的合作，以增强美国企业在技术上的竞争力。20世纪90年代，在冷战结束和国际经济竞争日益激烈的背景下，美国的科技政策更加明确地指向经济增长，政府机构主动培育和支持关系未来经济增长的革命性科技的发展。近年来，面对中国和其他国家在科技上的迅速进步，美国日益将科技发展视为国家战略的重中之重。2020年5月，美国两党两院议员提出了《没有止境的边疆法案》议案，意图保持美国在21世纪全球科技领域的领先地位。

Given that talent plays a decisive role in scientific and technological innovation, the United States integrates its talent strategy with the nation's strategic objectives for scientific and technological development. America's talent advantage is a crucial factor in its global monopoly on scientific and technological resources and its maintenance of scientific and technological hegemony. In terms of talent cultivation and support, from the post-World War II period of strengthening support for scientific and technological talent through backing scientific research, to the *National Defense Education Act*[1]1 “Made in China 2025” is a national strategic plan unveiled by the Chinese State Council in 2015 aimed at upgrading China’s manufacturing sector, moving it from labor-intensive industries toward higher value-added, technology-intensive production. enacted amid the US-Soviet arms race, to the *America 2000: An Education Strategy*[2]2 *America 2000: An Education Strategy* was a national education reform plan announced by President George H. W. Bush in 1991, setting six national education goals for the year 2000. issued with national competitiveness as the goal, and the early 21st-century *American Competitiveness Initiative*[3]3 The *American Competitiveness Initiative* (ACI) was a federal initiative announced by President George W. Bush in 2006 to increase investment in research and development and strengthen science and technology education to maintain US competitiveness. and *Strategy for American Innovation*[4]4 The *Strategy for American Innovation* is a series of policy documents issued by the US government since 2009 outlining goals for fostering innovation to drive economic growth and address national challenges., the government has continuously promoted educational reform and development through legislation and educational funding, thereby strengthening the cultivation and reserve of scientific and technological talent. Attracting foreign talent is a significant component of the US talent strategy; America's leading edge in science and technology is inseparable from the contributions of a large number of high-quality foreign talents. To maximize its possession of the world's scientific and technological talent, the United States, through immigration policies, study-abroad preferential policies, recruitment by multinational corporations, international cooperation, and other means, and by leveraging its advantages in education, research conditions, and generous remuneration, purposefully and systematically extracts intellectual resources globally, broadly recruiting high-end scientific and technological talent and retaining outstanding international students.

鉴于人才在科技创新中具有决定性作用，美国将人才战略与国家的科技发展战略目标相结合。美国的人才优势是其在世界上垄断科技资源、维护科技霸权的重要因素。在人才培养和支持方面，从二战后通过支持科学研究加强对科技人才的支持、美苏军备竞赛背景下出台的《国防教育法》，到以国家竞争力为目标下发布的《美国2000年教育战略》、21世纪初的《美国竞争力计划》《美国创新战略》等，政府通过立法和教育拨款等途径不断促进教育的改革与发展，加强科技人才的培养和储备。吸引外来人才是美国人才战略的一个重要内容，美国在科技上的领先优势与大量高素质外来人才的贡献密不可分。美国为了最大限度拥有世界科技人才，通过移民政策、留学优惠政策、跨国企业招聘、国际合作等途径，凭借其教育优势、科研条件优势、优厚的待遇等，在全球范围内有目的、有计划地攫取智力资源，广揽高端科技人才、留用优秀留学生。

In terms of intellectual property protection, the United States has not only established a mature and comprehensive domestic intellectual property protection system but has also made intellectual property protection an important means of maintaining its global scientific and technological hegemony. In the late 1970s, intellectual property protection was adopted as a national development strategy for the United States. Domestically, the US Congress successively passed a series of laws to strengthen intellectual property protection. On the one hand, it refined relevant legal provisions based on practical needs, expanded the scope of intellectual property protection, and established a unified federal patent judicial system, enhancing the functionality and stability of the intellectual property protection system and promoting a rapid increase in the number of patents. On the other hand, relevant laws facilitated the privatization of publicly funded research and development outcomes. By redistributing the ownership rights of intellectual property from scientific research outcomes funded by the federal government since the post-World War II period, these laws incentivized the commercialization of federally supported scientific research results, thereby promoting the "transformation" of science and technology into capital. The 1980 *Bayh-Dole Act*[5]5 The *Bayh-Dole Act* (Patent and Trademark Law Amendments Act) of 1980 is a US law that permits universities, small businesses, and non-profit institutions to retain ownership of inventions made with federal funding, encouraging commercialization. serves as a typical example. This act provided a uniform policy allowing performers of federally funded research to retain patent application rights and patent rights for their research outcomes, and permitted federal agencies to grant exclusive licenses to enterprises for government-funded research results. By establishing a strong domestic intellectual property protection system, the United States laid the foundation for its participation in the international intellectual property protection system, converting its accumulated achievements in the field of science and technology into a knowledge monopoly advantage. With the development of economic globalization, controlling science and technology affects the global production and distribution of wealth. Driven by the interests of international monopoly capital, the influence of the United States over international intellectual property protection rules has gradually strengthened. A significant example is the 1994 *Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights* (TRIPS)[6]6 The *Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights* (TRIPS) is an international legal agreement between all World Trade Organization (WTO) members, setting down minimum standards for many forms of intellectual property regulation., promoted by the United States. The US used its advantageous position to forcibly impose intellectual property protection standards reflecting its own interests internationally. The United States plays a leading role in advancing the development of the international intellectual property system; "the globalization process of intellectual property protection standards is also the Americanization process of intellectual property protection," with the intention of solidifying its technological monopoly advantage.

在知识产权保护方面，美国不仅在国内建立了成熟完善的知识产权保护体系，更是将知识产权保护作为维护其世界科技霸权地位的重要手段。20世纪70年代末，知识产权保护被作为美国的国家发展战略。在国内，美国国会先后通过了一系列加强知识产权保护的相关法案。一方面，根据实践需要完善相关法律规定、拓展知识产权保护范围，并确立了统一的联邦专利司法制度，提高了知识产权保护体系的功能性和稳定性，促进了专利数量的迅速增长；另一方面，相关法案促进了公共资助的研发成果的私有化，通过对战后以来由联邦政府资助的科学研究成果的知识产权在权利归属上进行重新分配，激励联邦支持的科研成果的商业化，以推进科技向资本的“转化”。1980年《拜杜法案》可以作为其中的一个典型的例子，该法案提供了统一的政策，允许联邦政府资助的研究执行者就其研究成果享有专利申请权和专利权，并允许联邦机构向企业授予政府资助的研究成果的独家许可。通过在国内建立强大的知识产权保护体系，为美国参与国际知识产权保护体系奠定了基础，将其一直以来在科学技术领域发展累积的成果转化为其知识垄断优势。随着经济全球化的发展，控制科学技术影响着全球财富的生产和分配，受国际垄断资本的利益驱动，美国对国际知识产权保护规则的影响力逐步加强，其中具有重要影响的是美国推动的1994年《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》，美国利用其优势地位在国际上强制推行反映其自身利益诉求的知识产权保护标准。美国在推进国际知识产权体系的发展中起着主导作用，“知识产权保护标准的全球化进程也是知识产权保护的美国化进程”，意图固化其科技垄断优势。

Intellectual property protection inevitably entails the issue of knowledge monopoly. To limit the harm that the monopolistic nature of intellectual property can cause to innovation and competition, the US government opposes the abuse and monopoly of intellectual property in domestic economic activities. For example, the 1995 *Antitrust Guidelines for the Licensing of Intellectual Property*[7]7 The *Antitrust Guidelines for the Licensing of Intellectual Property* (1995) are US Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission guidelines outlining antitrust enforcement policy regarding intellectual property licensing. and its revisions, and the 2007 report *Antitrust Enforcement and Intellectual Property Rights: Promoting Innovation and Competition*[8]8 The *Antitrust Enforcement and Intellectual Property Rights: Promoting Innovation and Competition* report (2007) is a joint report by the US Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission examining the intersection of antitrust law and intellectual property law., based on absorbing and referencing relevant research and practical experience, gradually developed and refined rules concerning antitrust in intellectual property, aiming to achieve the complementary and synergistic goals of intellectual property protection and antitrust measures.

知识产权保护必然伴随着知识的垄断问题，为了限制知识产权的垄断性对创新和竞争带来的伤害，美国政府在国内经济生活中反对知识产权的滥用和垄断。如1995年《知识产权许可的反托拉斯指南》及其修订版、2007年《反托拉斯执法与知识产权:促进创新和竞争》报告，在吸收和借鉴有关研究和实践经验的基础上，逐步发展和完善知识产权反垄断的有关规则，以期达到知识产权保护与反垄断措施相互补充、协同作用的目标。

2. Externally Implementing a Monopoly Policy of Blockade and Suppression

2.对外实行封锁和打压的垄断政策

Completely different from the domestic policy of fostering scientific and technological innovation, the United States employs unscrupulous means of blockade and suppression against other countries in international scientific and technological competition.

与在国内扶植科技创新的政策完全不同，美国在国际科技竞争中对他国不择手段地实行封锁与打压。

(1) After World War II, the United States maintained a leading position in global science and technology. The Soviet Union, Japan, and others once competed with the United States in science and technology but were all defeated by US strikes.

（1）第二次世界大战后，美国保持着世界科技领先地位，苏联、日本等曾一度在科技竞争中与美国展开较量，却都遭到美国的打击而以失败告终。

To win the Cold War, the United States adopted a strategy of technological containment against the Soviet Union. At the beginning of the Cold War, the US established a strict export control mechanism targeting the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union. Domestically, it passed the *Export Control Act*[9]9 The *Export Control Act* of 1949 was a US law that established controls on the export of goods and technology to communist countries during the Cold War. in 1949, imposing an embargo on technical data closely related to strategic materials. Internationally, the US led the establishment of the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom)[10]10 The Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom) was a multilateral export control regime established by Western bloc powers from 1950 to 1994 to restrict the export of strategic goods and technology to the Eastern Bloc., uniting Western developed industrial nations to restrict the export of strategic equipment, raw materials, and cutting-edge technology to the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, using its economic and technological advantages to contain Soviet military and economic development. The achievements of the Soviet Union in the fields of science, technology, and military once posed a threat to America's technological lead. In response, the US, on the one hand, promoted strategic technological development with state power, and on the other hand, insisted on a strict technology embargo against the Soviet Union, laying the foundation for its technological superiority in the later stages of the Cold War. In the later period of the Cold War, the US achieved overwhelming superiority in technological accumulation while simultaneously tightening control over the transfer of cutting-edge technology to the Soviet Union. The US-Soviet technology war ended with the economic collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union.

美国为赢得冷战对苏联采取了科技遏制战略。冷战之初，美国针对以苏联为首的社会主义阵营建立了严格的出口管制机制。在国内，于1949年通过了《出口管制法》，对与战略物资密切相关的技术资料实行禁运。在国际上，美国则主导建立了“巴黎统筹委员会”，联合西方发达工业国限制对苏联等社会主义国家出口战略性设备、原料和尖端技术，利用美国在经济和科技等方面的优势遏制苏联的军事、经济发展。苏联在科技军事领域取得的成绩一度对美国的科技领先优势构成威胁，对此，美国一方面以国家力量推动战略性科技发展，另一方面坚持对苏联实行严格的技术禁运，为其在冷战后期的科技优势奠定基础。冷战后期，美国在科技积累上取得了压倒性优势，同时对苏联尖端技术转让的控制力度加强。美苏科技战以苏联的经济崩溃和解体告终。

During the US-Japan technology war, particularly in the semiconductor sector, Japan once encroached upon the US semiconductor product market, threatening America's monopoly position in science and technology. Consequently, the United States launched a trade war combined with a technology war against Japan, employing various suppressive measures, such as strengthening intellectual property protection, sanctioning key enterprises, forcing Japan to sign agreements to undermine its export advantages, weakening its industrial policies, and supporting Japan's competitors. Japan's semiconductor industry fell into decline due to external blows and internal lack of innovation capacity, while the United States adjusted its competitive strategy, emulated the Japanese model, and the government recaptured the global semiconductor market through measures such as funding the Semiconductor Manufacturing Technology (SEMATECH) strategic alliance[11]11 SEMATECH (Semiconductor Manufacturing Technology) is a consortium of US semiconductor manufacturers and the US government, founded in 1987, to advance semiconductor manufacturing technology and restore US competitiveness..

在以半导体为代表的美日科技战之时，日本曾挤占了美国的半导体产品市场，威胁到了美国在科技上的垄断地位。于是，美国展开了对日本的贸易战加科技战，采取了多种打击手段，诸如加强知识产权保护、制裁关键企业、迫使日本签订协议以打击其出口优势、削弱其产业政策、扶持日本的竞争对手，等等。日本半导体产业在外部打击和内部创新能力不足等因素作用下陷入衰退，而美国则调整竞争策略、仿效日本模式，政府通过资助半导体制造技术战略联盟等措施夺回半导体行业的全球市场。

(2) Since reform and opening up, China has adhered to developing its scientific and technological endeavors based on its national conditions. From the initial phase of using the "exchanging market for technology" strategy to introduce, learn from, and imitate advanced foreign technological achievements, to integrating domestic and international technological resources and continuously enhancing its independent research and development capabilities, China has achieved significant progress and development. In 2018, China's R&D expenditure reached 1.9657 trillion yuan, domestic invention patent applications amounted to 1.542 million, and the total number of scientific researchers was 5.35 million. However, China still lags behind developed countries in cutting-edge technologies such as high-end chips, precision processing instruments, and basic software and hardware. The leap in China's technological development poses a real or potential threat to America's dominant position in world science and technology. Consequently, the United States has elevated its strategy of containing China's technological development to the level of national security, launching a trade war combined with a technology war against China, with the means and scope of its strikes far exceeding those of the US-Soviet and US-Japan technology wars.

（2）中国自改革开放以来，坚持从国情出发发展科技事业，从前期通过“以市场换技术”策略来引进、学习、模仿国外先进技术成果，到整合国内外技术资源、自主研发能力不断增强，取得了长足的发展和进步。2018年，我国在研发支出上达到19657亿元，国内发明专利申请量1542万件，科研人员总量535万人。但我国在高端芯片、精密加工仪器、基础软硬件等前沿技术上仍然与发达国家存在差距。中国在科技发展上的跃进对美国在世界科技上的主导地位带来了现实或潜在的威胁，美国由此将对中国科技发展的遏制战略上升到国家安全层面，对中国发起了贸易战加科技战，其打击手段和范围远超过美苏、美日科技战。

First, it attacks China's independent innovation and industrial policies. Although government departments in the United States and other major economies play an indispensable and leading role in supporting the development of science and technology, the US adopts double standards regarding China's science and technology policies, attacking China's industrial policies through legislation, diplomacy, and other means. In 2018, the United States successively released the *Findings of the Investigation into China's Acts, Policies, and Practices Related to Technology Transfer, Intellectual Property, and Innovation* (the Section 301 Report)[12]12 The *Findings of the Investigation into China's Acts, Policies, and Practices Related to Technology Transfer, Intellectual Property, and Innovation* (the Section 301 Report) was a 2018 report by the US Trade Representative under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, alleging unfair Chinese trade practices. and *How China's Economic Aggression Threatens the Technologies and Intellectual Property of the United States and the World*[13]13 *How China's Economic Aggression Threatens the Technologies and Intellectual Property of the United States and the World* is a 2018 report by the US Department of Defense's Office of Technology Research and Analysis, detailing alleged Chinese efforts to acquire US technology., accusing China's industrial policies such as *Made in China 2025*[14]14 *Made in China 2025* is a Chinese national strategic plan announced in 2015 to upgrade China's manufacturing industry, focusing on high-tech sectors such as information technology, robotics, and aerospace.. It alleged that China acquires advanced technology through unfair technology transfer systems, discriminatory licensing restrictions, outbound investment policies, and state-sponsored intellectual property theft, and claimed that China intends to achieve military and economic goals by controlling world advanced technology, using this as a pretext to impose relevant sanctions on China.

一是对中国的自主创新和产业政策展开攻击。尽管美国等主要经济体的政府部门在扶持科学技术发展中扮演着不可或缺的主导角色，但美国在对中国科技政策问题上却采取了双重标准，通过立法、外交等手段攻击中国产业政策。美国于2018年先后发布了《美国301调查报告》《中国的经济侵略如何威胁美国和世界的技术与知识产权》，指责《中国制造2025》等产业政策，提出中国通过不公平的技术转让制度、歧视性许可限制、对外投资政策、国家资助的知识产权盗窃等措施获取先进技术，并认为中国意图通过控制世界先进技术以实现军事和经济目标，意欲以此为由对中国实施相关制裁措施。

Second, a series of measures to restrict and suppress Chinese high-tech enterprises have been adopted. These mainly include: first, strengthening technology protection on the grounds of national security and restricting Chinese enterprises’ technology investment activities in the United States. In 2018, the U.S. Congress passed the Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act and the Export Control Reform Act, continuously expanding the scope of control over critical and emerging technologies and intensifying regulatory efforts, primarily targeting Chinese enterprises’ technology investment activities in the United States and erecting obstacles to technology flows. Second, cutting off core supply chains and using state power to strike at key Chinese technology enterprises. The United States has placed specific Chinese high-tech enterprises and research institutions on the “Entity List” for export controls, restricting the export of important controlled items, technologies, and software. Relying on its monopoly advantages in key links of the supply chain, it has sacrificed the interests of U.S. supplier enterprises and undermined cooperation and mutual trust in the global industrial chain, blocking Chinese key technology enterprises’ access to critical technologies and core components in a nearly all-encompassing manner, attempting to paralyze the operations of target enterprises. The United States believes that 5G communication technology is related to national security and economic prosperity. Huawei and ZTE, as representatives of China’s advanced communication technology enterprises and strong competitors of the United States, have become key targets of U.S. suppression. Taking the U.S. suppression of Huawei as an example, in May 2019, the U.S. Department of Commerce placed Huawei and its subsidiaries on the “Entity List” for export controls, prohibiting U.S. enterprises from providing core components and technologies to Huawei. In May 2020, U.S. suppression of Huawei escalated again, with the U.S. Department of Commerce announcing restrictions on Huawei’s use of U.S. technology and software to design and manufacture semiconductor products abroad, attempting to completely cut off Huawei’s chip supply chain. Third, allying with allies to suppress the living space of Chinese high-tech enterprises in the international market. In the process of besieging Huawei, the United States not only restricted the latter’s entry into the domestic market through means such as prohibiting product procurement and obstructing cooperation with telecom operators, but also pressured its trading partners, jointly resisting Huawei with Japan, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and other countries, intervening in the global market. These actions run counter to the spirit of the free market that the United States advocates.

二是针对中国高科技企业采取了一系列限制和打压措施。其主要包括：第一，以国家安全为由加强技术保护，限制中国企业在美技术投资活动。美国国会在2018年通过了《外国投资风险评估现代化法案》和《出口管制改革法案》，不断扩大对关键和新兴技术的管控范围、加强管制力度，主要针对中国企业赴美的技术投资活动进行限制，为技术流动设置障碍。第二，切断核心供应链，以国家之力打击中国重点科技企业。美国将特定中国高科技企业、科研机构等列入出口管制的“实体清单”，以限制重要受控物项、技术、软件等的出口，凭借其在供应链关键环节上的垄断优势，不惜牺牲美国供应商企业的利益、破坏全球产业链的合作互信，以近乎不留死角的方式阻断中国重点科技企业对关键技术和核心零部件等的获取渠道，企图使目标企业在经营上陷入瘫痪。美国认为5G通信技术事关国家安全和经济繁荣，华为和中兴作为中国先进通信科技企业的代表和美国强有力的竞争对手，成为美国打压的重点目标。以美国打压华为为例，2019年5月，美国商务部将华为及其子公司列入出口管制的“实体名单”，禁止美国企业向华为提供核心零部件和技术。2020年5月，美国对华为的打压再度升级，美国商务部宣布限制华为使用美国技术和软件在国外设计和制造半导体产品，企图彻底阻断华为的芯片供应链。第三，联合盟友压制中国高科技企业在国际市场上的生存空间。美国在围剿华为的过程中，不仅以禁止采购产品、阻挠与电信运营商合作等手段限制后者进入国内市场，更对其贸易伙伴国施压，联合日、英、澳、新西兰等国共同抵制华为，对全球市场进行干预。这些行为与美国推崇的自由市场精神背道而驰。

Third, suppressing technological talent and hindering educational and academic exchanges. The United States believes that China uses international students and researchers to steal U.S. technological intelligence and intellectual property, and has coordinated multiple government departments to take measures to prevent China from utilizing U.S. frontier science and technology education and research resources, imposing unprecedented strict restrictions on Chinese people studying in the United States and conducting academic exchange activities. Since June 2018, the U.S. government has shortened the validity period of visas for Chinese students in certain high-tech majors, with the visa validity period for sensitive majors such as robotics, aviation, and advanced manufacturing shortened to one year. In addition, the U.S. government has repeatedly and unjustifiably banned Chinese scholars from traveling to the United States for academic exchanges, with the scope extending from the natural sciences to the social sciences, even hindering normal academic exchange activities. Moreover, U.S. government agencies have extended the technological competition targeting China to the field of scientific research, launching large-scale targeted investigations into Chinese-American scholars, marginalizing and suppressing the Chinese-American research community. In August 2018, the U.S. National Institutes of Health, focusing on Chinese-American researchers, launched investigations into more than 10,000 research institutions it funds. Under the pressure of a series of investigations, many researchers have resigned one after another or been dismissed by their institutions, and this has also had a negative impact on the research cooperation between scholars in the United States and Chinese researchers.

三是打压科技人才、阻碍教育与学术交流。美国认为中国利用留学生与科研人员窃取美国技术情报和知识产权，联合多个政府部门协同采取措施防止中国利用美国的前沿科学技术教育与研发资源，对中国人赴美留学教育和开展学术交流活动设置了前所未有的严格限制。2018年6月以来，美国政府针对部分高科技专业的中国留学生缩短了签证有效期限，机器人、航空和先进制造业等敏感专业的签证有效期限被缩短到一年。此外，美国政府还屡屡无端禁止中国学者赴美开展学术交流，牵涉范围从自然科学领域扩大到社会科学领域，甚至妨碍了正常学术交流活动。不仅如此，美国政府机构将针对中国的科技竞争延伸到科学研究领域，对在美华人学者展开大规模针对性调查，排挤、打压华人科研群体。2018年8月，美国国立卫生研究院以华裔科研人员为重点调查对象，对其资助的1万多家研究机构展开调查。在一系列调查的重压之下，许多科研人员陆续辞职或被所在机构解职，同时也给在美学者与中国科研人员的研发合作带来了负面影响。

The essence of the United States’ technological suppression of China is to maintain its monopoly on core technologies, thereby preserving the dominant position of its domestic monopoly capital groups in the world production system. The United States adheres to zero-sum thinking in technological competition, publicly attacking China’s industrial policies as posing a threat to the U.S. and even the world economy, and actively promoting the view that China’s industrial upgrading will weaken U.S. intellectual property-intensive industries and negatively impact employment in related sectors. The series of suppression measures adopted by the United States against China directly target the “Made in China 2025” [1]1 “Made in China 2025” is a national strategic plan unveiled by the Chinese State Council in 2015 aimed at upgrading China’s manufacturing sector, moving it from labor-intensive industries toward higher value-added, technology-intensive production. national strategy, with the aim of slowing down or even forcing China to abandon its manufacturing upgrade plan, and curbing China from taking the lead in the transition between old and new driving forces in the new round of technological revolution. As Chinese scholars have judged, the U.S. technology embargo not only seeks to squeeze Chinese high-tech enterprises out of the U.S. system, but also out of the developed country system, “locking China into the middle and low end of the global industrial chain,” solidifying the global supply chain hierarchy by blocking technology flows.

美国对华科技打压的实质是维护其对核心科技的垄断，以维护本国垄断资本集团在世界生产体系中的主导权。美国在科技竞争中秉持了零和思维，公开攻击中国的产业政策对美国乃至世界经济构成威胁，并积极宣扬中国的产业升级会削弱美国的知识产权密集产业并对相关行业就业带来负面影响。美国对中国采取的一系列打压措施的目标直指《中国制造2025》强国战略，其目的就是要拖慢甚至迫使中国放弃制造业升级计划，遏制中国在新一轮科技革命的新旧动能转换中走在前列。正如我国学者所判断的那样，美国的技术禁运不但要把中国高科技企业挤出美国体系，也挤出发达国家体系，将中国“锁定在全球产业链的中低端”，通过阻隔技术流动使全球供应链层级固化。

3. The Harms of Knowledge Monopoly

3.知识垄断的危害

Capitalist knowledge monopoly is plunging capitalism itself into difficulties. Knowledge monopoly runs counter to the development trend of the socialization of production, and knowledge monopoly centered on safeguarding the interests of international monopoly capital increasingly hinders the development of science and technology. The internationalization of scientific and technological innovation activities is a trend in the development of economic globalization. British scholar Rajesh Narula points out that technology and economic globalization are inseparably linked, co-evolving and, to a certain extent, interdependent. The development of economic globalization makes enterprises and countries increasingly need to seek knowledge sources from abroad, and most economic agents within an innovation system are increasingly interdependent with economic agents outside it. At the same time, modern technology has dual-use military and civilian applications. Science and technology have both the function of productive forces and can serve as tools of war. The development of frontier technologies has a revolutionary impact on human production and life, moral and ethical systems, etc. Grasping technological development from the perspective of the common well-being of humanity requires cooperation between countries. The globalization of production is the highest form of the socialization of production. The internationalization of scientific and technological innovation is an inherent need and development trend of the process of economic globalization. Knowledge monopoly centered on safeguarding the interests of monopoly capital is restricting international cooperation in scientific and technological innovation, while also bringing negative impacts to cooperation in the global production chain. Regarding the consequences of the Sino-U.S. technology war, a considerable number of scholars point out that the United States and China have many complementary advantages in scientific and technological resources, and the development of U.S. high-tech enterprises also requires China’s capital, market, and supply chain. Cutting off technological ties is not only detrimental to the technological cooperation between the two sides, but will also impose restrictions on the development of U.S. technology and its own technology enterprises.

资本主义知识垄断正在使其自身陷入困境。知识垄断与生产社会化的发展趋势相悖，以维护国际垄断资本利益为核心的知识垄断越来越阻碍科技的发展。科技创新活动的国际化是经济全球化发展的趋势。英国学者拉杰什·纳如拉指出，技术与经济全球化不可分地联结在一起，二者共同进化，并在一定程度上相互依赖，经济全球化的发展使企业和国家越来越需要从国外寻求知识来源，一个创新系统中的大多数经济主体与其境外的各经济主体之间越来越相互依赖。同时，现代科技具有军民两用性，科学技术既具有生产力功能，又可以作为战争工具，前沿科技的发展为人类的生产生活、道德伦理体系等带来革命性影响，从人类共同福祉出发把握科技发展需要国家之间的携手合作。生产的全球化是生产社会化发展的最高形式，科技创新的国际化是经济全球化进程的内在需要和发展趋势，以维护垄断资本利益为核心的知识垄断正在限制科技创新的国际合作，同时也为全球生产链的合作带来负面影响。就中美科技战带来的后果而言，相当一部分学者指出，美国与中国在科技资源上具有许多互补优势，美国高科技企业的发展也需要中国的资金、市场和供应链，切断科技联系不仅不利于双方的科技合作，还会为美国自身的科技和科技企业的发展带来限制。

Capitalist knowledge monopoly is built on the basis of uneven development of the world economy. Developed capitalist countries exploit developing countries and transfer internal accumulation contradictions by monopolizing technology, while emerging countries, in the process of development, will challenge the world pattern maintained by developed capitalist countries’ monopoly on technology. Andrew Kennedy points out that emerging countries must overcome structural problems by acquiring and developing technology, and pose a challenge to the international order maintained by existing dominant countries. As the focus of world economic competition increasingly concentrates on technological competition, the competitive rules of capitalist knowledge monopoly will inevitably lead to more intense technological competition, continuously intensifying the accumulation contradictions of monopoly capital.

资本主义知识垄断建立在世界经济发展不平衡的基础上，发达资本主义国家通过垄断科技剥削发展中国家并转嫁内部积累矛盾，而新兴国家在发展过程中则会挑战由发达资本主义国家垄断科技的世界格局。安迪鲁·肯尼迪指出，新兴国家必须通过获取和发展技术来克服结构性问题，并对现有主导国家维护的国际秩序构成挑战。随着世界经济竞争的焦点越来越集中在科技竞争上，资本主义知识垄断的竞争规则必然导致科技竞争更为激烈，不断强化垄断资本的积累矛盾。

When explaining the decadence of monopoly capitalism, Lenin pointed out that monopoly capitalists hinder the application of inventions by possessing patent rights for inventions, and in order to maintain monopoly prices, they artificially impede technological progress. Under conditions where monopoly holds sway, the degree of socialisation of production continuously increases, and the process of scientific and technological development also becomes increasingly socialised, yet the contradiction between the socialisation of production and capitalist private ownership becomes more acute. Lenin noted that the bourgeoisie “turned education and science, the highest achievements and essence of capitalist civilisation, into instruments of exploitation and patent goods, placing the majority of people in a state of slavery.” Driven by the motive of capital accumulation, capitalism has obtained a sustained impetus for developing science and technology, greatly promoting their advancement, but capitalism has simultaneously defined the mode in which science and technology develop. Knowledge possesses the characteristics of being shareable and non-rivalrous; its use value expands as the scope of its dissemination and use increases. However, in order to appropriate and exploit scientific and technological knowledge, capital defines knowledge as a form of private property, thereby causing a closure of knowledge even in the fields of science and technology and basic science. In the latest stage of the development of monopoly capitalism, transnational corporations and strategic alliances use knowledge monopoly as a means to exploit labourers on a world scale, exacerbating the uneven development of the world system and bringing about excessive concentration of power and enormous waste of resources. With the advance of economic globalisation, science and technology increasingly require systematic and planned socialised production; the capitalist knowledge monopoly increasingly obstructs the development of science and technology, becoming a fetter that restricts scientific and technological progress.

列宁在说明垄断资本主义的腐朽性时指出，垄断资本家通过占有发明专利权阻碍发明的应用，为了保持垄断价格，人为地阻碍技术的进步。在垄断占统治地位的情况下，生产的社会化程度不断提高，科学技术的发展过程也日益社会化，但生产的社会化与资本主义私人占有之间的矛盾更加尖锐了。列宁指出，资产阶级“把教育和科学、把资本主义文明的最高成就和精华变成了剥削工具和专利品，使大多数人处于奴隶地位”。资本主义在资本积累动机的驱使下获得了发展科学技术的持续动力，极大地促进了科技的发展，但资本主义同时也限定了科学技术发展的方式。知识具有共享性和非竞争性，它的使用价值随着传播和使用范围的扩大而增大，然而，资本为了占有和利用科学技术知识，将知识界定为一种私有财产，并因此造成了科学技术甚至基础科学领域的知识封闭。在垄断资本主义发展的最新阶段，跨国企业与战略联盟将知识垄断作为在世界范围剥削劳动者的手段，加剧了世界体系的不平衡发展，带来了权力的过度集中和巨大的资源浪费。随着经济全球化的推进，科学技术日益需要有系统、有计划地进行社会化生产，资本主义知识垄断越来越阻碍科技的发展，成为限制科学技术进步的桎梏。

(The author is a doctoral student at the School of Marxism Studies, Renmin University of China, and an assistant researcher at the Academy of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.)

（作者系中国人民大学马克思主义学院博士研究生，中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院助理研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心