An Analysis of the Polish Communist Party’s Understanding of the New Trends in Contemporary Capitalist Development

Although the Polish Communist Party is not a large party, its conditions of existence, basic theory, ideology, and policy positions are highly representative of the current situation in Central and Eastern European countries and even among all countries where communist parties are not in power. The Polish Communist Party maintains a certain degree of innovation and progressiveness in its ideology and policy positions, but it also exhibits clear dogmatism and limitations. These are prominently reflected in its understanding of the development trends of contemporary capitalism. Although the right-wing party-led government in recent years has intensified restrictions on it, the party still tenaciously remains active on the political stage both within Poland and internationally.

波兰共产党虽然不是一个大党，但它的生存状况、基本理论、意识形态、政策主张，在当前中东欧国家乃至所有非共产党执政的国家均具有很强的代表性。波兰共产党在意识形态、政策主张等方面保持着一定的革新性和进步性，但也存在明显的教条化和局限性，这些都突出地体现在它对当代资本主义发展态势的认识之中。虽然近年来右翼政党主导的政府对其加强了限制，但它仍然顽强地活跃在波兰国内外政治舞台之上。

I. The Historical Evolution of the Polish Communist Party

一、波兰共产党的历史演变

Historically, there have been three political parties named the “Polish Communist Party.” The first was a radical left-wing party formed in December 1918 through the merger of the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) and the Polish Socialist Party-Left (PPS-Left), with Rosa Luxemburg as its ideological leader. It sought to establish a Polish Socialist Republic as part of a pan-European socialist federation. However, it faced widespread criticism for opposing Polish independence and for supporting Lenin’s Soviet Union rather than its own homeland during the Polish-Soviet War of 1920. Moreover, due to suppression by the right-wing authoritarian regime, its influence in political life was relatively weak. After Lenin’s death, its leaders came into conflict with Stalin over differences in opinion, and in 1938, at Stalin’s instigation, the Comintern dissolved the Polish Communist Party.

历史上名为“波兰共产党”的政党先后有三个。第一个为1918年12月由波兰和立陶宛王国的社会民主党（the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania，SDKPiL)和波兰社会主义党-左派（the Polish Socialist Party-Left，PPS-Left)合并而成的激进左翼政党，以罗莎·卢森堡（Rosa Luxemburg）为党的思想领袖。它寻求建立波兰社会主义共和国，使之成为泛欧社会主义联邦的组成部分之一。不过，由于它反对波兰独立建国，以及在1920年苏波战争中支持列宁领导的苏联而非自己的祖国，而饱受质疑。而且，由于受到右翼专制政权的打压，因而在政治生活中力量较为微弱。列宁去世后，它的领导人与斯大林因见解不合而发生矛盾，1938年，在斯大林授意下，共产国际解散了波兰共产党。

The second “Polish Communist Party” was founded in Albania in 1965 by the Polish dissident Kazimierz Romuald Mijal, also known as the “Mijal Party.” It opposed any development of Marxism-Leninism, rejected Khrushchev’s revisionism and Gomułka’s reform measures. Due to its extreme tendencies, its appeal was very limited. In 1978, Mijal abandoned his work in the party.

第二个“波兰共产党”由波兰持不同政见者米哈尔（Kazimierz Romuald Mijal）于1965年在阿尔巴尼亚创立，也被称为“米哈尔党”，它反对对马克思列宁主义的任何发展，反对赫鲁晓夫的修正主义和哥穆尔卡的改革措施。由于偏于极端，吸引力十分有限。1978年，米哈尔放弃了该党的工作。

This article analyzes the third “Polish Communist Party,” founded in 2002. It has no direct lineage from the first “Polish Communist Party” or the ruling party of the socialist period, the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR), but there are some indirect connections. In 1948, the successor party to the first Polish Communist Party—the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR)—merged with the Polish Socialist Party to form the Polish United Workers’ Party. After the dissolution of the PZPR in 1990, it mainly reorganized into two parties: one was the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland (SDRP), chaired by Aleksander Kwaśniewski, which was relatively conservative, retained more of the communist ideology, and opposed reform; the other was the Polish Social Democratic Union (PUS), established in April 1990, which sought a complete break with the PZPR but, being too radical, lacked supporters and dissolved in mid-1991, with most of its members joining the Labour Union (UP). A small number of far-left members of the PZPR formed the dogmatic “Union of Polish Communists ‘Proletariat’” (ZKP-P), which joined the Democratic Left Alliance from 1991 to 1996 but developed poorly and was dissolved by a court in 2002. In October 2002, some members of the “Union of Polish Communists ‘Proletariat’” founded the new “Polish Communist Party.” The third-generation Polish Communist Party (hereinafter referred to as the “PCP”) retains, to some extent, the dogmatic tendencies of the first-generation Polish Communist Party and the “Union of Polish Communists ‘Proletariat.’”

本文分析的是2002年成立的第三个“波兰共产党”，它与第一个“波兰共产党”以及社会主义时期的执政党“统一工人党”（the Polish Workers’Party，PPR）无直接承继关系，但有些许内在联系。1948年，第一个“波兰共产党”的后继党——波兰工人党和波兰社会主义党合并成立了波兰统一工人党。1990年统一工人党解散后，主要改组为两个政党，一是由亚历山大·克瓦希涅夫斯基担任主席的社会民主党（the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland，SDRP)，它相对保守，对共产主义意识形态继承的较多，反对改革；另一个是1990年4月建立的社会民主联盟(the Polish Social Democratic Union，PUS)，它力图与统一工人党彻底决裂，但因太激进而缺乏支持者，于1991年中期解散，其党员大多加入了劳工联盟党（the Labour Union，UP）。少部分统一工人党的极左成员成立了教条化的“波兰‘无产阶级’共产联”（the Union of Polish communists，Proletariat，ZKP-P），1991年至1996年曾加入民主左派联盟，但发展并不顺利，2002年被法院解散。2002年10月，部分“波兰‘无产阶级’共产联盟”党员成立了新的“波兰共产党”。第三代波兰共产党（以下简称“波共”）在一定程度上保留了第一代“波兰共产党”和“波兰‘无产阶级’共产联盟”的教条化倾向。

Although the PCP is a small party, its organizational structure is relatively complete. At the national level, the PCP has a National Executive Committee, a National Arbitration Tribunal, a National Congress, an Audit Committee, and some regional branches. At its peak, the PCP had over 1,000 members, but according to 2017 data, it had only 300 registered members. To date, the PCP has held five congresses—in December 2002, December 2006, December 2010, March 2015, and July 2019—and has successively issued documents such as the Party Constitution, Party Program, and “Manifesto of the Polish Communist Party,” with its theory, goals, policies, and ideology gradually taking shape.

波共虽为小党，但其组织结构比较完整，在全国层级，波共有全国执行委员会、全国仲裁院、全国代表大会、审计委员会，还有一些地区分支机构。波共最多时有1000多名党员，不过根据2017年的数据，只有300名注册党员。迄今为止，波共分别在2002年12月、2006年12月、2010年12月、2015年3月、2019年7月召开过5次代表大会，并先后发布党章、党纲、“波兰共产党宣言”等文件，其理论、目标、政策、意识形态逐渐成型。

From the historical evolution of the three generations of the Polish Communist Party, two basic patterns can be observed: First, all three generations of the Polish Communist Party were generally radical left-wing parties, with the second generation being the most radical. Second, excessive radicalism was an important cause of the rapid decline and collapse of the first and second generations; the third generation is relatively moderate, having abandoned some of the radical positions of the previous two generations, and thus its development has been comparatively more stable.

从三代波兰共产党的历史演变来看，可以发现两个基本规律：第一，三代波兰共产党总体上都属于激进左翼政党，其中第二代波兰共产党最为激进。第二，过于激进是导致第一、第二代波兰共产党迅速衰亡的重要原因；第三代共产党相对温和，放弃了前两代共产党一些激进主张，因而它的发展也相对更为稳定。

II. The Polish Communist Party’s Basic Understanding of the New Trends in Contemporary Capitalist Development

二、波兰共产党对当代资本主义发展新态势的基本认识

Since the Second World War, and especially after the end of the Cold War, the capitalist world has undergone tremendous changes. These changes can be broadly divided into two categories. The first category consists of changes within capitalism itself, mainly reflected in the productive forces and the relations of production, especially the latter. Marx and Engels profoundly pointed out in the *Communist Manifesto*: “The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society… Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones.” Regarding the changes in capitalism after World War II, some scholars have summarized them as “four transformations”: globalization, knowledge-based development, welfarism, and financialization. Since the end of the Cold War, except for a certain reversal in “welfarism,” the trends of the other three transformations have become more pronounced. Capitalism has undergone significant changes in the means of economic development, methods of social control, innovations in management practices, and technological innovation. For example, high technology has been comprehensively applied to all fields of production, management, sales, enterprise administration, and social governance; the proportion of mental workers and high-tech talent has greatly increased, and the level of knowledge-based and intelligent development in society has risen markedly; the financialization and virtualization of capital have significantly increased, and the ways in which various social strata, including both capitalists and workers, participate in production and obtain economic income have become more diversified and varied, increasingly moving away from the front lines of production. The second category consists of changes in the capitalist world as a whole, namely the deepening of international integration undertaken by capitalist countries to strengthen their global domination, which is triggered by the first category of changes. In this regard, Chinese scholars such as He Bingmeng, Wang Xiaodi, and Huang Lin argue that a notable feature of contemporary capitalism is the further development of state monopoly capitalism into international monopoly capitalism. Li Shenming, Zhang Yu, Cai Wanhuan, and others more explicitly point out that the development of capitalism today has entered a new stage of “international financial monopoly capitalism,” with the core change being the formation of financial monopoly capital and its evolution into international financial monopoly capital. Although the capitalist world is fraught with contradictions, economic and political cooperation continues to deepen, giving rise to new mechanisms of international monopoly cooperation such as the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP). Regarding both of these aspects, the Polish Communist Party has conducted concrete analysis and assessment in light of Poland’s specific conditions.

第二次世界大战以来，尤其是冷战结束后，资本主义世界发生了巨大的变化，变化大致可以分为两类：一类是资本主义本身的变化，它主要体现在生产力和生产关系、尤其是在生产关系方面。马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中就曾深刻地指出：“资产阶级除非对生产工具，从而对生产关系，从而对全部社会关系不断地进行革命，否则就不能生存下去……生产的不断变革，一切社会状况不停的动荡，永远的不安定和变动，这就是资产阶级时代不同于过去一切时代的地方。”对二战之后资本主义的变化，有学者概括为“四化”：全球化、知识化、福利化、金融化。冷战结束以来，除了“福利化”有所逆转之外，其他“三化”的趋势更为明显。资本主义在经济发展手段、社会控制方式、经营方式革新、技术革新等方面的发生了很大变化。例如，高科技已经全面应用于所有生产、经营、销售、企业管理和社会管理等领域；脑力劳动者、高科技人才比例大大提升，社会的知识化、智慧化水平明显上升；资本的金融化、虚拟化水平明显提升，包括资本家、工人在内各社会阶层参与生产的方式和获得经济收入的渠道、方式更加多元、多样并越来越远离生产一线。另一类是资本主义世界作为一个整体的变化，即资本主义国家为了加强对全球的统治而采取的国际联合的纵深发展，它是由第一个变化而引发的。在这方面，我国学者何秉孟、王晓笛、黄林等认为，当代资本主义的显著特征是国家垄断资本主义进一步发展成国际垄断资本主义；李慎明、张宇、蔡万焕等更明确指出，当今资本主义发展已经进入“国际金融垄断资本主义”新阶段，核心变化是金融垄断资本的形成并演变为国际金融垄断资本。资本主义世界虽然矛盾重重，但经济、政治合作仍在深入，出现了欧盟—加拿大综合性经济贸易协定(CETA)、跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴协议（TTIP）、跨太平洋伙伴关系协议（Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement，TPP）等新的国际合作垄断机制。对于这两个方面，波兰共产党都结合波兰具体情况进行了具体的认识和分析。

(I) Understanding and Attitude toward the Upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the Establishment of the Capitalist System in Poland

（一）对苏东剧变及波兰建立资本主义制度的认识与态度

The Polish Communist Party adopts a clearly critical stance toward the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe during 1989–1991. It holds that this upheaval caused Poland, like other Eastern European countries, to rapidly restore capitalist relations of production. Its essence was that new owners quickly took over industrialized factories, state-owned farms, and other enterprises, thereby depriving ordinary workers of their rights and opportunities to participate in factory management. Enterprise production serves the maximization of asset owners’ interests, and the state becomes a tool for asset owners to increase private property, open markets, and expand the capitalist economy.

波共对1989-1991期间的苏东剧变持明确批判态度，认为它使波兰和东欧其他国家一样，迅速恢复了资本主义生产关系，其实质是新的所有者迅速接管了工业化工厂、国有农场和其他企业，从而剥夺了普通劳动者参与工厂管理的权利和机会。企业生产为资产所有者利益最大化服务，国家成为资产所有者增加私有财产、开放市场和扩大资本主义经济的工具。

After the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Eastern European countries generally experienced a wave of criticism and settling of accounts with the history of the socialist period. The Polish Communist Party has criticized this. The “Declaration of the Polish Communist Party” explicitly opposes the criticism and settling of accounts with Poland’s socialist-era history. It argues that after 1989, the majority of the populace, swayed by promises of “democratization,” supported the systemic transition without realizing its true nature. Later, when people experienced the adverse effects brought about by the systemic transition, they could no longer halt or reverse the process.

苏东剧变后，东欧国家普遍出现了对社会主义时期历史的批判和清算，波共对此进行了批评。“波兰共产党宣言”明确反对对波兰社会主义期间的历史进行批判和清算，认为1989年之后，大多数民众受到“民主化”承诺的鼓动而支持制度转轨，并未意识到制度转轨的实质。后来，当人们经历了制度转轨带来的不利影响时，已经不能停止和逆转转轨过程了。

In January 2006, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a resolution on “the necessity of international condemnation of the crimes of totalitarian communist regimes.” In response, the Polish Communist Party, together with some foreign communist parties, called for resistance and criticism, and issued a statement arguing that this resolution does not condemn those responsible for repression but instead wrongly accuses the entire communist movement and its ideology, claiming it uses violence and violates human rights; that comprehensively negating the developmental achievements of the socialist period is an extremely erroneous practice that tarnishes the struggle of communist parties for the cause of social justice; that certain forces in Europe are striving to create a hostile atmosphere toward communists, preparing for imperialist military aggression, and posing a threat to existing socialist countries; and that the historical achievements of communism, especially the decisive role of the Soviet Union in defeating fascism, cannot be ignored.

2006年1月，欧洲委员会议会通过了“对极权共产主义政权的罪行进行国际谴责的必要性”的决议。对此，波共联合一些国外共产党，号召人们进行抵制和批判，并发文表示：该决议不谴责对镇压负有责任的人，反而错误地指责整个共产主义运动及其意识形态，认为它使用暴力和侵犯人权；全面否定社会主义时期的发展成就是极端错误的做法，抹黑了共产党为社会正义事业进行斗争的行为；欧洲一些势力力图营造对共产主义者的敌对气氛，为帝国主义军事侵略做准备，对现存社会主义国家构成了威胁；共产主义的历史成就，尤其是苏联在击败法西斯主义方面的决定性作用是不容忽视的。

The Polish Communist Party believes that the capitalist system implemented in Poland after the transition has been a failure. Capitalist representative democracy has proven to be a manipulated system, which influences election results through “electoral laws” and mass media, while the social democratic camp mistakenly supported the new system. Under the new political system, apart from participating in elections, any expression of dissatisfaction with the government is ineffective, and strikes and protests are quickly isolated and suppressed. Compared with the period of the Polish People’s Republic, workers’ economic pressure has increased, and the material conditions of society have continuously deteriorated. The Polish ruling group, subservient to the European Union and some international financial institutions, has undermined Poland’s economy, plunged the majority of the population into poverty, and driven people to emigrate or delay marriage due to a lack of hope. All of this is attributed to the erroneous policies of the governments controlled by the big bourgeoisie since the transition.

波共认为，转轨后波兰实行的资本主义制度是失败的。资本主义代议制被证明是一种被操控的制度，它通过“选举法”和大众媒体影响选举结果，而社会民主主义阵营则错误地支持了新制度；在新的政治制度下，除了参与选举之外，对政府表达不满都是无效的，罢工和抗议很快就遭到了隔离和镇压；和波兰人民共和国时期相比，工人的经济压力增加了，社会的物质状况不断恶化；波兰统治集团则臣服于欧盟和一些国际金融机构，破坏了波兰的经济，使大多数人陷入贫困，因看不到希望而移居国外或延迟结婚。这些都归咎于转轨以来由大资产阶级控制的政府的错误政策。

The Polish Communist Party also actively opposes the right-wing government’s suppression and attempts to outlaw the party. For example, in mid-2010, to oppose the government’s policy of banning the communist party, the Polish Communist Party organized and participated in a demonstration in the center of Warsaw; it actively supported demonstrations held in front of Polish embassies in Athens, Budapest, Dublin, London, Madrid, Mexico City, Moscow, and other cities. Since 2015, the Polish Communist Party’s magazine *Brzuska* (Dawn) has been repeatedly prosecuted by the government. The party has waged a long-term struggle, organizing and participating in demonstrations in Warsaw and some foreign cities, and sending letters to the government and some foreign missions protesting the Polish government’s actions.

波共也积极反对右翼政府打压和试图取缔波共的图谋。例如，在2010年中期，为了反对政府出台取缔共产党的政策，波共组织并参与了在华沙市中心举行了一次示威游行；积极声援在雅典、布达佩斯、都柏林、伦敦、马德里、墨西哥、莫斯科等地的波兰大使馆前举行的游行示威活动；2015年以来，波共的杂志《黎明》（Brzuska）遭到政府多次起诉，波共展开了长期的抗争，在华沙及国外的一些城市组织和参与了一些示威活动，并向政府和一些外国使团发送了抗议波兰政府的信件。

Although the Polish Communist Party does not认同 the newly established capitalist representative government, it has adopted a strategy of de facto recognition and moderate participation, actively focusing on and participating in parliamentary and presidential elections. In parliamentary elections, the Polish Communist Party often cooperates with the Democratic Left Alliance to strive for entry into parliament and expand its influence. In the 2005 parliamentary election, the Polish Communist Party actively supported the election campaign of the Polish Labour Party (Socialist Polish Party of Work, PPP). In 2011, individual members of the Polish Communist Party entered parliament through the electoral lists of the Democratic Left Alliance and the Labour Party. In the 2019 parliamentary election, the Polish Communist Party joined the “Left” coalition and secured one parliamentary seat. The Polish Communist Party also actively supports the election campaigns of democratic presidential candidates. In the 2005 presidential election, the Polish Communist Party supported the Polish Labour Party candidate Daniel Podrzycki; in 2010, it supported the Democratic Left Alliance candidate Grzegorz Napieralski; in 2020, the Polish Communist Party supported the Labour Union candidate Waldemar Witkowski, opposing the incumbent president Andrzej Duda, who represents right-wing interests, in his bid for re-election.

波共虽不认同新建立的资本主义代议制政府，但采取了事实承认、适度参与的策略，积极关注和参与议会及总统选举活动。在议会选举中，波共经常与民主左派联盟合作，以力求进入议会和扩大影响。在2005年议会选举中，波共积极支持波兰工党（Socialist Polish Party of Work，PPP）的选举活动；2011年，个别波共党员通过民主左派联盟和工党的选举名单进入议会；在2019年议会选举中，波共加入了“左派”政党联盟，并获得一个议会席位。波共也积极支持民主派总统候选人的竞选。在2005年总统选举中，波共支持波兰工党候选人丹尼尔·波德希茨基（Daniel Podrzycki）；2010年，波共支持民主左派联盟的候选人格日戈什·纳皮耶拉尔斯基(Grzegorz Napieralski)；2020波共支持工人联盟党（Labour Union）的候选人沃尔德马·维特考斯基（Waldemar Witkowski），反对代表右翼利益的现任总统安杰伊·杜达(Andrzej Duda)谋求连任。

(II) Understanding of the Domestic Problems Brought About by Capitalism

（二）对资本主义带来的国内问题的认识

The Polish Communist Party believes that after Poland adopted the capitalist system, it gradually strengthened its ties and integration with international capital, giving rise to numerous political, economic, and social problems within the country.

波共认为，波兰实行资本主义制度之后，逐渐加强了与国际资本的联系与融合，使波兰国内出现了众多政治、经济、社会问题。

First, bourgeois governments cause corruption and institutional bloat. The PCP holds that since the establishment of the capitalist system, government power has increased enormously and institutions have expanded rapidly. In various sectors of Poland, public administrative institutions are generally bloated, with numerous unnecessary funds, agencies, law firms, etc., having been set up, becoming a burden on the public budget. The PCP stresses that the following institutions should be abolished: the Institute of National Remembrance, the office of the chaplain, the Office for Veterans and the Oppressed, and the Privatisation Foundation; similar institutions, such as the Agricultural Property Agency, the Agricultural Market Agency, and the Agency for Restructuring and Modernisation of Agriculture, should be merged. All central and local government bodies should be produced through democratic elections, with provincial and municipal councillors, mayors, village heads, and provincial deputies limited to a maximum of two terms. The Senate should be abolished and a unicameral parliament established. The state should also restrict the emergence of small coalitions and blocs, preventing the development of factions and cliques. The PCP is particularly opposed to the current government led by the far-right party Law and Justice (PiS), [1]1 Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) is a Polish right-wing populist and national-conservative political party founded in 2001, which has been the dominant force in Polish politics since 2015. which it regards as a combination of reactionary nationalism and populist slogans. Under its leadership, numerous economic scandals and cases of corruption have emerged, plunging the country further into capitalist crisis, while the situation of the working class has deteriorated further.

首先，资产阶级政府引发腐败和机构臃肿。波共认为，资本主义制度建立以来，政府权力极大增加，机构急速膨胀。波兰各部门普遍存在公共行政机构臃肿问题，成立了众多不必要的资金会、机构、律师事务所等，成为公共预算的负担。波共强调应该撤销以下机构：国家纪念研究所、牧师职位、退伍军人和被压迫者办公室以及私有化基金会；相近的机构：例如农业财产局、农业市场局和农业结构调整与现代化局应该予以合并。所有中央、地方政府机构都应以民主选举产生，省、市议员、市长、村长、州议员实行最多两个任期的限制。废除参议院，建立一院制议会。国家还应限制小联盟和集团的出现，防止派系、小圈子的发展。波共尤其反对极右政党——法律与公正党（PiS）领导的现任政府，认为它是反动的民族主义与动人口号的结合，在它领导下，出现了众多经济丑闻和腐败事例，进一步陷入了资本主义危机，而工人阶级的处境则进一步恶化。

Second, the Polish Catholic Church has degenerated. The PCP holds that after the establishment of the capitalist system, state support for the Church intensified, and the Church became an appendage of capitalism. The Polish Catholic Church, especially its senior clergy, in order to strengthen its own position and gain the favour of the government, vigorously supports and defends the capitalist system, provides moral justification for capitalism, and uses its religious authority to divert society’s attention from the systemic transformation and the essence of the capitalist system, thereby confusing the broad mass of wage-earners who have long been influenced by the Church. The PCP stresses that Poland is a modern secular state, and should strictly implement the separation of church and state; the state should not fund any church, and religious education in public schools should be withdrawn; all religions and their activities should be respected, and public administrative bodies should show no favouritism towards the Catholic Church; the state should ensure equality for all religious groups; the privileges of clergy should be abolished, and funding for religious groups from provincial and local budgets should be prohibited; religious education should be entirely voluntary and should not receive public funding; no one should be forced to profess a religion, and everyone has the right not to declare their religious or ethnic affiliation. On the relationship between church and state and religious policy, the “Manifesto of the Polish Communist Party” [2]2 The “Manifesto of the Polish Communist Party” refers to the party’s programmatic document adopted at its founding congress in 2002, outlining its political platform and strategic goals. particularly stresses that the government should sign a fairer bilateral agreement with the Vatican; liquidate all privileges of the clergy; treat all religious associations and churches as ordinary associations and social organisations, granting them equal rights with the latter; levy a special tax on all churches, and a special tax on the income of all religious associations and churches.

其次，波兰天主教会已经变质。波共认为，资本主义制度建立后，国家对于教会的支持力度加强了，教会成了资本主义的附庸。波兰天主教会、尤其是高级教职人员，为了加强自身地位及获得政府青睐，极力支持、捍卫资本主义制度，在道德上为资本主义辩护，并利用其宗教权威来分散社会对剧变和资本主义制度本质的关注，使长期以来深受教会影响的广大工薪阶层陷入困惑之中。波共强调，波兰是一个现代世俗国家，应严格实行政教分离，国家不得资助任何教会，撤回公共学校的宗教教育；应尊重所有宗教及其活动，公共行政部门对天主教会不应有任何偏爱，国家应确保所有宗教团体的平等；废除神职人员的特权，禁止从州和地方预算中为宗教团体提供资金；宗教教育应完全是自愿，不应受到公共资助；禁止强迫任何人信奉宗教，人人有权不宣布自己的宗教和民族归属。在政教关系和宗教政策方面，“波兰共产党宣言”特别强调，政府应与梵蒂冈签署更公平的双边协议；清算神职人员的所有特权；将所有宗教协会和教会视为普通的协会和社会组织，并与后者享有平等权利；对所有教堂征收特别税，对所有宗教协会和教堂收入征收特别税。

Third, the situation of Poland’s working people has become more difficult. The PCP points out that after the introduction of the capitalist system, Poland became closely linked with foreign capitalist markets. The collusion between domestic and foreign capital has made the situation of working people more difficult: workers’ wages have fallen, employees’ rights are widely violated, and some employees are arbitrarily dismissed; new technologies in communications and transport are being used to better implement exploitation; the Third World development model, based on granting privileges and dictatorship to big business, has not brought general prosperity to Poland, as politicians promised; Poland’s foreign debt has increased—at the end of 1989, Poland’s foreign debt was approximately 40 billion US dollars, while in 2015 it was 350 billion US dollars; besides workers, peasants are also exploited, having no property income and only the proceeds from selling their labour.

再次，波兰劳动人民处境更为艰难。波共指出，波兰实行资本主义制度后，与国外资本主义市场紧密联系，国内外资本的勾结，使劳动人民处境更为艰难：工人工资降低，雇员权利遭到普遍侵犯，一些员工被随意解雇；通信和运输领域的新技术正在被用来更好地实施剥削，建立在给予大企业特权和专政基础上的第三世界发展模式，并未如政客承诺的那样，给波兰带来普遍繁荣；波兰外债增加，1989年底，波兰外债约为400亿美元，而2015年为3500亿美元；除工人外，农民也受到剥削，他们没有财产收入，惟有出卖劳动所得。

(III) Understanding of the Current Stage of World Capitalist Development

（三）对当前世界资本主义发展阶段的认识

The PCP holds that, after a long period of large-scale monopolisation, contemporary capitalism has moved to a stage of “globalised imperialism,” which opens up and controls the global market, carrying out political and military domination and economic plunder across the globe. Under these circumstances, humanity’s enormous technological achievements in information technology, telecommunications, and other fields do not serve all inhabitants; instead, they are increasingly used for military and economic blackmail, deepening unfair relations of dependency and the exploitation of labour income. Meanwhile, the authorities deliberately avoid the term “capitalism,” replacing it with “free market,” thereby extolling capitalism as a model of democratic system that realises freedom and universal welfare. The essence of the problem is that globalised imperialism intensifies inequality between people and between countries. The purpose of the capitalist system is no longer to meet human needs, but to achieve ever-increasing profits regardless of social costs. To this end, it is necessary to implement capitalist ownership of enterprises, allowing private individuals rather than society to control the most important economic sectors; the bourgeoisie, under the cloak of democracy, organises the production of the entire society, obtaining natural resources, technology, media, and political power.

波共认为，经过长期的大规模垄断，当前资本主义已走向“全球化的帝国主义”阶段，它开拓并掌控全球市场，对全球进行政治、军事统治和经济掠夺。在这种情况下，人类在信息技术、电信和其他领域的巨大技术成就并未为所有居民服务，反而越来越多地被用于军事和经济勒索，加深了不公平的依附关系和对劳动收入的剥削，而当局却有意回避“资本主义”（capitalism）这个词语，而用“自由市场”（free market）来代替，从而将资本主义吹捧为实现自由和普遍福利的一种民主制度模式。而问题的实质是，全球化的帝国主义加剧了人与人之间、国家与国家之间的不平等。资本主义制度的目的不再是满足人类需求，而是不论社会成本如何，都要实现其利润不断增长。为此，必须实行企业的资本主义所有权，由私人而非由社会控制最重要的经济领域，资产阶级在民主外衣之下安排整个社会的生产，获得自然资源、技术、媒体和政治权力。

The PCP holds that, in the “stage of globalised imperialism,” the predatory and brutal nature of capitalism has greatly increased. Although foreign capital played a major role in the privatisation process in Poland and throughout Central and Eastern Europe, large enterprises from Western Europe and the United States took over most Polish enterprises; production was restricted, and large quantities of machinery and equipment were dismantled and taken away. Foreign capital peaked in the first decade of the 21st century. Foreign enterprises obtained numerous privileges and cheap labour in Poland; all positive aspects of work disappeared, work began to take on a servile character, workers lost all appeal and became captives of capital. The bourgeoisie ignores the severity of the poverty problem; thousands of people die every day from hunger and disease, and three-quarters of humanity suffer from poverty and chronic malnutrition. Although, with today’s productive capacity, it is possible to produce enough food and medicine for all the earth’s inhabitants, “globalised imperialism” is clearly not so benevolent. Furthermore, wars caused by imperialist powers cause heavy casualties every year; the use of weapons of mass destruction means that more and more people die from bombs, landmines, and missiles—all results of the capitalist system itself.

波共认为，在“全球化帝国主义阶段”，资本主义的掠夺性和残酷性大大增加了。外资在波兰乃至整个中东欧私有化过程中虽发挥了巨大作用，但西欧和美国的大型企业接管了波兰的大多数企业，企业生产受到限制，大量机器和设备被拆除并被带走。外资在21世纪的前十年达到顶峰，外企在波兰获得了众多特权和廉价劳动力，工作的一切积极因素消失了，开始具有奴役性质，工人失去了所有魅力，成为资本的俘虏。资产阶级忽视贫困问题的严重性，每天有成千上万人死于饥饿和疾病，四分之三的人类遭受贫困和长期营养不良的困扰，尽管以今天的生产能力，有可能为地球上的所有居民生产足够的食物和药品，但“全球化的帝国主义”显然不会这么仁慈。此外，帝国主义大国引起的战争每年造成惨重的伤亡，大规模毁灭性武器的使用，使越来越多的人死于炸弹、地雷和导弹，这些都是资本主义制度本身带来的结果。

(IV) Opposition to Hegemonism and to Joining Imperialist International Organisations

（四）反对霸权主义及反对加入帝国主义性质的国际组织

The PCP supports equal and peaceful cooperation among all countries, the right of all nations to self-determination, opposes the imperialist plot to establish an international dictatorship, and is particularly opposed to the United States’ promotion of hegemonism in the world. Regarding the war launched by the United States against Afghanistan in 2001, the PCP holds that its purpose was to expand US political and military influence in Central Asia. Polish President Lech Kaczyński’s support for the US aggression in order to please the White House authorities is a shameful act. Moreover, the cost of Polish soldiers participating in wars in remote parts of the world is estimated at 300 million zlotys, to be paid in full from the state budget.

波共支持各国平等、和平合作，所有民族拥有自决权，反对帝国主义建立国际专政的图谋，尤其反对美国在世界推行霸权主义。对于2001年美国发起的对阿富汗的战争，波共认为其目的是扩大美国在中亚的政治和军事影响，波兰总统莱赫·卡钦斯基（Lech Kaczyński）为了取悦白宫当局而支持美国侵略，是可耻的行为。而且，波兰士兵在世界偏远地区参加战争的费用估计为3亿兹罗提，将由国家预算全额支付。

At the special meeting of communist and workers’ parties of the Southeast Mediterranean, Red Sea, and Persian Gulf, held in Athens on 19–20 August 2006, Poland, together with the participating communist and workers’ parties, condemned Israel’s attack on Lebanon, condemned the actions of the United States and other imperialist powers in supporting Israel and using the United Nations to legitimise intervention. The meeting stressed the need to strengthen the unity of communist and workers’ parties in order to form a broad united front against imperialism, class exploitation, and oppression. Only in this way can the people’s struggle achieve positive results at the national, regional, and international levels.

2006年8月19日至20日在雅典召开的东南地中海、红海和波斯湾的共产党和工人党特别会议上，波兰同与会的共产党、工人党一道，谴责了以色列对黎巴嫩的攻击，谴责美国和其他帝国主义大国支持以色列的行径和利用联合国使干预合法化的做法。会议强调，有必要加强共产党和工人党的联合，以便形成广泛的统一阵线，反对帝国主义、阶级剥削和压迫，只有这样，人民斗争才能在国家、区域和国际各层面取得积极成果。

The Polish Communist Party opposes the expansion of the European Union and NATO in Europe, and especially opposes Poland’s accession to these two international organizations. The PCP holds that, since the systemic transition [n], a new imperialist offensive has begun, whose aim is to attempt to achieve global domination. To this end, an alliance of imperialist powers has been formed, namely NATO, the EU, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and others, led by the United States, Germany, and Japan, which have become instruments of imperialist expansion and world control. The PCP also actively participated in and expressed solidarity with the 2017 anti-NATO action in Brussels, initiated by the World Peace Council (WPC) and involving organizations and citizens from more than ten countries, including Belgium, Brazil, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Turkey, Ireland, Nepal, the Czech Republic, Serbia, Italy, Iran, Poland, the United States, and Ukraine. The PCP also opposes free-trade systems formed or dominated by capitalist countries, such as the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), arguing that free-trade agreements are also instruments of the bourgeoisie and imperialism for controlling the world.

波共反对欧盟和北约在欧洲的扩张，尤其反对波兰加入这两个国际组织。波共认为，自剧变以来，新的帝国主义攻势已经开始，其目的是试图获得全球支配地位，为此组成了帝国主义大国联盟，即美国、德国、日本等国主导的北约、欧盟、国际货币基金组织、世界银行等，成为帝国主义扩张和控制世界的工具。2017年由世界和平理事会（World Peace Council，WPC）发起的，包括比利时、巴西、希腊、葡萄牙、塞浦路斯、土耳其、爱尔兰、尼泊尔、捷克共和国、塞尔维亚、意大利、伊朗、波兰、美国和乌克兰等10多个国家的组织、民众参与的布鲁塞尔反北约行动中，波共也积极参与并声援这次活动。波共还反对资本主义国家组建或主导的自由贸易体系，例如欧盟—加拿大综合性经济贸易协定(CETA)、跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴协议(TTIP)，北美自由贸易协定（NAFTA）等，认为自由贸易协定也是资产阶级、帝国主义控制世界的工具。

The PCP calls for Poland to withdraw from the EU and NATO, because the EU serves neither the working class of the new member states nor the workers of Western European countries, and instead imposes numerous absurd regulations, standards, and laws on member states. Only by leaving the EU can Poland pursue an independent economic, tariff, and fiscal policy. NATO, meanwhile, is the armed force of Western imperialism and bears responsibility for a series of bloody armed conflicts, brutal aggressions, and violations of human rights and national rights. NATO’s interventions in the wars in the former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, and Syria all used the pretext of defending human rights or preventing terrorism, employing lies and propaganda to achieve its goal of world domination. The PCP accuses the government of violating democratic principles by joining NATO without holding a national referendum, which provoked strong opposition from all sectors. The NATO military operations in which Polish troops have participated in recent years have also imposed economic burdens and moral losses on Poland. Therefore, membership in NATO is shameful and runs counter to the national interest; Poland should withdraw from NATO immediately.

波共呼吁波兰退出欧盟和北约，因为欧盟既不为新成员国的工人阶级提供服务，也不为西欧国家的工人提供服务，反而对成员国施加了众多荒谬的规范、标准和法律，只有离开欧盟，波兰才能实行独立的经济、关税和财政政策。而北约是西方帝国主义的武装力量，对一系列流血的武装冲突、残酷侵略、侵犯人权与民族权利负有责任。北约干预前南斯拉夫、伊拉克、阿富汗、利比亚和叙利亚的战争，均以捍卫人权或防止恐怖主义为借口，利用谎言和宣传来实现其主宰世界的目标。波共指责政府违反民主原则，未举行全民公决就加入北约，激起各界强烈反对。波兰部队近年参加的一些北约军事行动也使波兰面临经济负担和道德损失。因此，成为北约成员资格是可耻的，与国家的利益背道而驰，波兰应立即退出北约。

The PCP also strongly opposes the deployment of a ballistic missile defense system by the United States in Poland. It stresses that the United States is the world’s largest producer of weapons of mass destruction and a threat to world peace, and that fears of missile attacks on Poland by Iran, Syria, and other countries are exaggerated. Moreover, this move will intensify the conflict between Poland and Russia, increasing the possibility that Poland will come under attack in the future because of the missile defense installations.

波共也强烈反对美国在波兰部署弹道防御系统。并强调，美国才是世界上最大的大规模杀伤性武器的生产者，是对世界和平的威胁，而担心伊朗、叙利亚等国家会对波兰发起导弹袭击是言过其实。而且，此举将加剧波兰和俄罗斯的冲突，增加未来波兰因反导设施而受到攻击的可能性。

(5) Understanding of and Attitudes toward Labor Rights under the New Trends in Capitalist Development

（五）对资本主义发展新态势下劳工权利的认识与态度

The PCP holds that, under the current capitalist system, trade unions are increasingly becoming tools for controlling employees rather than forces for improving workers’ working conditions, and that union leaders have become dependent on the new bourgeois power-holding political clique. The struggle for labor rights should be waged through the self-organization of labor itself, not through bourgeois trade unions. The PCP believes that the following labor rights should be prioritized at present: the realization of universal educational rights, that is, the right of all people to free education, with public education directly funded by the state budget and curricula uniformly managed by the state; the right to full and free healthcare, regardless of employment status or place of residence; the commercialization of healthcare must be stopped, and the healthcare financing system based on officially established service prices and benefit caps must be abolished; health services cannot be guided by economic indicators or achieve a balance of revenue and expenditure at the expense of patients’ interests; the provision of medical services and their financing should be the responsibility of the state; the state should take action against intimidation, incitement to violence or hatred, and racist speech; state prohibition or restriction of communist party activities on ideological grounds is unacceptable; opposition to restrictions on workers’ rights to assembly and association; opposition to forced overtime or unreasonable wage reductions; the government should guarantee a minimum wage of 60 percent of the national average wage; social and family allowances should be provided in the state budget; support for progressive tax reform; support for the rights of the “LGBT community”; support for women’s right to free abortion; support for gender equality and women’s liberation, etc.

波共认为，在当前资本主义制度下，工会越来越成为控制雇员的工具，而非改善工人工作条件的力量，工会领导人已依赖于新的资产阶级权贵政治集团。争取劳工权利应该通过劳工自身联合，而非资产阶级的工会组织。波共认为当前应重点争取劳工的以下权利：实现普遍的教育权利，即所有人享有免费教育的权利，公共教育应直接由国家预算资助，由国家统一管理课程；享有充分和免费的医疗保健的权利，无论工作状况和居住地如何；必须停止医疗保健的商业化，废除基于官方确立服务价格和福利限额的医疗筹资制度，卫生服务不能以经济指标为指导，也不能以牺牲患者利益为代价来实现收支平衡，提供医疗服务及其经费筹措应由国家负责；对于恐吓、煽动暴力或仇恨和种族主义言论，国家应有所作为；国家以意识形态为由禁止或限制共产党的活动是不可接受的；反对限制了工人的集会、结社等自由权利，反对违规强迫工人加班或不合理地降低工资；政府应保证最低工资为全国平均工资水平的60％；国家预算中应提供社会和家庭津贴；支持累进税改革；支持“LGBT群体”权利，支持女性自由堕胎权利，支持男女平等与妇女解放等。

To support labor rights, the PCP has carried out work on many fronts. For example, in the face of the sharp increase in unemployment, the deterioration of working conditions for the working class, and the decline in income brought about by the financial crisis since 2008, the PCP strongly supported shortening working hours to ensure full employment. The PCP proposes that, first, it must be ensured that the legal maximum of eight hours of work per day is not exceeded, and that working hours be gradually reduced to 30 hours per week, i.e., six hours per day, without reducing wages. This is in line with historical trends and also means more time for rest and education. The PCP also opposed the 2012 Polish pension law, which raised the retirement age uniformly from 65 for men and 60 for women to 67, and participated in several protest marches. It was precisely because of protests from various quarters that the Polish parliament passed a law in December 2016 lowering the retirement age, returning it from the uniform 67 to 65 for men and 60 for women.

为了支持劳工权利，波共展开了多方面工作。例如，面对2008年来金融危机带来的失业人数剧增，工人阶级工作条件恶化、收入下降的情况，波共强烈支持缩短工作时间以保证充分就业。波共建议，首先要保证不能超过法定的每天工作8小时，并逐步将工作时间缩短到每周30小时，即每天工作6小时，而不降低工资，这符合历史趋势，也意味着有更多时间休息和接受教育。针对2012年5月波兰新的养老法案将男性65岁、女性60岁退休统一延长到67岁的做法，波共也进行了反对，参与了一些游行抗议活动。正是由于遭到了多方面的抗议，波兰议会在2016年12月通过降低退休年龄法案，将统一的67岁退休年龄返回至男性65岁、女性60岁退休。

Every year on May 1, the PCP organizes party members and supporters to participate in marches in Warsaw and other cities. In the May 1, 2017 march, the PCP raised slogans such as “Fight for workers’ rights, oppose the siege of workers,” demanding the defense of labor rights that had been trampled upon in the 27 years since Poland’s systemic transition, giving dignity to workers, eliminating exploitative work, and achieving social justice. On May 1, 2020, as the COVID-19 pandemic raged, the PCP pointed out that the pandemic had exposed all the weaknesses of the capitalist system, while the government bowed to capital and issued empty promises to the working class. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the bourgeoisie’s exploitation of and offensive against the working class intensified; many workers lost their jobs and income, and the majority received no unemployment benefits. Low-income groups, if they obeyed government orders to stay at home, lost their means of livelihood; they had no basic living security or health and safety protection. The PCP called on the working class to take action to fight for their rights.

每年5月1日，波共都会组织党员和支持者参与在华沙及其他城市举行的游行。在2017年5月1日的游行中，波共打出了“争取工人权利，反对围攻工人”等口号，要求捍卫波兰剧变27年来被践踏的劳工权利，给劳动者尊严，消除剥削性工作和实现社会正义。2020年5月1日，在新冠肺炎肆虐之际，波共指出新冠肺炎揭露了资本主义制度的所有弱点，而政府却向资本低头，对工人阶级开空头支票。新冠肺炎疫情期间，资产阶级对工人阶级的剥削和攻势加强了，很多工人失去了工作及收入，大多数人得不到失业补贴。低收入群体如果听从政府命令待在家里，就会失去生活来源，他们没有基本生活保障和健康安全保障。波共呼吁，工人阶级应为争取自己的权利而行动起来。

(6) Conceptions of Rebuilding the Socialist System against the Background of Contemporary Capitalist Development

（六）当代资本主义发展背景下重建社会主义制度的构想

According to the PCP’s party program, its goal is to achieve socialism, enabling every worker to fully enjoy the fruits of their labor and ensuring that humanity’s great technological achievements are used for the overall benefit of humankind. To this end, Poland’s capitalist system must be changed; the proletariat must take charge of political and economic power, rebuild socialism, and lay the foundation for the future construction of communism. To rebuild the socialist system and a classless democratic society, given the strength of capitalist forces at home and abroad, efforts and changes in the economic and social spheres are necessary. Therefore, the PCP supports a planned economy capable of achieving full employment and better management of resources, as well as policies such as the nationalization of enterprises, trade, and natural resources. It particularly emphasizes the following two aspects.

根据波共党纲，其目标是实现社会主义，使每个劳动者充分享有其劳动成果，确保人类的伟大技术成就用于人类整体利益。为此，必须改变波兰的资本主义制度，无产阶级主管政治经济权力，重建社会主义并为未来建设共产主义奠定基础。而要重建社会主义制度和无阶级的民主社会，在国内外资本主义力量强大的情况下，需要从经济和社会领域进行努力和变革。因此，波共支持能够实现充分就业的计划经济和对资源进行更好管理，也支持对企业、贸易和自然资源的国有化等政策,尤其强调以下两个方面。

First, support for nationalisation. In areas such as land, resources and cultural heritage, it opposes the system of private land ownership supported by the bourgeoisie and the church, and supports the realisation of social ownership of land in Poland, the socialisation of the state’s natural resources, cultural and national heritage assets, and the means of production; the takeover by state ownership of industrial plants, mines, means of public and freight transport, and means of communication; the development of modern industry (energy, telecommunications, information technology), and support for the development of renewable energy; the development of public transport, especially urban and railway transport, with nationalisation and consolidation of transport companies; the exercise of comprehensive control over enterprises by enterprise trade unions, and the establishment of a democratic system of workplace management to ensure production efficiency and development; the nationalisation of all standards in the fields of electronic technology and computer science, and the nationalisation of computer operating systems; the nationalisation of natural resources (water, forests, raw materials); the nationalisation of banks, financial and insurance institutions, with state control over the banking system: the prohibition of private trade between producers and retailers; state control over foreign trade, cessation of repayment of foreign debt where interest amounts exceed the loan value, and termination of all loan guarantees to foreign investors; the state takeover of all monuments and perpetual cultural property (palaces, castles, parks, monuments), ensuring their use for public purposes.

首先，支持国有化。在土地、资源、文化遗产等方面，反对资产阶级和教会所支持的土地私有制度，支持实现波兰土地的社会所有，实现国家自然资源、文化和国家遗产资产及生产资料的社会化；由国家所有权接管工业厂房、矿山、公共和货物运输手段、通讯手段；发展现代工业（能源、电信、信息技术），支持可再生能源的发展；发展公共交通，特别是城市和铁路运输，对运输公司进行国有化和合并；由企业工会对企业进行全面控制，建立民主的工作场所管理制度，以保证生产效率和发展；将电子技术和计算机科学领域的所有标准国有化，计算机操作系统实行国有化；自然资源（水、森林、原材料）实行国有化；银行、金融和保险机构实行国有化，国家对银行系统进行控制：禁止生产者和零售商之间进行私人贸易；国家对外贸进行控制，停止偿还利息金额超过贷款价值的外债，终止对外国投资者的所有贷款担保；国家接管所有古迹和永恒的文化财产（宫殿、城堡、公园、古迹），确保其用于公共目的。

Second, the implementation of a planned economic system, guiding industrial development to meet the needs of workers, so as to ensure full employment and optimal use of resources. The introduction of uniform prices for agricultural means of production and services, and the establishment of an effective system for contracting, transporting and storing agricultural products; restrictions on land transactions and state brokerage; the implementation of a housing policy by the state so that citizens can obtain housing; the provision of free education at all levels, and the development of vocational and higher education; ensuring universal access to free state healthcare; the implementation of a full employment policy; the establishment of a single social security system managed by the state; the creation of favourable conditions for writers, support for artists’ and creators’ associations, and the reconstruction of state cultural and artistic institutions.

其次，实行计划经济体制，引导工业发展满足劳动者的需求，以确保充分就业和最佳利用资源。对农业生产资料和服务实行统一价格，并建立有效的农产品承包、运输和储存制度；限制土地交易和国家经纪业务；由国家执行住房政策，使公民能够获得住房；免费提供各级教育，发展职业和高等教育；确保普遍获得免费的国家医疗保健；实行全面就业政策；建立由国家统管的单一的社会保障体系；为作家创造有利条件，支持艺术家和创作者协会，重建国家文化艺术机构。

III. The Scientific Nature and Limitations of the Polish Communist Party’s Understanding of Capitalism

三、波兰共产党对资本主义认识的科学性与局限性

Luke March divides far-left parties into radical left parties and extreme left parties. The former hope to promote comprehensive change in capitalism, realise democracy, strengthen protection for vulnerable and excluded groups, oppose neoliberalism and globalised capitalism, but do not advocate a planned economy, and no longer regard bourgeois parliaments as merely tools for deceiving workers; they are willing to enter parliaments and even participate in coalition governments. The latter are more hostile to liberal democracy, condemn all bourgeois political forces including social democracy, do not accept parliamentary democracy, and emphasise extra-parliamentary struggle against capitalism. Apart from the Communist Party of Greece, the Communist Party of Slovakia, the Portuguese Communist Party, and the Socialist Party of Latvia, which belong to the extreme left parties, the vast majority of non-ruling communist parties, including the Polish Communist Party (PCP), belong to the radical left parties. They have undergone varying degrees of reform and de-radicalisation, identifying with or participating in parliamentary elections; some, while still retaining their original names and identities, have also become relatively moderate. However, based on the PCP’s understanding of capitalism and socialism, it belongs to the more conservative radical left parties.

卢克·马奇（Luke March）将极左翼政党（far left party）划分为激进左翼政党（radical left party）和极端左翼政党（extreme left party）。前者希望推动资本主义发生全面变革，实现民主，加强对弱势群体和被排斥群体的保护，反对新自由主义和全球化资本主义，但并不主张计划经济，不再认为资产阶级议会仅是欺骗工人的工具，它们愿意进入议会甚至参与联合政府。后者对自由民主更加反感，谴责包括社会民主主义在内的所有资产阶级政治力量，不接受议会民主，强调与资本主义进行议会外的斗争。除了希腊共产党、斯洛伐克共产党、葡萄牙共产党、拉脱维亚社会主义党等属于极端左翼政党之外，包括波共在内的绝大多数非执政的共产党属于激进左翼政党，它们进行了不同程度的革新和去极端化，认同或参与了议会选举；有的虽然仍然保持原来名称和身份，但也已相对温和化。不过，根据波共对资本主义和社会主义的一些认识来看，它属于较为保守的激进左翼政党。

Luke March also divides communist parties by ideology into conservative parties and reformist parties. The former adhere to Cold War thinking and the Soviet model of socialism, Marxism-Leninism and democratic centralism, while the latter have not only abandoned Cold War thinking and the Soviet model, but have even abandoned Marxism-Leninism and democratic centralism, and have also accommodated some new agendas of the “New Left” since 1968, such as feminism, environmentalism, and grassroots democracy. Judging from the PCP’s party programme, party constitution and policy tendencies, the PCP generally belongs to the reformist communist parties, but retains certain traces of the “conservative” parties.

卢克·马奇还根据意识形态将共产党划分为保守派政党和革新派政党，前者秉持冷战思维和苏联模式社会主义，马列主义和民主集中制，而后者则不仅放弃了冷战思维和苏联模式，甚至也放弃了马列主义和民主集中制，还容纳了1968年以来“新左派”的一些新议程，例如，女性主义、环境保护主义、草根民主等。从波共的党纲、党章及其政策倾向来看，波共总体上属于革新派共产党，但又保留着一定的“保守派”的痕迹。

The Polish Communist Party’s understanding of the new trends in contemporary capitalist development has obvious scientific and progressive features, while also having obvious limitations. Most of the PCP’s propositions are positive and in line with the direction of historical development. For example, its emphasis on strengthening labour rights, protecting the weak, advocating the separation of church and state, emphasising social justice, streamlining public administration and opposing corruption, opposing hegemonism, advocating gender equality, and supporting universal and free education all have historical progressiveness. Furthermore, its support for the rights of “LGBT groups” and for women’s right to free abortion reflects its strong quality of keeping pace with the times and its humanistic concern. In addition, although it does not identify with, or even opposes, representative democracy, under the current conditions where capitalist representative democracy is strong and widespread, it has temporarily abandoned the demand for violently overthrowing the capitalist system, and instead actively unites with other parties to participate in presidential elections, parliamentary elections and other activities, demonstrating the party’s pragmatic and steadfast character. Compared with the Communist Party of Belarus, the Labour Party of Serbia, the Socialist People’s Front Party of Lithuania, the Socialist Party of Latvia, and the Communist Party of Bulgaria, it is relatively more moderate and pragmatic.

波兰共产党对当代资本主义发展新态势的认识具有明显的科学性、进步性，同时又具有明显的局限性。波共大多数主张是积极并符合历史发展方向的，例如，强调加强劳工权利、保护弱者、主张政教分离、强调社会公平、精简公共行政机构和反对腐败、反对霸权主义、主张男女平等，支持普遍而免费教育等，都具有历史进步性。而它支持“LGBT群体”权利，支持女性自由堕胎权利则体现了它强烈的与时俱进的品质和人文主义关怀。另外，它虽然不认同、甚至反对代议制，但在当前资本主义代议制强大而普遍的条件下，它暂时放弃了暴力推翻资本主义制度的诉求，而是积极联合其他党派参与总统选举、议会选举等活动，则展示了该党务实笃行的品格。比起白俄罗斯共产党、塞尔维亚劳动党、立陶宛社会主义人民阵线党、拉脱维亚社会主义党、保加利亚共产党人党来说，相对要温和、务实一些。

However, the PCP’s understanding of capitalism and the Polish capitalist system also has obvious limitations. For example, it unconditionally opposes various types of free trade unions, opposes globalisation, opposes the Catholic Church, opposes the market economy, and emphasises the implementation of strict nationalisation and a planned economy. To some extent, this undifferentiated opposition to economic and political organisations associated with so-called “imperialism,” especially its opposition to joining the European Union and its opposition to the Polish Catholic Church, will undoubtedly put it at odds with the direction of the times and the aspirations of the younger generation in Poland, thereby affecting its own influence and development potential. According to a survey of the 27 EU member states by the “Eurobarometer” in early 2018, in 20 member states, a majority of the public expressed a willingness to be “close” to the EU. The top-ranked were: Luxembourg (79%), Poland (71%), Latvia (71%), and Germany (69%). In Poland, this was an increase of 5 percentage points compared to 2017, and people under 40 expressed a higher desire to be “close” to the EU than those over 40 (73.5% to 70%). The PCP’s anti-EU stance clearly does not conform to Poland’s national interests, and even less to the aspirations of Poles—especially young people. In terms of religion, Poland is a historically Catholic country, with over 90% of the population professing the Catholic faith, and together with Ireland and Italy, it is known as one of the “three bastions” of Catholicism in Europe. The PCP’s simplistic assertion that the Catholic Church has degenerated into an appendage of the bourgeois government is difficult for the majority of Catholic Poles to accept.

不过，波共对于资本主义、波兰资本主义制度的认识也存在着明显的局限性，例如，它无条件地反对各类自由贸易联盟、反对全球化、反对天主教会、反对市场经济，强调实行严格的国有化的计划经济。在某种程度上，这种无区别地反对与所谓“帝国主义”有关的经济、政治组织，尤其是反对加入欧盟和反对波兰天主教会，无疑会使它与时代发展方向和波兰新生代的愿望背道而驰，从而影响到了它自身的影响力和发展潜力。根据2018年初的“欧洲晴雨表”的一个对欧盟27个成员国调查结果显示，在20个成员国中，多数民众对表示愿意“亲近”欧盟，其中排在前几位的是：卢森堡（79%）、波兰（71%）、拉脱维亚（71%）、德国（69%），在波兰，比2017年还增加了5个点，而且40岁以下民众表现出比40岁以上民众更高“亲近”欧盟的愿望（73.5%-70%）。波共的反欧盟立场，显然不符合波兰的国家利益，更与波兰人——尤其是年轻人的愿望背道而驰。在宗教方面，波兰是一个历史悠久的天主教国家，信仰天主教的人口比例达到90%以上，与爱尔兰、意大利并称为欧洲天主教的“三大堡垒”。波共简单地认定天主教会已经异化为资产阶级政府的附庸，难以为大多数信仰天主教的波兰民众所接受。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

After nearly 20 years of development, the scale of the PCP’s membership has grown rather limited. Like some other European far-left parties, the PCP still needs time to truly achieve its revival; moving from the margins to the centre is a long and arduous task. However, the PCP’s organisation, rules and regulations, and ideology have gradually matured. Since the 2008 financial crisis, and especially after the COVID-19 pandemic, the development of capitalism has to some extent validated the views and understanding of the Polish Communist Party; at the same time, the current international situation is also favourable to the PCP’s development. Although the right-wing government led by Law and Justice has been vigorously suppressing the Polish Communist Party in recent years, and the PCP will face certain pressures in the short term, in the long run, it still possesses considerable vitality.

经过近20年的发展，波共党员规模发展较为有限。和其他一些欧洲极左翼政党一样，波共要真正实现复兴，尚需时日；从边缘走向中心，更是任重而道远。不过，波共的组织、规章制度、意识形态已逐渐发展成熟。自从2008年金融危机之后，尤其是新冠肺炎疫情出现之后，资本主义的发展在某种程度上契合了波兰共产党的观点和认识；同时，当前的国际形势也有利于波共的发展。虽然以法律与公正党领导的右翼政府在近些年极力打压波兰共产党，在短期内，波共将面临一定压力，但从长期来看，它仍然具有较强的生命力。

First, the basic contradiction of capitalism has not disappeared. Capitalism cannot resolve the fundamental contradiction between socialized large-scale production and the private ownership of the means of production. Globalized capitalism has widened the gap between rich and poor countries and, within the same country, the gap between rich and poor among different social strata. Some large capitalist countries have already developed to the stage of imperialism, externally pursuing hegemonism and power politics, which will inevitably deepen the general crisis of capitalism. Generally speaking, far-left parties perform better when the economic situation is declining, when there are fewer competing parties, and when left and right wings converge. Although there is currently no obvious tendency toward left-right convergence in Poland, there is no competing party in Poland with an ideology similar to that of the Polish Communist Party. Moreover, the overall economic situation of the European Union is severe, and Poland is deeply affected by it. Added to this are the increasingly right-wing populist and nationalist tendencies of the ruling Law and Justice Party, as well as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The exploitation of the working class by the bourgeoisie has intensified; unemployment has led to a decline in labor costs and conditions; the status of the working class has consequently fallen and its situation has deteriorated. The Polish Communist Party’s ideology is more aligned with the actual conditions of the working class, and working-class support for the Polish Communist Party will likely increase.

首先，资本主义基本矛盾仍未消失。资本主义无法解决社会化大生产和生产资料私人占有这个基本矛盾，全球化的资本主义导致国家之间贫富差距拉大、同一国家不同阶层贫富差距的拉大；一些资本主义大国已经发展到帝国主义阶段，对外实行霸权主义和强权政治，这必将深化资本主义总危机。一般来说，极左翼政党在经济状况下滑，存在较少的竞争性政党，以及在左右翼融合的情况下，发展的较好一些。尽管当前波兰左右翼没有出现明显的融合倾向，但波兰不存在着和波共意识形态相近的竞争性政党；而且欧盟整体经济形势严峻，波兰也深受影响；加上执政党法律与公正党表现出越来越强的右翼民粹主义和民族主义倾向，以及新冠肺炎疫情带来的冲击，资产阶级对工人阶级的剥削有所加强，工人失业导致用工成本、条件下降，工人阶级地位随之下降，处境恶化，波共的意识形态更加契合工人阶级的现实状况，工人阶级对波共的支持将会大概率增加。

Second, the class base of the communist party still exists. According to the “freezing hypothesis” of American political scientists Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, European parties were all formed on the basis of four cleavages, i.e., “frozen” on four major cleavages: center–periphery (region), land–industry (rural–urban), state–church, and employers–workers. Every party must take one of these camps as its foothold and popular base. Although the “freezing hypothesis” was proposed in the 1960s and examined European parties of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, it has still shown considerable explanatory power in the decades that followed. Furthermore, research by Ian McAllister and Stephen White further reveals that in Central and Eastern European countries, the cleavages that most influence parties are “state–religion” and “employers–workers.” As a representative of the “working class,” the Polish Communist Party is situated within the most influential cleavage, “employers–workers.” It defends workers’ interests and possesses a strong social base or popular base. Coupled with the huge class of wage laborers that emerged after the introduction of the market economy, the activities initiated by the communist party are attracting increasing attention.

其次，共产党的阶级基础仍然存在。根据美国政治学家李普塞特（Seymour Martin Lipset）和罗坎（Stein Rokkan）的政党“冻结假设”（freezing hypothesis），欧洲政党均是按照四个分野为基础组建的，即“冻结”于四大分野之上：中央—边缘（地区），土地—工业（农村—城市），国家—教会，雇主—工人，每个政党都必须以某一阵营为其立足点和民众基础。虽然“冻结论”提出于上世纪60年代，考察的是19世纪末、20世纪初的欧洲政党，但是该论断在之后的数十年中仍显示出相当的解释力。而伊安·麦卡利斯特（Ian McAllister）和史蒂芬·怀特（Stephen White）的研究进一步揭示，在中东欧国家，对政党影响最大的是“国家—宗教”“雇主—工人”的分野。作为“工人阶级”代表的波共，正处于“雇主—工人”这个影响最大的分野之中，它维护工人利益，具有强大的社会基础或民众基础，加上实行市场经济之后出现的庞大的雇佣劳动阶层，共产党发起的活动正在受到越来越多的关注。

Finally, communist parties in Europe and even the world are showing a trend toward joint self-strengthening. Since the beginning of the new century, international unity among communist parties has accelerated. Various platforms for cooperation and exchange have emerged, such as the World Peace Council, the European Communist Initiative, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, the Meeting of European Communist Parties, and the Party of the European Left. For example, after the Communist Youth League of the Czech Republic (KSM) was banned by the authorities on October 12, 2006, the Polish Communist Party participated in European opposition to the Czech government and in support of the Communist Youth League, calling on people of all countries to take action and denounce the anti-democratic activities of the Czech authorities in their respective national media. On March 3, 2020, the Polish Communist Party and the Portuguese Communist Party jointly protested in front of the Polish Embassy in Lisbon against the Polish government’s renewed prosecution of the magazine *Świt* [5]5 *Świt* (Dawn) is a Polish left-wing magazine that has faced repeated legal prosecution by the Polish authorities. and the amendment of Article 25 of the Polish Penal Code on June 13, 2019. The trend toward joint self-strengthening among communist parties provides a stage for the Polish Communist Party to strengthen international unity and participate in European and even international communist practice.

最后，欧洲乃至世界共产党呈现联合自强趋势。新世纪以来，共产党之间的国际联合呈现加速之势，出现了世界和平理事会会议、欧洲共产党倡议、共产党工人党国际会议、欧洲共产党会议、欧洲左翼党会议等各种合作与交流平台。例如，在2006年10月12日捷克的共产主义青年联盟（KSM）被当局禁止后，波共参与了欧洲反对捷克政府，声援共产主义青年联盟的活动，号召各国人民行动起来，在各自国家的媒体上声讨捷克当局的反民主活动。2020年3月3日，波兰共产党和葡萄牙共产党在里斯本的波兰驻葡萄牙大使馆前，联合抗议波兰政府对《黎明》杂志的再次起诉及2019年6月13日波兰修改刑法第25条。共产党联合自强的趋势为波共加强国际联合，参与欧洲乃至国际共产主义实践提供了舞台。

(The author is a professor at the School of Government, Shanghai University of Political Science and Law)

（作者系上海政法学院政府管理学院教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心