The Manifestations, Essence, and Harm of Historical Nihilism in the Soviet Union under Gorbachev

Historical nihilism has different connotations in different contexts. In socialist countries, or as understood by Communists, historical nihilism refers specifically to a socio-political and historical trend of thought that, by denigrating the outstanding leaders, revolutionary martyrs, and heroic models of the Communist Party, and by distorting and vilifying the glorious history created by the Communist Party leading the people, seeks to undermine the socialist ideology, shake the ruling status of the Communist Party, negate the fundamental system of socialism, and thereby achieve the goal of subverting the socialist regime and restoring the capitalist system. The country where this trend first ran rampant and caused severe consequences was the Soviet Union. Chinese academic circles have long focused on the overall study of the causes and lessons of the Soviet Union's disintegration, concentrating on analyzing the problems of the CPSU and the Soviet Union in ideology, politics, economy, ethnicity, and foreign affairs. Today, 30 years after the Soviet Union's collapse and the CPSU's demise, examining the degeneration of the CPSU and the Soviet Union in ideological, political, and foreign policy spheres from the perspective of historical nihilism, especially the manifestations, essence, and harm of historical nihilism during the Gorbachev period, is of great significance for the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people who are striving to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

历史虚无主义在不同语境下有不同内涵。社会主义国家或者说共产党人所讲的历史虚无主义，专指这样一种社会政治历史思潮，它通过贬损共产党的卓越领袖、革命先烈、英雄模范，通过歪曲丑化共产党领导人民创造的辉煌历史，瓦解社会主义意识形态，动摇共产党的执政地位，否定社会主义根本制度，达到演变社会主义政权、复辟资本主义制度的目的。这一思潮最先泛滥并造成严重后果的国家是苏联。我国学术界长期关注苏联解体原因教训的整体性研究，集中于分析苏共和苏联在思想、政治、经济、民族、外交等方面的问题。在苏联亡党亡国30年的今天，从历史虚无主义的视角，探讨苏共和苏联在思想政治外交等领域的蜕变，特别是戈尔巴乔夫时期历史虚无主义的表现、实质及其危害，对于正在致力于实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国共产党和中国人民具有重大意义。

I. Unrestricted "Glasnost" Opened the Floodgates of the Wave of Nihilizing Soviet History

一、无限制的“公开性”打开了虚无苏联历史浪潮的闸门

The term "glasnost" was first used by Lenin. Lenin's original intention in advocating "glasnost" was, through appropriate openness in Party and state affairs, and through truthful reporting on economic and social development, to help the public promptly understand the state of the Party and the country's development, understand the actual conditions of economic and social progress, enable the "natural selection role" of universal supervision by the masses and the media, broaden the channels for the Party to connect with the masses, and guarantee the people's right to be masters of their own affairs. By the time of Gorbachev, however, "glasnost" had become an unrestricted exposure of the so-called dark sides of Soviet history and the negative phenomena of Soviet society, filling in so-called "blank spots in history" to "ensure people fully understand their own history." The ideological floodgates of the Soviet Union were thus opened, and the country and society began to totter in the storm, while the masses headed toward the abyss of disaster.

“公开性”一词是列宁最先使用的。列宁倡导“公开性”的本意，是通过党内事务、国家事务的适当公开，通过实事求是报道经济社会发展情况等途径，帮助民众及时了解党和国家发展状况，了解经济社会发展实际，发挥群众和媒体普遍监督的“自然选择作用”，拓宽党联系群众的渠道，保障人民当家作主的权利。而到了戈尔巴乔夫那里，“公开性”变成毫无限制地揭露所谓苏联历史的阴暗面和苏联社会的消极现象，填补所谓“历史空白点”，“以确保人们充分了解自己的历史”。苏联的意识形态闸门就此被打开，国家和社会从此在风雨中飘摇，人民群众开始走向灾难的深渊。

If Gorbachev's initial advocacy of "glasnost" as an important means to promote the "democratization" of society had a certain degree of rationality, then by the January 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, its direction and connotation began to undergo substantive changes. This meeting called for the implementation of "maximum glasnost," demanding that "there should be no forbidden zones in Soviet society that are immune to criticism." In his closing speech at the plenum, Gorbachev proposed "letting the people know everything." One month later, when meeting with leaders of the press and propaganda circles, he claimed that in Soviet history "there should be no forgotten figures or blank spots." In July of the same year, he further emphasized, "Let our discourse be more diversified, let the whole society participate, and let socialist pluralism fill every publication." In November 1987, in his book *Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World*, he proposed "letting glasnost shine brightly," arguing that the media "is the most representative and mass forum of glasnost," that "any event, whether today's pain or the tragic events of the past, can become the object of newspaper analysis," and that "those who advocate for the open nature of the activities of Party, state, economic organs, and social organizations should be given free rein."

如果说戈尔巴乔夫一开始倡导“公开性”，把它作为促进社会“民主化”的重要途径有其一定合理性的话，那么到了1987年苏共中央一月全会，其指向和内涵开始发生实质性的变化。此次会议号召实行“最大限度的公开性”，要求“苏联社会不应有不受批评的禁区”。戈尔巴乔夫在会议闭幕词中提出要“让人民知道一切”。一个月后，他在会见舆论和宣传界领导人时，声称在苏联历史中“不应该有被遗忘的人物和空白点”。同年7月，他又强调“让我们的言论多样化一些吧，让全社会都参加，让社会主义的多元论充满每一种出版物”。1987年11月，他在《改革与新思维》一书中提出“让公开性大放光明”，认为舆论工具“是公开性的最有代表性的和群众性的论坛”，“任何事件，不论是今天的痛处或是过去历史上的悲惨事件，都可以成为报纸分析的对象”，“让那些主张党、国家和经济机关及社会团体的活动要具有公开性质的人放手去干”。

On January 8, 1988, Gorbachev, when meeting with leaders of the media, ideological organs, and creative unions, openly declared that "democratization and glasnost are not merely means of reform; they are also the essence of realizing our socialist system," and that "we advocate glasnost without reservations, without restrictions." At the February 1988 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he further proposed "correcting the main course of our practical actions, which has been regarded as a norm by Communists for over a century," and making "an objective and appropriate assessment" of the path the Soviet Union had traversed over 70 years. In his report to the 19th All-Union Conference of the CPSU in June of the same year, he again stressed that "reform has placed glasnost at the forefront of life" and that "without glasnost, there is no renewal." The conference also adopted a resolution "On Glasnost," drafted under the direction of Yakovlev, stating that further developing "glasnost" was a major political task. Thereafter, the frenzy of slandering the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union surged wave after wave.

1988年1月8日，戈尔巴乔夫在会见舆论工具、意识形态机关和创作协会的领导人时，公然声称“民主化和公开性不仅仅是改革的手段，这也是实现我们社会主义制度的实质”，“我们主张毫无保留、毫无限制的公开性”。在同年苏共中央二月全会上，他又提出“要校正一个多世纪以来被共产党人视为准则的我们实际行动的主航道”，对70年来苏联走过的道路“作出客观的和恰当的评论”。在同年6月召开的苏共第十九次全国代表会议报告中，他再次强调“改革把公开性提到了生活的首位”，“没有公开性就没有革新”。会议还通过雅科夫列夫主持起草的《关于公开性》决议，指出进一步发展“公开性”是一项重大政治任务。此后，诋毁苏共和苏联历史的狂潮便一浪高过一浪。

Anti-communist and anti-socialist forces took advantage of "glasnost" to promote freedom of the press, media independence, and the legalization of private newspaper publishing. On June 12, 1990, Gorbachev, in his capacity as President of the Soviet Union, approved the Law on the Press and Other Mass Media passed by the Congress of People's Deputies, which was to take effect on August 1 of that year. Article 1 of the law explicitly declared "freedom of the press" and that "the press is not subject to censorship," granting citizens the right "to express opinions and views, and to seek, select, obtain, and disseminate information in any form, including through the press and other mass media." It emphasized that no political party or organization "is permitted to monopolize any mass medium" and stipulated that state organs, political parties, social organizations, religious groups, and citizens over the age of 18 "all have the right to establish mass media." On July 15, 1990, Gorbachev issued a presidential decree on the democratization of television and radio, stipulating that the Soviet state television and radio broadcasting system should be "independent of political and social organizations" and that no political party should be allowed to monopolize it.

反共反社会主义势力趁机利用“公开性”，推动新闻自由、媒体独立和私人办报合法化。1990年6月12日，戈尔巴乔夫以苏联总统名义批准了苏联人代会通过的《新闻出版法》，决定从当年8月1日起正式生效。该法第一条明确宣布“新闻自由”，“舆论不受检查”，公民有“以任何形式”包括“通过报刊和其他舆论工具发表意见和见解，寻找、选择、获得和传播信息的权利”，强调任何政党或组织“不允许垄断任何一种舆论工具”，规定国家机关、政党、社会组织、宗教团体以及年满18岁公民“都有权利创办舆论工具”。1990年7月15日，戈尔巴乔夫又发布关于电视和广播民主化的总统令，规定苏联国家电视和广播事业“独立于政治和社会组织”，不允许任何政党对其进行垄断。

Four months after the promulgation of the Law on the Press, 700 newspapers and periodicals (including 13 from political parties) were registered in the Soviet Union. Opposition newspapers and various "informal" publications gained legal status, while newspapers affiliated with the CPSU successively broke away from their original founding institutions. The weekly *Arguments and Facts* severed ties with its founder, the All-Union Knowledge Society; *Moscow News* also announced its separation from the Novosti Press Agency; and newspapers such as *Trud* and *Literaturnaya Gazeta* removed the words "organ newspaper" from their mastheads. By the time of the Soviet Union's dissolution, among the registered newspapers and periodicals, those controlled by the CPSU accounted for only 1.5%. The CPSU had completely lost its media阵地 and discourse power.

在《新闻出版法》颁布4个月后，苏联境内有700家报刊（包括13家政党报刊）进行了登记。反对派报刊和各种“非正式”出版物获得合法身份，而隶属苏共的报刊纷纷脱离原创办机构而独立。《论据与事实》周刊与创办者——全苏知识协会脱钩，《莫斯科新闻》也宣布同苏联新闻社脱离关系，《劳动报》《文学报》等报纸则删去报头上的“机关报”字样。到苏联解体前，在办了登记手续的报刊中，苏共掌握的报刊仅占1.5%，苏共彻底失去舆论阵地和话语权。

Because "glasnost" encouraged people to expose historical "blank spots," it stirred up historical grievances and unresolved issues among some ethnic groups, triggering a wave of Soviet ethnic separatism. Since 1939, it had been generally believed that the three Baltic states joined the Soviet Union voluntarily. However, under the instigation of extreme nationalist forces and Western countries, this historical fact was twisted into the claim that the three states were "forced to join the Soviet Union," which became a pretext for separatist forces seeking national independence. Thereafter, ethnic separatist activities in the three Baltic states flared up repeatedly until they completely seceded from the Soviet Union and became independent. Fanned by "glasnost" and extreme ethnic ideologies, the spirit of mutual respect, trust, and solidarity among the various ethnic groups vanished, replaced by mutual suspicion, discrimination, and incessant ethnic disputes and conflicts. According to incomplete statistics, in 1988 alone, there were over 2,600 demonstrations, marches, riots, and conflict incidents in more than 170 cities and regions across the Soviet Union, involving over 16 million participants, with 60% of the riots related to ethnic issues.

由于“公开性”鼓励人们揭露历史“空白点”，勾起了一些民族的历史旧怨与遗留问题，引发了苏联民族分离主义的浪潮。1939年以来，人们一般认为波罗的海三国是自愿加入苏联的，而在极端民族势力和西方国家的挑唆下，这一历史事实变成三国是“被迫加入苏联的”，这成为分裂势力谋求国家独立的借口。此后，波罗的海三国民族分裂活动此起彼伏，直至完全脱离苏联独立。在“公开性”、极端民族思潮的煽动下，各民族彼此敬重、相互信任、团结互助的精神荡然无存，取而代之的则是相互猜忌、歧视，民族纠纷和冲突不断。据不完全统计，仅1988年在全苏170多个城市和地区发生的示威、游行、骚乱和冲突事件达2600多次，参加人数达1600多万，其中60％的骚乱与民族问题有关。

If the Soviet Union had previously performed poorly in terms of glasnost, with some shortcomings of insufficient openness that harmed the interests of the Soviet people, then the task of expanding glasnost to overcome these shortcomings was necessary and correct. However, the problem is that, from ancient times to the present, no political party or country has ever implemented "glasnost without reservations, without restrictions." The degree of openness of the internal affairs of any political party or country depends on the needs of economic and social development and the will of the people. Although Lenin advocated "glasnost," he never advocated making everything public, implementing an all-encompassing, unrestricted "glasnost." On the contrary, Lenin always emphasized adhering to the principles of discipline and confidentiality in the management of Party and state affairs, arguing that what must be kept secret should be kept secret according to actual circumstances, and what is not suitable for disclosure should be temporarily withheld. For the Soviet Union, which was still surrounded by capitalism and constantly faced with the threat of the West, implementing unrestricted, unlimited "glasnost" was completely wrong and extremely dangerous.

如果说苏联过去在公开性方面做得不好，存在一些不够公开的弊病，损害了苏联人民的利益，那么为克服这些弊病，提出扩大公开性的任务是必要的、正确的。但问题在于，从古至今，没有哪一个政党、哪一个国家搞过“毫无保留、毫无限制的公开性”。任何一个政党或国家的内部事务，其公开程度取决于经济社会发展的需要以及民众的意愿。列宁虽然倡导过“公开性”，但他从来不主张公开一切，搞毫无例外、毫无保留的“公开性”。相反，列宁始终强调坚持党和国家事务管理的纪律性、保密性原则，主张根据实际情况该保密的必须保密，不宜公开的暂不公开。对于当时仍处于资本主义包围、时刻面临西方威胁的苏联来说，搞毫无保留、没有限度的“公开性”是完全错误的，也是极度危险的。

From the facts, Gorbachev’s “glasnost” was always a “one-way street,” permitting only anti-communist and anti-socialist views, ideas, and public opinion to be openly expressed, while not allowing those who adhered to Marxist positions and principles to refute or resist them. On March 13, 1988, *Soviet Russia* published a long letter from Nina Andreeva, a female teacher at the Leningrad Polytechnic Institute and a member of the CPSU, titled “I Cannot Forsake My Principles.” The letter criticized many practices and erroneous trends of the reforms at the time, such as “using glasnost to disseminate non-socialist pluralism,” sparking a broad discussion among the people on issues such as reform and history. Gorbachev treated it as a grave threat; after returning to the country, he convened two consecutive days of Politburo meetings specifically to discuss Andreeva’s article, producing a meeting record of 75 pages. Gorbachev explicitly characterized the article as an “action program against reform” and even threatened to uncover the “behind-the-scenes masterminds.” On April 5 of the same year, *Pravda* published a lengthy article on behalf of the editorial board, written by Yakovlev and revised by Gorbachev, occupying an entire page, which severely criticized Andreeva’s views. Various newspapers and periodicals subsequently expressed support for the *Pravda* article. *Soviet Russia* was later forced to publicly admit its error.

从事实来看，戈尔巴乔夫的“公开性”从来都是“单行道”，只允许反共反社会主义的观点、思想、舆论公开鸣放，而不许坚持马克思主义立场、原则的人进行反驳和抵制。1988年3月13日，《苏维埃俄罗斯报》刊登了列宁格勒工学院女教师、苏共党员尼娜·安德烈耶娃的长篇来信——《我不能放弃原则》。信中批评了当时改革的许多做法和错误思潮，如“利用公开性散布非社会主义的多元论”等，引发了人们对改革与历史等问题的大讨论。戈尔巴乔夫如临大敌，回国后接连两天召集政治局开会，专门讨论安德烈耶娃的文章，形成的会议记录长达75页。戈尔巴乔夫明确把文章定性为“反对改革的行动纲领”，还扬言揪出“幕后黑手”。同年4月5日，《真理报》以编辑部名义用整版篇幅发表由雅科夫列夫执笔并经戈尔巴乔夫修改的长文，严厉批判安德烈耶娃的观点。各种报刊随后表态支持《真理报》的文章。《苏维埃俄罗斯报》后来被迫公开承认错误。

The Andreeva incident was a brilliant satire of Gorbachev’s “double standard” regarding “glasnost” and also marked the point at which the stance of major Soviet newspapers began to tilt toward Gorbachev’s side. Russian scholars Lisichkin and Serepin profoundly analyzed this incident: “The crux of the matter does not lie with Nina Andreeva. She was merely a pretext chosen by the Gorbachev group to carry out an ideological rebellion. Thereafter, anyone who supported socialism and opposed the wholesale negation of Soviet history became an ‘enemy of reform’ and a representative of ‘conservative forces.’ For example, when Ye. K. Ligachev occasionally expressed dissent from Gorbachev at Politburo meetings, all sorts of rumors, insinuations, and street gossip in the press would rain down upon him. This made it clear to everyone that as long as he dared to oppose Gorbachev’s line, he would suffer a double blow from above (the CPSU Central Committee) and below (the mass media).”

安德烈耶娃事件是对戈尔巴乔夫对“公开性”奉行“双重标准”的绝妙讽刺，也标志着苏联主要报刊立场开始倒向戈尔巴乔夫一边。俄罗斯学者利西奇金和谢列平就此事件深刻分析道：“事情的关键并不在于尼娜·安德烈耶娃。她不过是戈尔巴乔夫集团为实现意识形态叛乱而选中的一个借口而已。此后，凡是拥护社会主义、反对全面否定苏维埃历史的人，都成了‘改革的敌人’，都是‘保守势力’的代表。例如，当叶·库·利加乔夫在政治局会议上有时对戈尔巴乔夫表示异议时，各种流言蜚语、含沙射影的暗示以及报刊上的马路消息便纷纷落到他头上了。这一来谁都清楚，只要他敢于反对戈尔巴乔夫路线，便将遭到来自上面（苏共中央）和下面（大众传媒）的双重打击。”

II. The Adverse Current of Historical Nihilism Flooded the Soviet Literary, Media, and Historical Circles

二、历史虚无主义逆流充斥苏联文学界、舆论界与史学界

Shortly after the implementation of “glasnost,” a trend of negating history surged within the Soviet Union. It initially manifested in literary and artistic works, then spread to the media and historical circles. By early 1987, a so-called “re-evaluation of history” movement had emerged, reaching its climax in 1988. Those who negated history, taking up the tone of Khrushchev’s “secret speech,” [6]6 Khrushchev’s “secret speech” refers to his report “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences” delivered to a closed session of the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956, which initiated de-Stalinization. began by criticizing Stalin’s “crimes” and “Stalinism,” then extended this to negate the October Revolution and Leninism, negate Marxism, negate the CPSU and the Soviet socialist system, and negate the Soviet army and Soviet heroes.

“公开性”推行后不久，苏联境内便掀起一股虚无历史的潮流，起初表现为文艺作品，随后蔓延至舆论界、史学界，到1987年初出现所谓“重评历史”运动，1988年达到高潮。否定历史的人，接过赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”的论调，从批判斯大林的“罪行”和“斯大林主义”入手，进而引申开去，否定十月革命与列宁主义，否定马克思主义，否定苏联共产党和苏联社会主义制度，否定苏联军队和苏联英雄。

“Glasnost” first meant the lifting of bans on past literary and artistic works. With Gorbachev’s support, works concerning Soviet history, especially the Stalin period, were gradually published or released. At the end of 1986, Alexander Bek’s novel *The New Appointment*, reflecting the fortunes of senior industrial managers during the Stalin era, was unbanned and published. The Georgian film *Repentance*, directed by Tengiz Abuladze, was approved for public screening after Gorbachev’s consent. The film, made under the patronage of Georgian First Secretary Shevardnadze, allegorically alluded to the “dictatorship” of the Stalin period and caused a sensation when it premiered in Moscow in early 1987. Thereafter, literary and artistic works that had been shelved by the censorship authorities were successively unbanned and released. Yakovlev once called the release of *Repentance* the “beginning of the ideological collapse” of the Soviet Union.

“公开性”首先意味着解禁过去的文艺作品。在戈尔巴乔夫支持下，有关苏联历史特别是斯大林时期的文艺作品陆续得到出版或公映。1986年底，亚历山大·贝克反映斯大林时期高级工业管理人员官运的小说《新的使命》解禁出版。由钦吉兹·阿布拉泽导演的格鲁吉亚影片《忏悔》经戈尔巴乔夫同意后获准公开放映。影片是在格鲁吉亚第一书记谢瓦尔德纳泽庇护下拍摄的，以寓言的方式影射斯大林时期的“专制制度”，1987年初在莫斯科公映引起轰动。此后，那些被出版检查部门打入冷宫的文艺作品，纷纷解禁出笼。雅科夫列夫曾称《忏悔》的公映是苏联“意识形态崩溃的开始”。

After the January 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, [7]7 The January 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee focused on democratization and reform, intensifying the policy of glasnost. not only were long-banned films approved for public screening, but newspapers and periodicals were also allowed to publish works sharply critical of reality, and even to reprint works by “dissidents” and authors living abroad. The journal *Friendship of Peoples*, starting from its fourth issue in 1987, serialized Anatoly Rybakov’s novel *Children of the Arbat*, which insinuated that Kirov’s assassination was orchestrated by Stalin. [8]8 Sergei Kirov was a prominent Bolshevik and ally of Stalin whose assassination in 1934 was used by Stalin to launch the Great Purge. The novel caused a great sensation upon publication; the West called it “a literary bomb in Moscow,” while Gorbachev affirmed that “the events surrounding Rybakov’s novel help to eliminate various scruples about exposing the consequences of totalitarianism.”

1987年苏共中央一月全会后，不仅长期被束之高阁的禁播影片获准公开放映，报刊也可以公开发表尖锐批判现实的作品，甚至可以再版“持不同政见者”和旅外作者的作品。《各民族友谊》杂志从1987年第4期，连续刊载雷巴科夫的小说《阿尔巴特街的儿女们》，影射基洛夫遇刺是斯大林一手策划的。小说出版后引起极大轰动，西方称其为“莫斯科的一颗文学炸弹”，戈尔巴乔夫则肯定其“围绕雷巴科夫这部小说所发生的事件，有助于消除对揭露极权主义后果的种种顾虑”。

Also influential at the time was the long poem *By Right of Memory* by the poet Alexander Tvardovsky, written in 1969. The poem depicted the author’s father being exiled as a kulak in 1931. After being published in the two major literary journals *Novy Mir* and *Znamya*, it caused a sensation, with a print run of 680,000 copies. The poem *Requiem* by the poet Anna Akhmatova, written in memory of her son who was arrested in 1937, was also unbanned and published in 1987. In addition, previously banned novels by Mozhaev, Dudintsev, Granin, and others also appeared in early 1987. These works, aiming to break through historical “forbidden zones” and focusing on alluding to or exposing problems of the Stalin period, served as “trial stones” for the literary works unbanned under “glasnost.”

当时影响较大的还有诗人特瓦尔多夫斯基写于1969年的长诗《回忆的权利》，该诗描写作者父亲1931年作为富农被流放的遭遇，在《新世界》和《旗帜》两大主要文学刊物发表后引起轰动，印数达68万份。女诗人安娜·阿赫玛托娃为纪念1937年被捕的儿子而创作的《安魂曲》，也在1987年解禁出版。此外，莫扎耶夫、杜金采夫、格拉宁等过去遭禁的小说也在1987年初问世。这些作品以突破历史“禁区”为目的，以影射或揭露斯大林时期的问题为主调，成为“公开性”解禁文学作品的“问路石”。

Newly created literary and artistic works also emerged in large numbers, eliciting strong reactions in society and prompting people, including the youth, to pay attention to the Soviet Union’s past history. Some writers, literary critics, and political commentators, taking advantage of the appearance of such works, published article after article, vehemently attacking Stalin’s “totalitarian rule” and slandering the Soviet socialist system as a “military-feudal autocratic system.”

新创作的文艺作品也大量涌现，在社会上引起极大反响，促使人们包括年轻人去关注苏联过去的历史。一些作家、文艺评论家、政论家利用这类作品的问世，连篇累牍地发表文章，大肆攻击斯大林的“极权统治”，诬蔑苏联的社会主义制度是“军事封建式的独裁制度”。

Various newspapers and periodicals vied to publish works exposing past problems, with circulation figures increasing dozens or even hundreds of times over. The journal *Friendship of Peoples*, due to its serialization of *Children of the Arbat*, saw its circulation rise from 150,000 copies in December 1987 to 800,000 copies in January 1988. Non-literary publications also became keen to publish works reflecting historical issues or to engage in political activities. *Science and Life*, which mainly published scientific and technological articles, began in 1986 to devote large amounts of space to anti-Stalin bestsellers. The weekly *Ogonyok*, hailed as the “mouthpiece” of glasnost, organized a so-called “Conscience Week” activity in Moscow in November 1988, attracting the masses and disturbing public sentiment by holding various lectures, screening films that distorted history, and raising funds to build a monument to the victims of the Great Purge. [9]9 The Great Purge refers to the period of political repression in the Soviet Union from 1936 to 1938, involving mass arrests, show trials, and executions of alleged enemies of the state.

各种报刊纷纷登载揭露过去问题的作品，发行量几十倍、成百倍地增加。《各民族友谊》杂志因刊登《阿尔巴特街的儿女们》，发行量从1987年12月的15万份，增至1988年1月的80万份。非文学类刊物也热衷登载反映历史问题的作品或从事政治活动。《科学与生活》主要刊发科技类的文章，但从1986年开始，以大量篇幅刊登反斯大林的畅销小说。被誉为公开性“喉舌”的《星火》周刊，1988年11月在莫斯科搞所谓“良心周”活动，通过举办各类讲座、放映歪曲历史禁片、集资建造大清洗运动受害者纪念碑等活动，吸引群众，扰乱民心。

The historical circles were not to be left behind. In March 1987, under the direction of historian and director Yuri Afanasyev, the Moscow State Historical Archives Institute launched a lecture series titled “The Social Memory of Humanity.” The first lecture, titled “Forgotten Chapters and Names in the History of the October Revolution and the Great Patriotic War,” was given by Dr. Vasily Polikarpov, who raised many so-called little-known “blank spots,” causing a shock in Soviet historical circles. In the following years, almost every period of Soviet history saw a large number of “blank spots” emerge. According to incomplete statistics, there were about 150 “blank spots” concerning Soviet history, with the Stalin period having the most. The “Great Purge” was the central topic and focal issue of the Stalin period. In 1988, E. A. Malysheva surveyed 32 Soviet newspapers and 97 magazines and found that from 1986 to 1988, a total of 721 works related to Stalin were collected, of which 407 were related to the Soviet “Great Purge,” and 289 were directly relevant.

史学界也不甘落后。1987年3月，在历史学家、院长尤里·阿法纳西耶夫主持下，苏联莫斯科国家历史档案学院开设了“人类的社会纪念”主题讲座，第一讲的题目是《十月革命和卫国战争的历史被遗忘的篇章和名字》，主讲人瓦西里·波里卡契尔波夫博士提出了许多所谓鲜为人知的“空白点”，引起苏联史学界的震动。随后几年，苏联历史中不论哪个阶段几乎都出现大量“空白点”。据不完全统计，有关苏联历史的“空白点”约有150处，其中斯大林时期最多。而“大清洗”又是斯大林时期的中心话题和焦点问题。1988年，E.A.马雷舍娃统计了苏联32种报纸和97种杂志，发现1986—1988年共收集与斯大林有关的作品721篇，其中与苏联“大清洗”有关的407篇，直接相关的289篇。

Among some scholars, the number of people persecuted to death in the “Great Purge” of the 1930s increased geometrically, from millions to tens of millions. As late as 1998, Russian Candidate of Philosophy A. Chalikova believed that the number of deaths in Soviet concentration camps from 1937 to 1950 was 12 million, and when added to those shot as kulaks, those repressed due to collectivization, and those who starved to death, the total reached 20 million. This was a relatively conservative view at the time. Some even claimed that the number of deaths from repression in the 1930s alone reached 16–20 million. As for why these people arbitrarily inflated the death toll, an article by Soviet scholar Danilov published in *Pravda* on September 16, 1988, perhaps revealed the reason: these authors raised the numbers as high as possible, completely disregarding reliability and logic, because “they hoped to shock readers with a death toll of 13 million or 15 million. In their view, if the number were ‘only’ 4 million or 5 million, that would be insufficient for us to thoroughly condemn Stalin’s persecution of the peasants.”

在一些学者那里，20世纪30年代“大清洗”被迫害致死的人数成几何级数递增，从几百万增加到上千万、几千万。直到1998年，俄哲学副博士阿·恰利科娃认为，1937—1950年在苏联集中营死亡的人数有1200万，加上被枪毙的富农，因集体化被镇压、被饿死的人数，总计达2000万。这在当时是较保守的观点。有人甚至认为，仅在20世纪30年代因镇压而亡的人数就达1600万—2000万。至于这些人为什么要把致死人数随意扩大，1988年9月16日《真理报》刊发苏联学者达尼洛夫的文章，或许道出了其中的缘由：这些作者尽可能把数字拔高，根本不顾是否可靠和合乎逻辑，是因为“他们希望用1300万或1500万的死亡人数来给读者以震惊。因为在他们看来，如果人数‘只有’400万或500万，那对我们彻底谴责斯大林对农民的迫害是不够的”。

Not only were the consequences of the “Great Purge” and problems in Soviet history arbitrarily exaggerated, but the root causes of these problems were also escalated without limit: from Stalin’s personal issues of “arbitrariness” and “dictatorship” to the “autocratic rule” of the CPSU and the “totalitarian” system of the Soviet Union. Those who nihilized Soviet history believed that the errors of the “Great Purge,” including the lack of democracy in Soviet political and social life, were caused by the Communist Party’s “monopoly” on power. In 1989, Doctor of Philosophy A. Tsipko published a long article, “The Origins of Stalinism,” arguing that the October Revolution was a product of “radicalism” that forcibly interrupted the normal historical process of Russian society, and that the “radicalist” ideology and social practice from 1917 to 1988 were the main obstacles to contemporary society. On March 12, 1990, Yuri Afanasyev, who had become a main member of the “Democratic Union,” publicly denounced Lenin at the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR, saying, “Our entire history was written by force and violence. If our leader and founder (Lenin) laid the foundation for anything, it was the principle of state violence and terror policy.” Afanasyev also said, “Lenin’s heresy about socialism and its concrete manifestations are dubious. What is needed is not repair, but a new foundation. All theories of revolutionism should be discarded. The path we have taken is a dead end.” Under the incitement of the “de-Leninization” trend, anti-Soviet and anti-communist forces publicly burned portraits of Lenin, the “symbol of the autocratic state,” and demanded the removal of Lenin’s body from the mausoleum, on the alleged grounds of “thoroughly eliminating the tradition of the personality cult” from the consciousness of Soviet people.

不仅“大清洗”的后果、苏联历史上的问题被任意扩大，而且问题的根源也被无限升级：从斯大林的“专断”“独裁”等个人问题，上升到苏共的“专制统治”、苏联的“极权主义”制度。虚无苏联历史的人认为，“大清洗”的错误，包括苏联政治生活、社会生活的不民主，是共产党“垄断”权力造成的。1989年，哲学博士亚·齐普科发表长文《斯大林主义的起源》，认为十月革命是“激进主义”的产物，强行中断了俄国社会正常历史进程，1917年到1988年“激进主义”思想和社会实践是现今社会的主要障碍。1990年3月12日，已成为“民主联盟”主要成员的尤里·阿法纳西耶夫在全苏人民代表大会上公然指责列宁说，“我们的整个历史是靠使用武力和暴力写成的。如果我们的领袖和缔造者（列宁）为某种东西打下基础的话，那就是国家暴力和恐怖政策的原则。”阿法纳西耶夫还说，“列宁关于社会主义的异说及其具体事件是可疑的。需要的不是修理，而是重新打基础。应当抛弃所有革命主义的理论。我们所走过的道路是一条死胡同。”在“非列宁化”思潮蛊惑下，反苏反共势力在公开场合焚烧“专制国家象征”的列宁像，要求将列宁的遗体从墓中迁出，所谓的理由是在苏联人的意识中“彻底清除个人崇拜的传统”。

In April 1991, *Literaturnaya Gazeta* issue No. 4 published a conversation between Supreme Soviet member Burlatsky and Presidential Council member, Academician Shatalin, an economist. Burlatsky claimed: “The whole world has changed; the capitalism that Marx described in the 19th century no longer exists”; “Socialism worldwide, socialism in new countries, is a dangerous utopia”; “Marx is terrible; he proposed the concept of transforming society through violence, which developed into the idea of dictatorship, which became the dictatorship of the party, that is, the dictatorship of one part of society over all others, and ultimately turned into the autocracy of the leader.” For the Soviet Union, “a large multinational country, a two-party system like that of the United States would be ideal. For example, Communists and Social Democrats.” Shatalin declared: “I oppose communism, I oppose communist ideology”; “Modern social democracy based on Marxism is meaningless; such a party would be a non-constructive party with no future”; “Socialism has never been established in the Soviet Union.”

1991年4月，《文学报》第4期刊登最高苏维埃成员布尔拉茨基和总统委员会成员、经济学家沙塔林院士的谈话。布尔拉茨基声称：“全世界都变了，已经不存在马克思在19世纪所描述的资本主义了”；“全世界的社会主义，新国家中的社会主义都是危险的空想”；“马克思是可怕的，他提出了用暴力改造社会的概念，这种概念发展成了专政的思想，这变成了党的专政，也就是社会的一部分人对其他所有人的专政，结果变成了领袖的专制”，对苏联“这样一个多民族的大国来说，像美国那样实行两党制是最理想的。例如共产党人和社会民主党人”。沙塔林则扬言：“我反对共产主义，反对共产主义意识形态”；“以马克思主义为基础的现代社会民主是没有意义的，这样的党将是一个非建设性的政党，它没有前途”；“在苏联从来没有建立过社会主义”。

The negation of history also targeted the Soviet military and Soviet heroes. Anti-Soviet and anti-communist newspapers and extremist forces specifically exposed and attacked the so-called problems of the Soviet army, blaming the consequences of Gorbachev’s erroneous reforms on the military. Thus, the Soviet army became the “culprit” for tensions between the Soviet Union and other countries, and economic decline was the result of the Soviet army, this “monster,” draining the nation’s blood. Defaming Soviet soldiers and denying the history of the Soviet army became fashionable. Soviet national heroes such as Zoya, Matrosov, Klochkov, and the Young Guard were slandered; the Soviet army became an accomplice of the “fascist regime,” and the victory in the Great Patriotic War was merely the defeat of the “small fascist” Germany by the “big fascist” Soviet Union. The rhetoric of “de-partification,” “de-politicization,” and “nationalization” of the military prevailed, and the CPSU gradually lost leadership over the army, turning it into a vulnerable “colossus with feet of clay.” On November 14, 1990, Soviet Marshal Akhromeyev published an article in *Sovetskaya Rossiya* pointing out that the entire anti-military campaign had ceased to be a local issue since the middle of that year. Separatist and anti-socialist forces combined the policy of discrediting the army with the practice of squeezing out the Communist Party and launched a large-scale movement demanding the government’s resignation.

否定历史的矛头还指向苏联军队和苏联英雄。反苏反共报刊和极端势力专门揭露和抨击苏军的所谓问题，把因戈尔巴乔夫错误改革造成的后果嫁祸给军队，于是，苏军成了苏联同其他国家关系紧张的“罪人”，经济衰退是苏军这只“怪兽”吸干了国家血汗的结果，诋毁苏联军人、否定苏军历史成为时髦。卓雅、马特洛索夫、克洛奇科夫、青年近卫军等苏联国家英雄遭到污蔑，苏军成了“法西斯政权”的帮凶，卫国战争胜利不过是苏联这个“大法西斯”打败了德国这个“小法西斯”。军队“非党化”“非政治化”“国家化”舆论盛行，苏共逐渐失去对军队的领导权，成为不堪一击的“泥足巨人”。1990年11月14日，苏联元帅阿赫罗梅耶夫在《苏维埃俄罗斯报》发表文章指出，整个反军活动从今年年中起就已不再是局部问题了。分离主义和反社会主义势力把败坏军队名誉的方针同排挤共产党的做法结合起来，并搞起要求政府辞职的大规模运动。

III. The Support and Encouragement of CPSU Leaders Were the Main Cause of the Proliferation of Historical Nihilism

三、苏共领导人的支持与怂恿是历史虚无主义泛滥的主因

The rise and proliferation of the trend of historical nihilism in the Soviet Union had complex and profound social and historical roots. There is no doubt that the CPSU’s severe detachment from reality, loss of ideals and convictions, rigid ideology and theory, and the prevalence of bureaucracy, dogmatism, and formalism, along with the serious political, economic, ethnic, and foreign policy problems that long existed in Soviet society, all provided a hotbed and conditions for the breeding and spread of historical nihilism. Various anti-Soviet and anti-communist forces, both domestic and foreign, exploited these problems within the CPSU and Soviet society, using the exposure of historical dark sides and negative social phenomena as a breakthrough to incite popular discontent with the Soviet Communist Party and government, create chaos, and seize power amid the turmoil. In this process, CPSU leaders such as Gorbachev and Yakovlev took the lead in advocating “glasnost,” “democratization,” and “pluralism,” in denying the leading role of the CPSU and the Soviet socialist system, and in openly supporting anti-communist and anti-socialist forces, playing a role in fueling the proliferation of historical nihilism and exerting a decisive influence.

苏联历史虚无主义思潮的兴起、泛滥，有着复杂而深刻的社会历史根源。毫无疑问，苏共严重脱离实际，丧失理想信念，思想理论僵化，官僚主义、教条主义、形式主义盛行，苏联社会长期存在的政治、经济、民族、外交等方面的严重问题，都为历史虚无主义的滋生蔓延提供了温床与条件。境内外各种反苏反共势力正是利用苏共党内和苏联社会存在的各种问题，以揭露历史的阴暗面和社会的消极现象为突破口，煽动群众对苏联共产党和政府的不满，制造混乱，乱中夺权。在这一过程中，戈尔巴乔夫、雅科夫列夫等苏共领导人带头鼓吹“公开性”“民主化”“多元论”，带头否定苏共的领导地位和苏联的社会主义制度，公开支持反共反社会主义势力，对历史虚无主义泛滥起到了推波助澜的作用，起到了决定性的影响。

In the wave of negation of history, Gorbachev was at the forefront. Not only did he, under the guise of “glasnost,” “democratization,” and “pluralism,” exaggerate problems in Soviet history, take partial views for the whole, confuse right and wrong, and comprehensively negate Soviet history and practice, but he also regarded the socialist system as the root cause hindering the development of Soviet society. He claimed that “more than three-quarters of the Soviet experience is questionable,” that “the model of social structure created by Stalin has collapsed,” that “the model imposed on the Party and society for decades has suffered a strategic defeat,” and that the Soviet Union practiced a “distorted,” “bureaucratic-autocratic,” and “totalitarian” socialism. Therefore, it was necessary to completely “bid farewell to the past,” “blow up everything,” “smash Stalinist ideology and everything associated with it,” and fundamentally transform the entire edifice of Soviet society (from the economic base to the superstructure), transitioning “from an autocratic-centralized social model to a humane, democratic socialism oriented toward serving people as its social direction.”

在否定历史的浪潮中，戈尔巴乔夫可谓身先士卒。他不仅借“公开性”“民主化”“多元论”等之名，将苏联历史上的问题扩大化，以偏概全，混淆是非，全面否定苏联的历史和实践，而且把社会主义制度看成阻碍苏联社会发展的根源。他声称“苏联的经验有四分之三以上是令人怀疑的”，“斯大林所创立的社会结构的模式崩溃了”，“几十年来强加给党和社会的模式已遭到战略性的失败”，苏联搞的是“扭曲的”“官僚专制的”“极权的”社会主义。因此，要彻底“告别过去”，“炸毁一切”，“粉碎斯大林主义意识形态及其有关的一切东西”，根本改造整个苏联社会大厦（从经济基础到上层建筑），“从专制集中的社会模式向人道的、民主的，以服务于人为社会方向的社会主义过渡”。

Gorbachev also directed his criticism at the guiding ideology of the Soviet Party and state. At the beginning of the reforms, he professed loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and proposed “seeking advice from Lenin.” The 1986 CPSU 27th Congress Party Program and Party Constitution stipulated that Marxism-Leninism “occupies a dominant position in spiritual life” and that the CPSU “follows the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism” in all its activities. But soon he criticized Marxism for having “limitations,” for failing to foresee the vitality of capitalism, criticized Lenin for lacking a complete program for building socialism in Russia, and declared that the social theories created by Marx and Lenin were outdated, requiring a reinterpretation of the “basic principles of Marxism-Leninism.”

戈尔巴乔夫还把批判矛头指向苏联党和国家的指导思想。改革之初，他声言忠于马克思列宁主义，提出“向列宁求教”。1986年苏共二十七大党纲和党章规定，马克思列宁主义在“精神生活中占统治地位”，苏共在全部活动中“遵循马克思列宁主义的学说”。但不久他就批评马克思主义有“局限性”，没有预见到资本主义的活力，批评列宁没有一个完整的在俄国建设社会主义的纲领，还宣称马克思、列宁创造的社会理论已经过时，需要重新解释“马列主义基本原则”。

At important occasions such as the February 1988 Plenary Session of the CPSU Central Committee and the 19th All-Union Conference of the CPSU, he attacked adhering to Marxism-Leninism as a guide as “spiritual monopoly,” advocated “resolutely abandoning the monopolism of ideology,” implementing “ideological pluralism,” and allowing various ideas to “freely compete.” At the 28th Congress of the CPSU, he continued to emphasize that “the CPSU resolutely abandons the political and ideological monopoly,” and that the CPSU must not only “comprehend the legacy of Marx, Engels, and Lenin” but also “comprehend the legacy of other revolutionary and progressive intellectual giants,” which in effect abandoned the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, he even frankly stated that communism was “an almost unrealizable slogan,” and that Russia’s tragedy lay in the fact that “the already dead ideas of Karl Marx’s later years were chosen in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century and introduced into real society; this was a mistake.” He expressed feeling “very honored” to have been able, during the reform years, “to clear the influence of communism from people’s consciousness.”

他在1988年苏共中央二月全会以及苏共第十九次全国代表会议等重要场合，攻击坚持马列主义为指导是“精神垄断”，主张“坚决放弃意识形态的垄断主义”，实行“意识形态多元化”，让各种思想“自由竞赛”。在苏共二十八大上，他继续强调“苏共坚决放弃政治和意识形态的垄断”，苏共不仅要“领会马克思、恩格斯、列宁的遗产”，而且要“领会其他革命和进步思想界泰斗的遗产”，这实际上是放弃了马列主义的指导地位。苏联解体后他更坦言：共产主义是“一种几乎不可能实现的口号”，俄国的悲剧就在于，“卡尔·马克思的晚年时代已经死去的思想，却在20世纪初的俄罗斯被选择，它被引进于现实社会里，这是一个错误”。他为能在改革年代里“把共产主义的影响从人们的思想意识中清除而感到非常的荣幸”。

Gorbachev not only dismantled the ideological armament of the CPSU but also, under the banners of “humanitarianism” and “alienation,” fundamentally negated the leading position of the CPSU. He believed that the Soviet “totalitarian socialism” created three major “monopolies,” forming three major “alienations”: politically, the leadership of the Communist Party meant the Communist Party’s “usurpation of political power,” creating a “political monopoly” and forming “the alienation of people from politics and political power”; economically, the dominance of public ownership excluded people’s choice of ownership forms, creating an “economic monopoly” and forming “the alienation of people from the means of production and property”; ideologically, the guiding position of Marxism hindered “absorbing all progressive ideas of the world,” creating a “spiritual monopoly” and forming “the alienation of people from culture.” The crux of all these problems, he argued, was the Communist Party’s “monopoly” over all power, which was the root cause of “alienation.” To overcome the “alienation” of socialism, it was necessary to eliminate “monopolies” in all spheres, especially the Communist Party’s “monopoly” over political power. Therefore, the CPSU’s ruling status had to be abolished, and a multi-party system modeled on Western countries had to be introduced. The decision of the February 1990 Plenary Session of the CPSU Central Committee to amend Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution, abolish the leading role of the CPSU, and prepare to introduce a multi-party system in the Soviet Union was a concrete action implementing Gorbachev’s fallacious theory criticizing Soviet “totalitarian socialism.”

戈尔巴乔夫不仅瓦解苏共的思想武装，而且打着“人道主义”“异化”等旗号，根本否定苏共的领导地位。他认为苏联的“极权社会主义”造成三大“垄断”，形成三大“异化”：政治上共产党的领导，意味着共产党“对政权的霸占”，造成“政治垄断”，形成“人与政治、政权的异化”；经济上公有制占统治地位，排除了人们对所有制的选择权，造成“经济垄断”，形成“人与生产资料、财产的异化”；思想上马克思主义居于指导地位，妨碍了“吸收世界上一切进步的思想”，造成“精神垄断”，形成“人与文化的异化”。所有这些问题的关键，是共产党对一切权力的“垄断”，这是产生“异化”的根源。要克服社会主义的“异化”，必须消除各个领域的“垄断”，尤其是共产党对政权的“垄断”。因此，必须取消苏共的执政地位，仿效西方国家搞多党制。1990年苏共中央二月全会决定修改苏联宪法第六条，取消苏共的领导地位，准备在苏联推行多党制，就是贯彻戈尔巴乔夫批判苏联“极权社会主义”邪说的实际行动。

Yakovlev, the CPSU Central Committee official responsible for ideology, at Gorbachev’s behest, everywhere advocated “glasnost,” “democratization,” and “pluralism,” encouraged society to expose “the whole truth about the past,” completely negated the practice of Soviet socialism, and actively “rehabilitated” controversial historical figures. He undermined the leading position of the CPSU, negated the Soviet social system, and advocated abolishing the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism. In 1990, the 4th issue of the journal *Kommunist* published his article, which openly criticized the “communism” of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” as a “utopia.” He later said: “In essence, not a single one of all the specific economic conclusions on which Marx built the entire edifice of his worldview of ‘scientific socialism’ has been confirmed in practice.” He viciously attacked the October Revolution, which he had once enthusiastically praised, slandering it as a “coup d’état by a handful of thugs,” “the most tragic event in Russia’s thousand-year history,” and “the prelude to the devil’s song,” claiming that the great ship of socialism had since been “sailing on a sea of blood and tears.” He also spread the rumor that the October Revolution was the realization of a secret plan of the German General Staff, and that Lenin was a secret German agent who, funded by Kaiser Wilhelm II, undermined the Tsar from within.

苏共中央意识形态负责人雅科夫列夫在戈尔巴乔授意下到处鼓吹“公开性”“民主化”“多元论”，鼓励社会揭露“过去的全部的真实的情况”，全盘否定苏联社会主义实践，积极为有争议的历史人物“平反”。他动摇苏共领导地位，否定苏联社会制度，主张取消马列主义指导地位。1990年《共产党人》杂志第4期刊登他的文章，公开批判“各尽所能，按需分配”的“共产主义”是“乌托邦”。他后来说：“实质上，马克思据以建立其‘科学社会主义’世界观大厦的全部具体经济结论中没有一个是在实践中得到了证实。”他恶毒攻击自己曾热情歌颂过的十月革命，污蔑十月革命是“少数暴徒发动的政变”，是“俄罗斯一千年历史上最悲惨的事件”，是“魔鬼之歌的序曲”，社会主义的大船从此“在血和泪的海上航行”。他还造谣说，十月革命是德国总参谋部的一项秘密计划的实现，列宁是接受德皇威廉二世资助从内部瓦解沙皇的德国秘密代理人。

Yakovlev “faithfully” implemented Gorbachev’s reform line, actively carried out unrestricted “glasnost,” controlled the news media by appointing cronies, and carried out a large-scale reshuffle of the leadership of major Soviet newspapers and news media. The editors-in-chief of CPSU Central Committee newspapers such as *Pravda*, *Ogonyok*, *Moscow News*, *Izvestia*, *Literaturnaya Gazeta*, and *Komsomolskaya Pravda* were dismissed. A large number of editors and journalists lacking Marxist-Leninist competence and with weak convictions were appointed. These newspapers quickly became propaganda tools for the liberals, degenerating into mouthpieces for anti-Marxist and anti-socialist言论. The renowned Russian writer Yuri Bondarev painfully pointed out: “Within a few years, he (referring to Yakovlev—author’s note) selected editors for newspapers and personnel for radio and television stations for the purpose of sabotage, replaced and transferred them after careful consideration and deliberate arrangement, stipulated tactical methods, instilled pluralistic ideas that destroy all connections, exploited people’s enthusiasm for glasnost, told a little truth, immediately distorted it afterwards, fanned the flames among millions of people, spread suspicion without scruple, and destroyed trust in the people’s reason, in the nation’s culture, history, and socialism. Within six years, the press achieved what the most well-equipped army in Europe failed to achieve when it invaded our country with fire and sword in the 1940s. That army had first-class technical equipment, but it lacked one thing: tens of millions of infected publications.”

雅科夫列夫“忠实”履行戈尔巴乔夫的改革路线，积极执行无限制的“公开性”，通过任用亲信等办法控制新闻媒体，对苏联主要报刊和新闻媒体的领导班子进行大幅度调整。《真理报》《星火》《莫斯科新闻》《消息报》《文学报》《共青团真理报》等苏共中央报刊主编遭到撤换。一大批不具备马列主义素养、信仰不坚定的编辑记者被起用。这些报刊很快成为自由派的宣传工具，沦为反马克思主义、反社会主义言论的喉舌。俄罗斯著名作家尤里·邦达列夫痛心地指出：“在几年的时间内，他（指雅科夫列夫——引者注）为了进行破坏而选用报刊的编辑以及广播电台和电视台的人员，经过周密考虑和精心安排撤换和调动他们，规定策略手段，灌输破坏各种联系的多元论思想，利用人们对公开性的热情，也讲一点真实的情况，讲完以后马上加以歪曲，在千百万人当中煽风点火，毫不顾忌地散布怀疑情绪，破坏对人民的理智，对民族的文化、历史和社会主义的信任。在6年当中，报刊实现了欧洲装备最精良的军队在40年代用火与剑入侵我国时未能实现的目标。那支军队拥有第一流的技术装备，但是缺少一样东西，这就是数千万份带菌的出版物。”

With the instigation, support, and encouragement of Gorbachev, Yakovlev, and other CPSU leaders, and spurred by the policies of “glasnost,” “democratization,” and “pluralism,” anti-Soviet, anti-communist, and anti-socialist forces at home and abroad fiercely attacked Stalin and “Stalinism,” assailed Leninism and the October Revolution, negated Marxism, and the momentum of slander and defamation surged wave after wave. The practice of Soviet socialism was described as having no merits whatsoever, the CPSU became a “criminal” organization, the Soviet socialist system brought “only disaster” to the people, and the Soviet past was an “inglorious history.” Ligachev, who served as a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee during the Gorbachev period, once described it thus: “Subversive articles, like raging waves and storms, swept over the media. What the ultra-right-wing press depicted was not a multidimensional history, not a history where achievements and mistakes were intertwined in contradiction, but only dark stains… This unjust, malicious, and untrue distorted reporting disturbed and inflamed the social atmosphere. Then the spearhead began to target the Communist Party members, the CPSU, and the Party’s history,” “ultimately targeting the people, targeting the people’s memory of history.”

在戈尔巴乔夫、雅科夫列夫等苏共领导人的授意、支持与怂恿下，在“公开性”“民主化”“多元论”等方针的鼓动下，境内外反苏反共反社会主义势力猛烈抨击斯大林及“斯大林主义”，攻击列宁主义与十月革命，否定马克思主义，造谣和污蔑的声势一浪高过一浪。苏联的社会主义实践被说得一无是处，苏共成为“犯了罪”的组织，苏联社会主义制度带给人民的“只有灾难”，苏联的过去是一部“不光彩的历史”。在戈尔巴乔夫时期担任过苏共中央政治局委员的利加乔夫曾这样描述：“颠覆文章犹如狂涛恶浪，席卷了舆论工具。极右报刊所描绘的不是多维的历史，不是成就与错误相互矛盾地交织在一起的历史，而只是阴暗的污点……这种不公正的、恶意中伤的、不真实的歪曲报道惊扰和刺激了社会气氛。于是矛头开始对准了共产党员、苏共，对准了党的历史”，“最终指向人民，指向人民对历史的怀念”。

The complete negation of the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union not only severely damaged the image of the Party and state leaders (especially Lenin and Stalin) but also greatly shook people’s faith in Marxism and their belief in socialism and communism. The Russian political scientist and sociologist Sergei Kara-Murza profoundly pointed out: “During the years of perestroika (referring to the Gorbachev period—author’s note), many very beautiful but vague images entered the consciousness of Soviet people, such as democracy, civil society, the rule of law, and so on. The politicians who swore loyalty to these beautiful idols never explained the essence of the concepts.” “Countless good Soviet people fell into the hands of political swindlers. Millions followed the flickering light of fantasy, unsure whether to support or oppose the various plans presented to them that would decide their own fate and that of future generations.” “The symbols and milestones of the country’s history were blackened, ridiculed, black and white were reversed, and then confusion was created in the system of measurement, evaluation, and even the chronological order of events that constitute the historical picture. Society’s ability to form collective memory was destroyed… Both society as a whole and individuals lost the ability to analyze the past and use its lessons to determine their position in today’s conflicts.”

全盘否定苏共与苏联历史，不仅严重损害了党和国家领导人（特别是列宁、斯大林）的形象，而且极大动摇了人们对马克思主义的信仰，对社会主义、共产主义的信念。俄罗斯政治学家和社会学家谢·卡拉-穆尔扎深刻地指出，“在改革的年代里（指戈尔巴乔夫时期——引者注），有许多非常漂亮但又模糊不清的形象进入了苏联人的意识中，如民主啦、公民社会啦、法治国家啦，等等。那些发誓忠诚于这些美好的偶像的政治家们，谁也没有阐述出概念的实质。”“无数善良的苏联人落入了政治骗子的手中，千千万万的人跟着摇曳不定的幻想火光，对向他们提出的各种决定个人命运和子孙后代命运的方案，也不知是应该采取支持的态度还是反对的态度。”“国家历史上的象征和里程碑被抹上了黑，受到嘲笑，黑白被颠倒，然后又在度量、评价系统乃至构成历史画面的事件的时间顺序上制造混乱。社会形成集体记忆的能力被破坏了……无论是整体的社会还是单独的个人，都丧失了分析过去，并利用其教训来确定自己在当今冲突中立场的能力。”

The status of the CPSU and its leaders in the eyes of the people plummeted sharply. A public opinion survey of Muscovites in June 1988 showed that less than 1% of people highly evaluated Stalin’s role in the country’s history. Many CPSU members, having lost their ideals and convictions, left the Party. In July 1991, the CPSU Central Committee announced that in the preceding year a total of 4.2 million Party members had withdrawn, reducing the number of CPSU members from 19 million to 15 million, falling back to the level of 1973. Among those Party members who did not withdraw from the CPSU, their ideals and convictions were generally shaken; they lacked trust in the CPSU and its leaders, and felt confused about the future of the Party and the country. This explains a phenomenon: when on August 24, 1991, Gorbachev suggested that the CPSU Central Committee dissolve itself, there was almost no organized protest within the Soviet Union, let alone any effective resistance. As the famous Russian critic Bondarenko pointed out: “Why, in August 1991, did not a single Communist Party member step forward to defend his own city committee or district committee? Because all of them were wavering, feeling disappointed, no longer believing, and all were living a double life.”

苏共及其领袖在人民心目中的地位急剧下降。1988年6月对莫斯科人的一次民意调查表明，只有不到1％的人高度评价斯大林在国家历史上的作用。不少苏共党员因丧失理想信念而退党。1991年7月，苏共中央公布最近一年间共有420万党员退党，苏共党员数量由1900万人减少到1500万人，退回到1973年的水平。没有退出苏共的党员其理想信念普遍动摇，对苏共及其领导人缺乏信任，对党和国家的前途感到迷茫。这就能够解释一个现象：当1991年8月24日戈尔巴乔夫建议苏共中央自行解散时，苏联境内几乎没有出现任何有组织的抗议，更不用说有力的反抗了。正如俄罗斯著名批评家邦达连科指出的：为什么在1991年8月没有一个共产党员站出来保卫自己的市委和区委？因为他们所有的人摇摆不定，感到失望，不再相信，都过着双重生活。

IV. The Western Ideological Infiltration that Fueled the Soviet Wave of Historical Nihilism

四、西方意识形态渗透对苏联虚无历史浪潮的推波助澜

From the very moment the Soviet state power was born, the ruling groups of the United States and other Western countries realized that this was an “evil” regime fundamentally opposed to capitalism. Eliminating the Soviet socialist system led by the CPSU and eradicating the threat of communist ideology became the unwavering strategic goal of the United States and other Western countries. When they discovered that military force alone could not fundamentally contain the increasingly powerful Soviet Union, launching an ideological war without gunpowder, using spiritual force to disintegrate the CPSU regime, became the main choice of the Western anti-Soviet and anti-communist forces. And when Gorbachev yielded to Western pressure, adopted a capitulationist foreign policy line, and actively catered to Western values and ideology, the West believed that the opportune moment to intensify ideological infiltration and subversion of the Soviet Union had arrived.

从苏维埃国家政权诞生的那一刻起，美国等西方统治集团就意识到，这是同资本主义根本对立的“邪恶”政权。消灭苏共领导的苏维埃社会主义制度，消除共产主义意识形态的威胁，就成为美国等西方国家矢志不渝的战略目标。在发现仅凭武力无法根本遏制日益强大的苏联时，发动一场没有硝烟的意识形态战争，靠精神的力量瓦解苏共政权，就成为西方反苏反共势力的主要选择。而当戈尔巴乔夫屈从于西方的压力，抛出一条投降主义的外交路线，主动迎合西方价值观和意识形态时，西方认为加紧对苏联进行意识形态渗透颠覆的有利时机到了。

At the beginning of his reforms, Gorbachev proposed the so-called “new thinking” in foreign policy. He naively believed that in an era where nuclear war could destroy all life on Earth, human survival was paramount, and it was necessary to “place the principle of all humanity as the absolute command of the era in a priority position,” that “the interests of all humanity are above all else,” and that “the values of all humanity are above all else.” Therefore, he advocated for the “humanization of international relations,” eliminating the confrontation between socialism and capitalism, achieving the “integration” of these two systems, and “all humanity moving towards great cooperation.” He emphasized that the United States and the Soviet Union should “draw closer and move towards comprehensive cooperation on the basis of universal human values and a balance of interests.” He called for “the strategy of Soviet foreign policy to be based on peace, cooperation, collaboration, progress, and humanism.” He believed that “the significance of the socialist choice lies first and foremost in its placing universally significant values in the forefront,” making relations between people “more civilized, more humane and just, and more in line with the highest meaning of human existence—the free development of the individual in a free society.”

戈尔巴乔夫在改革之初，就提出所谓外交“新思维”。他一厢情愿地认为，在核战争毁灭地球一切生命的时代，人类的生存是第一位的，需要把“全人类原则作为时代的绝对命令置于优先地位”，“全人类的利益高于一切”，“全人类的价值高于一切”。因此，他主张“国际关系人道主义化”，排除社会主义和资本主义之间的对抗，实现这两大体系的“一体化”，“全人类迈向大合作”。他强调美苏两国“在普遍的人类价值标准和利益均衡的基础上更加接近和转向全面合作”，他呼吁“苏联对外政策的战略应当以和平、合作、协作、进步和人道主义为出发点”，他认为“社会主义选择的意义首先在于，它把具有普遍意义的价值观推到首位”，使人与人之间的关系“变得更加文明，更加人道和公正，更符合人类存在的最高意义——个人在自由社会中的自由发展”。

Gorbachev ignored the long-standing struggle of infiltration versus counter-infiltration and subversion versus counter-subversion on the international stage. He trumpeted that the interests and values of all humanity were “above all else,” advocated for the “de-ideologization” of international relations and the “integration” of the two systems, and argued that socialism should “place universally significant values in the forefront.” In essence, this completely abandoned the social ideals and goals of the Communists, completely discarded the basic Marxist viewpoints and principled positions on international issues, failed to see the essence of the complex international struggle, and caused the Soviet Union to tie its own hands and willingly accept defeat when facing the offensive of the bourgeoisie. The last U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, Matlock, acutely pointed out: “The theory of class struggle is the central concept on which the Leninist view of the evolution of state structure and the Cold War with the West are based. Without it, the rationale for the Cold War ceases to exist, and the theoretical foundation for one-party dictatorship also disappears.” “If Soviet leaders were truly willing to abandon this concept (referring to the theory of class struggle—author’s note), then it would no longer matter whether they continued to call their guiding ideology ‘Marxism’. This would already be a different kind of ‘Marxism’ implemented in a different kind of society. This different society is one that we can all recognize.”

戈尔巴乔夫无视国际舞台上长期存在着渗透与反渗透、颠覆与反颠覆的斗争，鼓吹全人类的利益和价值“高于一切”，鼓吹国际关系“非意识形态化”、两大体系“一体化”，主张社会主义“把具有普遍意义的价值观推到首位”，实质上是完全抛弃了共产党人的社会理想和奋斗目标，完全抛弃了马克思主义关于国际问题的基本观点与原则立场，看不清复杂的国际斗争形势的实质，使苏联在面对资产阶级的进攻时自缚手脚、甘拜下风。美国驻苏联最后一任大使马特洛克曾敏锐地指出：“阶级斗争理论是列宁主义者的国家结构演进观及同西方发生冷战所依据的中心概念。没有它，冷战的理由就不复存在，一党专政的理论基础也随之消失。”“如果苏联领导人真的愿意抛弃这个观念（指阶级斗争学说——引者注），那么他们是否继续称他们的指导思想为‘马克思主义’也就无关紧要了。这已是一个在别样的社会里实行的别样的‘马克思主义’。这个别样的社会则是我们大家都能认可的社会。”

Western countries, precisely by exploiting Gorbachev’s advocacy of the “new thinking” in foreign policy, stepped up the implementation of their strategy of ideological infiltration of the Soviet Union. First, they utilized the mass media painstakingly cultivated over many years to slander and vilify the Soviet socialist practice, waging a “war of hearts and minds” in ideology and public opinion, creating and promoting chaos in Soviet society. After the start of the Cold War, the United States and other Western countries spent huge sums to establish propaganda media specifically targeting the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, such as Voice of America radio, Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and so on. In the early 1980s, Voice of America had 30 million listeners in the Soviet Union, accounting for more than 10% of the Soviet population at the time. In December 1987, U.S. President Reagan praised Voice of America as “a huge non-military force, a force that lights fires in the darkness of communist society.” Western media, including radio stations, television stations, newspapers, and magazines, had the main task of promoting bourgeois values and the civilization of the capitalist world, praising the various achievements of capitalist development, while simultaneously attacking socialism, slandering Marxism, and negating the Soviet socialist practice. By the Gorbachev period, Western media intensified their propaganda offensive against the Soviet Union, using slogans like “freedom, democracy, human rights” to dominate Soviet public opinion, interfere in all aspects of Soviet internal affairs, and embolden the rebellious and separatist forces within the Soviet Union. To incite the independence of the three Baltic states, Radio Liberty broadcast daily for three hours in Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian to the people of these three countries. Radio Free Europe broadcast 46 hours a week in 11 Soviet minority languages to the Soviet people, questioning the legality of the three states’ incorporation into the Soviet Union, claiming that Western countries had never recognized Soviet sovereignty over these three states, and repeatedly reporting on the “Baltic Way” “human chain” activity involving 2 million people, which greatly fueled the national separatist sentiments in the three Baltic states.

西方国家正是利用戈尔巴乔夫倡导外交“新思维”，加紧实施对苏联的意识形态渗透战略。首先，利用多年来苦心经营的大众传媒，诋毁丑化苏联的社会主义实践，搞思想舆论的“攻心战”，制造并推动苏联社会的混乱。冷战开始后，以美国为首的西方国家斥巨资建立了专门针对苏联等社会主义国家的宣传媒介，如“美国之音”广播电台、自由欧洲广播电台、自由广播电台、英国广播公司（BBC），等等。20世纪80年代初，“美国之音”在苏联拥有3000万听众，占当时苏联人口的10%以上。1987年12月，美国总统里根称赞“美国之音”是“巨大的非军事力量，是在共产主义社会的黑暗中点火的力量”。包括电台、电视台、报纸、杂志等在内的西方媒体，主要任务是宣扬资产阶级的价值观和资本主义世界的文明，盛赞资本主义发展的种种成就，同时攻击社会主义，诋毁马克思主义，否定苏联的社会主义实践。到了戈尔巴乔夫时期，西方媒体加紧扩大对苏宣传攻势，打着“自由、民主、人权”等旗号，主导苏联社会舆论，全方位插手苏联内政，为苏联国内反叛分裂势力撑腰打气。为鼓动波罗的海三国独立，欧洲自由广播电台每天3小时用爱沙尼亚语、拉脱维亚语、立陶宛语对三国民众进行广播，自由欧洲广播电台每周46小时用苏联11个少数民族语言对苏联民众进行广播，质疑三国并入苏联的合法性，宣称西方国家从未承认苏联对这三国拥有主权，还反复报道有200万人参加的“波罗的海之路”的“人链”活动，极大助长了波罗的海三国的民族分裂情绪。

Second, they used channels such as cultural exchanges, economic activities, and personnel exchanges to conduct ideological and cultural infiltration, cultivating spokespersons for the West within Soviet society, and undermining the CPSU and the Soviet Union from within. In September 1956, the U.S. government decided to exploit Khrushchev’s advocacy of “peaceful coexistence” between socialism and capitalism to encourage “large-scale people-to-people exchanges” between the Soviet Union and the United States, actively inviting 10,000 Soviet university students to study in the United States, with all costs borne by the U.S. government. Their intention was to hope that one day, this batch of people cultivated by the United States would come to power in the Soviet Union. Subsequent events proved that the Americans’ efforts were not in vain. By attracting a large number of young Soviets to study in the United States and conducting anti-communist propaganda among them, they cultivated a group of pro-American, pro-Western, anti-communist, and anti-socialist forces. Yakovlev was a typical representative of this group. According to revelations by KGB Chairman Kryuchkov, in the late 1980s, he learned from several reliable sources that Yakovlev had been recruited by U.S. intelligence agencies during his studies at Columbia University in the United States in 1960 and had received instructions from the American side during the Soviet “reform” period. Yakovlev himself admitted: “My worldview transformation began long before the social reforms.”

其次，利用文化交流、经济活动、人员往来等途径进行思想文化渗透，培植西方在苏联社会的代言人，从内部搞垮苏共和苏联。1956年9月，美国政府决定利用赫鲁晓夫倡导社会主义同资本主义“和平共处”之机，鼓动在苏美两国间进行“大规模人民对人民的交流”，主动邀请一万名苏联大学生到美国留学，费用全部由美国政府负担。其意图是寄希望有朝一日，美国培植的这一批人在苏联掌权。后来的事实证明，美国人没有白费苦心。他们通过吸引大量苏联年轻人赴美留学，对他们进行反共宣传，培养出一批亲美亲西方的反共反社会主义力量。雅科夫列夫就是其中一位典型代表。据苏联国家安全委员会主席克留奇科夫披露，20世纪80年代后期，他从几个可靠的来源获悉，雅科夫列夫1960年在美国哥伦比亚大学进修期间被美国特工机关收买并在苏联“改革”期间接受过美国方面的指示。雅科夫列夫自己也承认：“我的世界观改造早在社会改革之前很久就开始了。”

Finally, by utilizing award and funding institutions such as the Nobel Prize and foundations, as well as various non-governmental organizations, they influenced and induced the Soviet intellectual community, cultivating pro-Western “intellectual elites” to propagate Western ideological theories and values. The Nobel Prize in Literature, the Nobel Peace Prize, and even the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences carry a distinct Western ideological coloration. The Soviet Union received a total of five Nobel Prizes in Literature and two Nobel Peace Prizes. The earliest literature prize was awarded in 1933 to the Russian émigré writer Ivan Bunin, whose works are known for depicting Russia’s darkness. The 1958 literature prize was awarded to Boris Pasternak, author of the novel *Doctor Zhivago*, which, through the tragic life of its protagonist Doctor Zhivago, aims to argue that the Russian October Revolution “was a mistake” and that everything that happened after the October Revolution “was evil.” Subsequently, apart from the renowned Soviet writer and author of *And Quiet Flows the Don*, Mikhail Sholokhov (awarded in 1965), the other two laureates—Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (awarded in 1970) and Joseph Brodsky (awarded in 1987)—were both known for denying and defaming the Soviet Union. Solzhenitsyn is recognized as the master of “Soviet trauma literature,” and his representative work *The Gulag Archipelago* depicts the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin as “an archipelago of prisons and concentration camps everywhere.” Brodsky was a poet who emigrated to the United States because his works were banned in the Soviet Union; his 1987 award was a product of the United States and other Western countries cooperating with Gorbachev’s policy of “glasnost” (openness).

最后，利用诺贝尔奖、基金会等评奖资助机构以及各种非政府组织，影响并诱导苏联知识群体，培植亲西方的“知识精英”，让他们宣传西方的思想理论和价值观。诺贝尔文学奖、和平奖包括经济学奖，带有鲜明的西方意识形态色彩。苏联一共获得5次诺贝尔文学奖、2次和平奖。最早的一次文学奖在1933年颁给了俄国流亡作家伊凡·蒲宁，他的作品多以描写俄国的黑暗著称。1958年的文学奖授予了长篇小说《日瓦戈医生》的作者——帕斯捷尔纳克，该小说借用日瓦戈医生的悲剧人生，旨在说明俄国十月革命“是个错误”，十月革命以后发生的一切“都是罪恶”。此后，除了苏联著名作家、《静静的顿河》作者——肖洛霍夫（1965年获奖）外，其余两位获奖者——索尔仁尼琴（1970年获奖）和布罗茨基（1987年获奖）——都以否定和诋毁苏联闻名。索尔仁尼琴是公认的“苏联伤痕文学”的集大成者，其代表作《古拉格群岛》把列宁和斯大林时期的苏联描写成“处处皆是监狱和集中营的岛屿”。布罗茨基是因作品在苏联被禁而移居美国的诗人，他在1987年获奖是以美国为首的西方国家配合戈尔巴乔夫“公开性”政策的产物。

The political intent of the Nobel Peace Prize was even more direct and blatant. Andrei Sakharov was a prominent Soviet scientist who, starting in the 1970s, engaged in anti-Soviet and anti-communist political activities, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1975. Sakharov later lived up to the expectations of the United States and other Western countries, returning to the Soviet political stage with Gorbachev’s support, actively promoting the abolition of Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution [1]1 "Glasnost" (公开性): A policy of openness and transparency in government activities and media, promoted by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in the mid-1980s as part of his reform program. and the implementation of a multi-party system in the Soviet Union. Another laureate was Gorbachev himself. In 1990, the West awarded Gorbachev the Peace Prize to reward his “outstanding contributions” in dismantling the CPSU and promoting “democracy” in Eastern Europe.

诺贝尔和平奖的政治意图更为直接、露骨。萨哈罗夫是苏联著名科学家，从20世纪70年代起从事反苏反共政治活动，因此于1975年获得诺贝尔和平奖。萨哈罗夫后来不负美国等西方国家厚望，在戈尔巴乔夫支持下重返苏联政治舞台，积极推动废除苏联宪法第六条和在苏联实行多党制。另一位获奖者则是戈尔巴乔夫。1990年西方授予戈尔巴乔夫和平奖，是为了奖励他在瓦解苏共及推动东欧“民主”方面做出的“杰出贡献”。

Western non-governmental organizations are numerous. Friedrich Hayek, a British economist and political theorist and a representative figure of neoliberalism known for his anti-communist and anti-Marxist stance, funded by British financial groups, utilized the Mont Pelerin Society to actively participate in Western ideological infiltration of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, focusing on sponsoring a group of Soviet scholars to study in the West, including Yegor Gaidar and Anatoly Chubais. Under the influence of Hayek and the Mont Pelerin Society, Gaidar and Chubais vigorously propagated neoliberal ideas and implemented “shock therapy” based on neoliberal theory, becoming significant drivers of the economic collapse of the Soviet Union and Russia. George Soros, founder of the Open Society Foundations, established the Soviet Soros Foundation in Moscow in 1987, actively funding anti-Soviet and anti-communist liberal elements engaged in political activities to dismantle the Soviet Union, such as the prominent “dissident” Yuri Afanasyev. It also funded in 1990 the working group composed of Grigory Yavlinsky and others aimed at formulating a plan for the Soviet Union’s transition to a free market economy (the “500 Days Program”). The foundation also funded a large number of journalists and television anchors engaged in anti-Soviet and anti-communist activities, cultivating a group of so-called independent television media experts, which played a significant role in promoting the demise of the CPSU and the disintegration of the Soviet Union.

西方的非政府组织多如牛毛。以反共反马克思主义著称的新自由主义代表人物——英国经济学家、政治学家哈耶克，在英国财团资助下利用蒙特普列基金会，在20世纪80年代积极参与西方对苏联的思想渗透，重点资助一批苏联学者到西方进修，其中包括盖达尔、丘拜斯。在哈耶克和蒙特普列基金会影响下，盖达尔、丘拜斯极力传播新自由主义思想，推行以新自由主义为理论基础的“休克疗法”，成为导致苏联经济和俄罗斯经济崩溃的重要推手。美国开放社会基金创始人索罗斯1987年在莫斯科建立了苏联索罗斯基金会，积极资助反苏反共的自由派分子从事解体苏联的政治活动，比如著名的“持不同政见者”尤里·阿法纳西耶夫，还在1990年资助由亚夫林斯基等人组成的旨在制定苏联向自由市场经济过渡方案（“500天计划”）的工作小组。该基金会还资助大量新闻记者和电视主播从事反苏反共活动，培养了一批所谓独立的电视媒体专家，对推动苏共亡党、苏联解体发挥了重要作用。

V. Deeply Summarize and Learn the Bitter Lessons from the Rampant Spread of Historical Nihilism in the Soviet Union

五、深刻总结并吸取苏联历史虚无主义泛滥的惨痛教训

On January 5, 2013, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Why did the Soviet Union disintegrate? Why did the CPSU collapse? An important reason was the extremely fierce struggle in the ideological sphere, the complete negation of Soviet history and CPSU history, the negation of Lenin, the negation of Stalin, the practice of historical nihilism, which threw ideology into chaos, rendered Party organizations at all levels almost completely ineffective, and placed the military beyond the Party’s leadership. In the end, the CPSU, a large party, scattered like birds and beasts, and the Soviet Union, a large socialist country, disintegrated. This is a lesson to be learned from the overturned cart ahead!” [2]2 "Party of the entire people" (全民党) and "state of the entire people" (全民国家): Theories advanced by Nikita Khrushchev in the early 1960s, arguing that the CPSU and the Soviet state had ceased to be class-based instruments of the proletariat and had become representative of the entire population, a revision that Chinese Marxist orthodoxy considers a deviation from scientific socialism. This important exposition is insightful and hits the nail on the head, revealing the manifestations, essence, and harm of Soviet historical nihilism.

2013年1月5日，习近平总书记指出：“苏联为什么解体？苏共为什么垮台？一个重要原因就是意识形态领域的斗争十分激烈，全面否定苏联历史、苏共历史，否定列宁，否定斯大林，搞历史虚无主义，思想搞乱了，各级党组织几乎没任何作用了，军队都不在党的领导之下了。最后，苏联共产党偌大一个党就作鸟兽散了，苏联偌大一个社会主义国家就分崩离析了。这是前车之鉴啊！”这一重要论述见解深刻、一语中的，揭示了苏联历史虚无主义的表现、实质及其危害。

The drastic change in the Soviet Union was undoubtedly a complex political event resulting from the combined effect of multiple factors, but the rampant spread of historical nihilism was one unavoidable and important factor. Looking at the entire process of the Soviet Union’s drastic change during the Gorbachev era, the anti-communist and anti-socialist forces first started with ideological work, engaging in historical nihilism on a large scale, throwing the ideology of the Soviet Party and people into chaos, and then seized power amidst the chaos, taking the opportunity to dissolve the CPSU and disintegrate the Soviet Union.

苏联剧变无疑是由多种因素综合作用发生的复杂政治事件，但历史虚无主义泛滥是其中一个不可回避的重要因素。综观戈尔巴乔夫时期苏联剧变全过程，反共反社会主义势力正是先从意识形态工作入手，大搞历史虚无主义，搞乱了苏联党和人民的思想，然后乘乱夺权，乘机解散苏共、解体苏联。

The rampant spread of historical nihilism brought comprehensive and severe consequences for the CPSU and the Soviet Union. First, it disintegrated the socialist ideology of the CPSU and the Soviet Union. For a long time, Marxism-Leninism was the guiding ideology of the Soviet Party and state, the fundamental ideological guarantee for the Soviet Union to advance along the socialist path. However, historical nihilism, using weapons such as “ideological pluralism,” negated the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism, fundamentally dismantling the ideological and theoretical foundation for the CPSU’s governance and the Soviet Union’s existence. Through the reform of humane, democratic socialism, it transformed the CPSU into a social democratic party and led the Soviet Union entirely towards capitalism, thereby completely changing the nature of the CPSU and the nature of the Soviet state.

历史虚无主义泛滥，给苏联共产党和苏联造成全方位的严重后果。首先，瓦解了苏共和苏联的社会主义意识形态。长期以来，马克思列宁主义是苏联党和国家的指导思想，是苏联沿着社会主义道路前进的根本思想保证。然而，历史虚无主义以“意识形态多元化”等为武器，否定马克思列宁主义的指导地位，从根本上瓦解了苏共执政和苏联存续的思想理论基础，并通过人道的民主社会主义改革，把苏共改造成社会民主党，把苏联全面引向资本主义，从而彻底改变了苏共的性质、苏联国家的性质。

Second, it caused the CPSU to lose the legitimacy of its governance. The CPSU was a Marxist party with a glorious 93-year history. It was founded by Lenin, consolidated and developed during the Stalin period, and tempered through the baptism of war, including the October Revolution, foreign armed intervention, domestic counter-revolutionary rebellions, and the invasion of German fascism. It withstood the arduous tests of consolidating socialist political power and developing the socialist cause in a harsh environment, enjoying high prestige and strong cohesion among the Soviet people. However, historical nihilism, using various means—through slandering and defaming CPSU leaders, heroes, and models; through exposing so-called negative social phenomena; and through filling in so-called “historical blank spots”—completely negated the historical achievements of the CPSU and defamed its glorious image. This caused the CPSU to lose its governing authority and legitimacy, lose its influence and combat effectiveness among the people, and consequently lose its ability to resist attacks from internal and external enemies.

其次，使苏共丧失执政的合法性。苏联共产党是一个有着93年光荣历史的马克思主义政党。它是列宁领导创建的，在斯大林时期得到巩固和发展，历经十月革命、外国武装干涉、国内反革命叛乱、德国法西斯入侵等战火洗礼，在严酷环境中经受住了巩固社会主义政权、发展社会主义事业的艰巨考验，在苏联人民中享有崇高威望和强大凝聚力。然而，历史虚无主义运用各种手段，通过造谣污蔑苏共领袖、英雄模范，通过揭露所谓社会消极现象，填补所谓“历史空白点”，全面否定苏共的历史成就，诋毁苏共的光辉形象，使苏共丧失执政的权威性、正当性，在人民群众中失去对人民群众的影响力、战斗力，进而失去抵御内外敌人进攻的能力。

Third, it caused the Soviet socialist system to lose the necessity of its existence. The Soviet socialist system was a product of combining Marxism-Leninism with the Soviet national conditions and social reality, gradually established, perfected, and developed by the CPSU leading the people in practical exploration. It played a huge role in promoting Soviet economic and social development, improving people’s living standards, enhancing national strength, and raising international prestige. The Soviet socialist system was concretely embodied in adhering to the socialist economic system with public ownership of the means of production and distribution according to work as the mainstay, adhering to the socialist political system with the CPSU’s ruling status and the Soviet state power of the soviets, and adhering to the ideological system guided by Marxism-Leninism. However, historical nihilism, under the banners of “pluralism,” “humanism,” “alienation,” etc., attacked the dominance of socialist public ownership as “economic monopoly,” the CPSU’s ruling status as “political monopoly,” and guidance by Marxism-Leninism as “spiritual monopoly.” It advocated privatization, a multi-party system, parliamentary democracy, separation of powers, a presidential system, and ideological pluralism in the Soviet Union, completely destroying the foundation of the Soviet socialist system and leading the country entirely towards capitalism.

再次，使苏联社会主义制度丧失存在的必要性。苏联的社会主义制度是以马克思列宁主义为指导，同苏联国情和社会实际相结合的产物，是苏共领导人民在实践探索中逐步确立、完善、发展起来的，在推动苏联经济社会发展、提高人民生活水平、增强国家实力和提升国际威望等方面发挥了巨大作用。苏联的社会主义制度集中体现在坚持生产资料公有制和按劳分配为主体的社会主义经济制度，坚持苏共执政地位和苏维埃国家政权的社会主义政治制度，坚持马克思列宁主义为指导的意识形态制度等。然而，历史虚无主义打着“多元论”“人道主义”“异化”等旗号，攻击社会主义公有制占主体是“经济垄断”、苏共的执政地位是“政治垄断”、以马列主义为指导是“精神垄断”，在苏联鼓吹私有化、多党制、议会民主、三权分立、总统制、指导思想多元化，彻底摧毁了苏联社会主义制度基础，把国家全面引向资本主义。

Historical nihilism was also the ideological weapon used by anti-Soviet and anti-communist forces to disintegrate the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was a multi-ethnic unified state with the largest number of ethnic groups and an extremely complex ethnic composition, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was a special state system. In such a large socialist country, ethnic contradictions and ethnic problems were inevitable, requiring ethnic policies that conformed to the aspirations of the vast majority of ethnic groups and the interests of the vast majority of people within each ethnic group, while also actively correcting erroneous ethnic policies from history in light of actual conditions, alleviating ethnic contradictions, breaking down ethnic barriers, and avoiding ethnic conflicts. However, during the process of the Soviet Union's disintegration, historical nihilism merged with ethnic separatist forces. Proceeding from narrow ethnic interests and exploiting the one-sided public opinion environment of "glasnost," they fanned extreme nationalism, continuously intensifying Soviet ethnic contradictions and escalating ethnic separatist activities, ultimately leading to the tragic disintegration of the Soviet Union.

历史虚无主义还是反苏反共势力解体苏联的思想武器。苏联是世界上民族数量最多、民族构成极为复杂的多民族统一国家，苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟是特殊的国家制度。在这样的社会主义大国，难免存在民族矛盾、民族问题，需要采取符合绝大多数民族愿望以及各民族绝大多数民众利益的民族政策，同时结合实际积极纠正历史上错误的民族政策，缓解民族矛盾，打通民族隔阂，避免民族冲突。然而，在苏联解体过程中，历史虚无主义与民族分裂势力合流，他们从狭隘的民族利益出发，利用“公开性”等片面的舆论环境，煽动极端民族主义，使苏联民族矛盾不断激化，民族分裂活动愈演愈烈，最终导致苏联解体悲剧的发生。

Reviewing the process of the rampant spread of historical nihilism in the Soviet Union during the Gorbachev period, there are many lessons to be summarized and learned. First, it is necessary to scientifically evaluate major events and important figures in the history of the CPSU and the Soviet Union, including CPSU leaders like Stalin, to correctly treat the problems and mistakes in socialist practice, including the personal problems and mistakes of leaders, and to accurately grasp the main theme, main line, mainstream, and essential nature of the Party's and the state's historical development. A fundamental reason why historical nihilism ran rampant in the Soviet Union was that the CPSU never comprehensively, objectively, and accurately evaluated Stalin and the Soviet socialist practice he led, never fully affirmed Stalin's historical merits and historical status, and never correctly treated Stalin's mistakes and the problems in Soviet socialist practice. Consequently, it could not unify the thoughts and will of the Soviet people through forming correct resolutions, nor could it inject new vitality into Soviet socialism through implementing correct reforms. This provided the conditions and soil for the breeding and spread of historical nihilism in the Soviet Union, and offered opportunities for hostile forces at home and abroad to undermine the CPSU and the Soviet Union.

回顾戈尔巴乔夫时期苏联历史虚无主义泛滥的过程，需要总结并吸取的教训有很多。一是必须科学评价苏共和苏联历史上的重大事件和重要人物，包括像斯大林这样的苏共领袖，正确对待社会主义实践中的问题和失误，包括领袖个人的问题和错误，准确把握党和国家历史发展的主题主线、主流本质。历史虚无主义之所以在苏联泛滥起来，一个根本原因是苏共始终没有全面客观准确地评价斯大林以及他所领导的苏联社会主义实践，没有充分肯定斯大林的历史功绩和历史地位，没有正确对待斯大林的错误和苏联社会主义实践中的问题，因而不能通过形成正确的决议统一苏联人民的思想和意志，不能通过推行正确的改革赋予苏联的社会主义以新的生机活力，从而为历史虚无主义在苏联的滋生蔓延提供了条件和土壤，为境内外敌对势力瓦解苏共和苏联提供了可乘之机。

Second, it is necessary to consistently uphold Marxism's guiding position in the ideological sphere and strengthen communists' ideals and convictions. Marxism is the guiding ideology and action guide for communists to lead social change; ideals and convictions are the political soul and spiritual pillar of communists. Viewed from the historical lessons of the Soviet Union's drastic changes, the main target destroyed by historical nihilism was the guiding ideology of the Soviet Party and state. During the Gorbachev period, the main leaders of the CPSU generally lost their ideals and convictions, betrayed Marxism-Leninism and the lofty ideal of communism, and the vast number of Party cadres and members lost their direction forward, causing the CPSU to lose its cohesion and combat effectiveness. The lesson of the CPSU's demise once again shows that in this ideological battlefield, if Marxism does not occupy it, non-Marxist and anti-Marxist trends of thought will. It is imperative to unswervingly uphold Marxism's guiding position, strengthen the Party's ideological and theoretical construction, persistently temper Party spirit, resolutely struggle against all anti-Marxist trends of thought, and ensure that the ideological and public opinion battlefield is firmly in the hands of Marxists.

二是必须始终坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位，坚定共产党人理想信念。马克思主义是共产党引领社会变革的指导思想和行动指南，理想信念是共产党人的政治灵魂、精神支柱。从苏联剧变的历史教训来看，历史虚无主义摧毁的主要目标是苏联党和国家的指导思想。在戈尔巴乔夫时期，苏共主要领导人普遍丧失理想信念，背弃马克思列宁主义和共产主义远大理想，广大党员干部迷失前进方向，苏共失去凝聚力、战斗力。苏共亡党的教训再次表明，意识形态这块阵地，马克思主义不去占领，非马克思主义、反马克思主义思潮就会去占领，必须毫不动摇坚持马克思主义指导地位，加强党的思想理论建设，持之以恒锤炼党性修养，同一切反马克思主义思潮作坚决斗争，让思想舆论阵地牢牢掌握在马克思主义者手里。

Third, it is necessary to attach great importance to ideological work and firmly grasp leadership over ideological work. The value of ideological work lies in nipping problems in the bud and preventing trouble before it occurs. Looking at the history of the CPSU spanning over 90 years and the Soviet Union spanning nearly 70 years, the ideological work of the CPSU and the Soviet Union underwent a process of evolution and degeneration. During Lenin's period, Marxism was adhered to as the guide, and in the long revolutionary practice, the principles, guidelines, and theoretical guidance for ideological work were established for the Bolshevik Party, pioneering Marxist-Leninist ideological work. During Stalin's period, ideological work had both major achievements and major deviations, but it generally adhered to and developed Marxism-Leninism. Starting from Khrushchev, the CPSU's ideological work strayed further and further from the track of Marxism-Leninism. Khrushchev's theories of the "party of the entire people" and the "state of the entire people" seriously violated the principles of scientific socialism. By the Brezhnev period, a trend of complacency and reluctance to make progress emerged, conservatism and dogmatism prevailed, and the CPSU's ideology and theory became increasingly rigid, increasingly losing their appeal to the masses. By the Gorbachev period, it embarked on the erroneous path of completely negating Marxism-Leninism, leading to the severe consequence of the Party's demise and the state's collapse. The ideological and political origins of Gorbachev's humane, democratic socialism can be traced back to the Khrushchev period. The fact that it could be established and replace the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism is directly related to factors such as the CPSU's long-term neglect of ideological work, its inability to effectively conduct ideological struggle, and its allowing anti-Marxist trends of thought to breed, spread, and become rampant.

三是必须高度重视意识形态工作，牢牢把握意识形态工作领导权。意识形态工作贵在防微杜渐，防患于未然。纵观苏共90多年、苏联近70年的历史，苏共和苏联的意识形态工作经历了一个演化蜕变的过程。列宁时期坚持以马克思主义为指导，在长期的革命实践中为布尔什维克党确立了意识形态工作的原则、方针和理论指导，开了马克思列宁主义意识形态工作的先河。斯大林时期的意识形态工作既有重大成就也出现了重大偏差，但总体上坚持并发展了马克思列宁主义。从赫鲁晓夫开始，苏共意识形态工作在偏离马克思列宁主义的轨道上越走越远，赫鲁晓夫的“全民党”“全民国家”等理论严重违背了科学社会主义原则。到了勃列日涅夫时期，不思进取、安于现状的风气抬头，保守主义、教条主义盛行，苏共的思想理论越来越僵化，越来越失去对民众的吸引力。到了戈尔巴乔夫时期则走上了全面否定马克思列宁主义的错误道路，酿成亡党亡国的严重后果。戈尔巴乔夫人道的民主的社会主义，其思想政治渊源可追溯到赫鲁晓夫时期，它能够被确立起来并取代马克思列宁主义的指导地位，与苏共长期忽视意识形态工作，不能卓有成效地开展意识形态斗争，任由反马克思主义思潮滋生蔓延泛滥等因素有着直接的关系。

Fourth, it is necessary to build a solid defense line against the infiltration of Western ideology and culture, and safeguard national ideological security. For a long time, Western countries led by the United States, utilizing contacts with the Soviet Union and employing political, economic, cultural, and diplomatic means, propagated bourgeois values and the superiority of the capitalist system, negated Marxism-Leninism, negated the Soviet Union's socialist achievements, distorted the Soviet Union's socialist system, fanned flames and created chaos within Soviet society, and enticed the Soviet Union to evolve in the direction of capitalism. Western ideological infiltration and subversive activities played an important role in promoting the demise of the CPSU and the collapse of the Soviet Union. It is necessary to constantly be vigilant against and resist the infiltration strategy of Western bourgeois ideology, strengthen the construction of the socialist ideological battlefield, strengthen education in core socialist values and education in the concept of national unity, develop advanced socialist culture, continuously enhance the country's cultural soft power, and provide strong ideological armament, spiritual support, and public opinion guarantees for the development of the Party's and the state's undertakings.

四是必须筑牢抵御西方思想文化渗透的防线，维护国家意识形态安全。长期以来，以美国为首的西方国家利用与苏联的接触，运用政治、经济、文化、外交等手段，宣扬资产阶级价值观和资本主义制度优越性，否定马克思列宁主义，否定苏联的社会主义成就，歪曲苏联的社会主义制度，在苏联社会内部煽风点火、制造混乱，诱使苏联向资本主义方向演变。西方的意识形态渗透颠覆活动，在推动苏联亡党亡国过程中发挥了重要作用。要时刻警惕并抵制西方资产阶级意识形态渗透战略，加强社会主义意识形态阵地建设，加强社会主义核心价值观教育和民族团结观教育，发展社会主义先进文化，不断增强国家文化软实力，为党和国家事业发展提供强有力的思想武装、精神支撑和舆论保障。

(The author is a Professor at the School of Marxism Studies, Renmin University of China; a Researcher at the Contemporary Political Parties Research Platform, Renmin University of China; and a Researcher at the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era Research Institute, Renmin University of China.)

（作者系中国人民大学马克思主义学院教授，中国人民大学当代政党研究平台研究员，中国人民大学习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究院研究员）

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