A Reading Guide to Latin American Marxism

Translated by Song Xiujuan and Liu Yu

宋秀娟 刘玉 译

Any periodization of the development and evolution of Latin American Marxism inevitably simplifies through generalization and filters out the anomalous eddies that run counter to the main currents of development. Nevertheless, to compile such a reading guide, there is no other way.

有关拉美马克思主义发展流变的任何历史分期都会因概述而简单化，并过滤掉与发展大趋势相向而行的异常漩涡。尽管如此，要撰写这样一份阅读指南，除此之外，别无他法。

In the lengthy introduction to the anthology *Marxism in Latin America from 1909 to the Present: An Anthology*, editor Michael Löwy provides what is currently the most persuasive historical periodization in the English-speaking world of the evolution of Latin American Marxist theory and political thought, along with important documents on various movements and parties. Although these documents inevitably omit some items, they are still broad enough in scope to reveal the key threads of twentieth-century Latin American Marxism.

在《1909年以来的拉美马克思主义选集》(Marxism in Latin America from 1909 to the Present: An Anthology)一书的长篇导论中，主编米歇尔·勒威(Michael Löwy)为我们提供了目前英语世界中有关拉美马克思主义理论和政治思潮演变的最具说服力的历史分期，以及有关各种运动和政党的重要文献，尽管这些文献难免挂一漏万，但仍然涉猎广泛，足以展现20世纪拉美马克思主义的关键线索。

Next, I will provide a list of important works that address the various stages of development of Latin American Marxism more from a historical than a theoretical perspective. This list is incomplete but quite distinctive, and it is clearly marked by preferences. Some of these works are widely recognized as important introductions to Latin American Marxism, while others have long remained little known and have not received sufficient attention.

接下来，我将提供一份更多从历史而非理论的角度论及拉美马克思主义各个发展阶段的重要文献清单。这份清单虽不完整，但非常独特，并且显然有所偏好，其中一些文献被公认为拉美马克思主义的重要导读，而另一些文献一直鲜为人知，尚未得到足够的重视。

I. The Germination Period: 1870 to 1910

一、萌芽时期：1870年至1910年

The period from 1870 to 1910 is the first stage of Latin American Marxist development. In this stage, the works of Marx and Engels were widely disseminated, and socialist programs were initially articulated in countries such as Cuba, Mexico, Uruguay, and Argentina.

1870年至1910年是拉美马克思主义发展的第一阶段，在这一阶段，马克思恩格斯的著作得到广泛传播，社会主义纲领也在古巴、墨西哥、乌拉圭和阿根廷等国家得到初步阐释。

On the question of the relevance of Marx’s writings to understanding Latin American reality, José Aricó’s *Marx and Latin America* is arguably the most influential work in Latin American scholarship. Aricó argues that Marx’s discussions of Latin America are scarce and contain many inconsistencies. However, this should not be attributed to a linear model of development based on Eurocentrism; rather, contradictions and conflicts help to illuminate the revolutionary potential of Latin America.

在马克思的著作与理解拉丁美洲现实的相关性的问题上，何塞·阿里科(José Aricó)的《马克思与拉丁美洲》(Marx and Latin America)堪称拉美学界最具影响力的一部著作。阿里科认为，马克思关于拉丁美洲的论述并不多见，也存在不少不一致之处。但是，我们不应将此归结为欧洲中心论的线性发展模式，矛盾和冲突反而有助于阐明拉美革命的潜能。

II. The Revolutionary Period: 1910 to 1932

二、革命时期：1910年至1932年

The second stage of Latin American Marxist development began with the Mexican Revolution of 1910. In this stage, a series of issues successively came to the surface: the land question; the liberation of indigenous peoples; how to unite the peoples of Latin America from a new perspective favorable to the laboring masses and oppressed groups; the role of national liberation movements and anti-imperialist struggles; and the socialist character of the impending revolution. Under the influence of the October Revolution, the first Communist Parties in Latin America were successively established in Argentina (1918), Uruguay (1920), Chile (1922), Mexico (1919), and Brazil (1922). At the same time, this was an era that produced giants, such as the Cuban revolutionary Julio Antonio Mella, but the most dazzling figure was the outstanding Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui, who remains to this day the most original theorist in Latin America. This stage ended with the bloody suppression of the uprising led by the Communist Party of El Salvador in 1932.

拉美马克思主义发展的第二阶段肇始于1910年的墨西哥革命。在这一阶段，一系列问题相继浮出水面：土地问题；原住民的解放；如何从有利于劳苦大众和被压迫群体的新视角出发来团结拉美人民；民族解放运动和反帝斗争的作用；即将到来的革命的社会主义性质。在十月革命的影响下，拉美第一批共产党在阿根廷(1918年)、乌拉圭(1920年)、智利(1922年)、墨西哥(1919年)和巴西(1922年)等国相继成立。与此同时，这也是一个巨人辈出的时代，比如古巴革命家胡利奥·梅利亚(Julio Antonio Mella),而最为耀眼的是秘鲁杰出的马克思主义者何塞·马里亚特吉(José Carlos Mariátegui),时至今日，他依然是拉美最具原创性的理论家。这一阶段随着1932年萨尔瓦多共产党领导的起义被血腥镇压而结束。

*José Carlos Mariátegui: An Anthology*, edited by Harry Vanden and Marc Becker, is currently the most complete collection of Mariátegui’s works available in English. Mariátegui’s works selectively draw on the history of Latin America’s pre-capitalist indigenous peoples, forming a dialectic imbued with utopian and revolutionary colors, thereby deepening a future-oriented vision of socialist liberation. In this vision, strategically, the subjects of revolution are workers and peasants, and their objects of revolution are not only foreign capital but also domestic class enemies. Mariátegui’s views not only challenged the core of the orthodox line of the Communist International (for which he was condemned as a populist) but also struck at the nationalism led by the ruling class within Peru, which was embodied in the ideology of the Peruvian People’s Party (also known as the APRA Party, Peru’s most important populist party). For Mariátegui, indigenous communities were not historical relics but a living organism.

由哈里·万登(Harry Vanden)和马克·贝克尔(Marc Becker)主编的《何塞·卡洛斯·马里亚特吉选集》(José Carlos Mariátegui: An Anthology)是目前所能收集到的英文版马里亚特吉作品的最完整合集。马里亚特吉的作品有选择地借鉴了拉丁美洲前资本主义原住民的历史，形成了充满乌托邦和革命色彩的辩证法，从而深化了一种面向未来的社会主义解放观。在这种解放观看来，在战略上，革命的主体是工人和农民，他们的革命对象不仅是外国资本，还有国内的阶级敌人。马里亚特吉的观点不仅冲击了共产国际正统思想的核心(他因此被谴责为民粹主义者),而且触及秘鲁国内由统治阶级主导的民族主义，这种民族主义体现在秘鲁人民党(又称阿普拉党，秘鲁最重要的民粹主义政党)的意识形态中。对于马里亚特吉而言，原住民社群并非历史遗俗，而是一个活生生的有机体。

Adolfo Gilly, an Argentine who lived in long-term exile in Mexico, is one of Latin America’s most creative social historians. In the late 1960s, while imprisoned in Lecumberri Prison in Mexico, he wrote *The Mexican Revolution*. This is a “people’s history” of the Mexican Revolution, which has been reprinted over thirty times in Mexico since its first publication in 1971. To better understand this book, it can be read in conjunction with biographies of other core figures of the Latin American revolution, such as Friedrich Katz’s *The Life and Times of Pancho Villa*, John Womack’s *Zapata and the Mexican Revolution*, and Claudio Lomnitz’s *The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón*.

阿道弗·吉利(Adolfo Gilly)是长期流亡墨西哥的阿根廷人，也是拉丁美洲最具创造力的社会历史学家之一。1960年代末，他在墨西哥的莱昆贝里监狱里撰写了《墨西哥革命》(The Mexican Revolution)一书。这是一本关于墨西哥革命的“人民史”,自1971年首次出版以来已在墨西哥再版30多次。要想更好地理解这本书，可以将它与其他有关拉美革命核心人物的传记结合起来一起阅读，比如，弗里德里克·卡茨(Friedrich Katz)的《潘乔·维拉的时代与人生》(The Life and Times of Pancho Villa),约翰·沃马克(John Womack)的《萨帕塔与墨西哥革命》(Zapata and the Mexican Revolution),克劳迪奥·龙尼茨(Claudio Lomnitz)的《里卡多·弗洛雷斯·马贡同志归来》(The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón)。

Jeffrey Gould and Aldo Lauria-Santiago’s *To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920-1932* presents the first stage of the Latin American Marxist revolution. This stage, inaugurated by the Mexican Revolution and the Russian Revolution, tragically concluded with the 1932 massacre in El Salvador. In January 1932, thousands of indigenous people and rural laborers launched a wave of protests against electoral fraud and the suppression of strikes. This uprising, organized by Communist Party members, temporarily controlled several cities in central and western El Salvador; many of those who participated were themselves indigenous laborers and members of coffee plantation unions. The Salvadoran army and paramilitary militias quickly recaptured the towns and massacred tens of thousands of insurgents, primarily rural indigenous activists. Earlier, the leaders of the Communist Party of El Salvador, Farabundo Martí, Alfonso Luna, Mario Zapata, and Miguel Mármol, had already been imprisoned in a carefully orchestrated preemptive government crackdown. Party documents from this period indicate that the purpose of the uprising was entirely to achieve a socialist transformation in El Salvador, and that the decision to launch the uprising was made independently by the Communist Party of El Salvador, not by the socialist headquarters in the Kremlin.

杰弗里·古尔德(Jeffrey Gould)和阿尔多·劳里亚-圣地亚哥(Aldo Lauria-Santiago)的《在黑暗中崛起：萨尔瓦多1920—1932年间的革命、镇压和记忆》(To Rise in Darkness: Revolution, Repression, and Memory in El Salvador, 1920-1932)展现了拉美马克思主义革命的第一个阶段。这一阶段由墨西哥革命和俄国革命揭开大幕，以1932年的萨尔瓦多大屠杀悲剧性地落幕。1932年1月，成千上万的原住民和农村劳工掀起了抗议选举舞弊、反对镇压罢工的浪潮。这次起义是由共产党员组织的，一度控制了萨尔瓦多中部和西部的一些城市，参与起义的许多人本身就是原住民劳工和咖啡种植园工会成员。萨尔瓦多军队和准军事民兵组织迅速夺回了城镇，并屠杀了成千上万名起义者，其中主要是农村原住民激进分子。此前，萨尔瓦多共产党领导人法拉本多·马蒂(Farabundo Martí)、阿方索·卢纳(Alfonso Luna)、马里奥·萨帕塔(Mario Zapata)和米格尔·马莫尔(Miguel Mármol)早已在一场由政府精心策划的预防性镇压中被监禁。这一时期的党内文件表明，起义的目的完全是为了使萨尔瓦多向社会主义转型，而且发动起义的决定是萨尔瓦多共产党独立自主做出的，并非来自当时的社会主义大本营克里姆林宫。

III. The Stagnation Period: 1932 to 1959

三、停滞时期：1932年至1959年

In the decades following the massacre in El Salvador, the mainstream force of Latin American Marxism lost its independence and courage. All communist parties in the region were deeply influenced by Stalinism. This was the third stage of the development of Marxism in Latin America—a period of painful rigidity and stagnation. This situation did not change until after the Cuban Revolution in 1959. Throughout most of the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, the Stalinist “stage theory of development” [1]1 The Stalinist “stage theory of development” refers to the mechanical application of a unilinear historical schema, which held that societies must pass through a distinct feudal stage before a capitalist one, and then a socialist revolution. In the Latin American context, this led to the conclusion that the immediate task was a bourgeois-democratic revolution, postponing socialist goals indefinitely. prevailed, and all revolutions in Latin America were confined within the framework of a national-democratic revolution based on the presupposition that “the region was in a feudal stage.” According to this view, Latin America was about to enter a prolonged period of industrial capitalist development, and therefore the working people and the progressive national bourgeoisie needed to form a political alliance in the short to medium term. Only in the distant future, after the productive forces had been fully developed, would a socialist revolution become possible.

在萨尔瓦多大屠杀之后的几十年里，拉美马克思主义的主流力量失去了独立性和胆识。该地区的所有共产党都深受斯大林主义的影响。这是拉美马克思主义发展进程中的第三阶段——一个充满痛苦的僵化和停滞时期。直到1959年古巴革命后，这种情况才有所改变。在1930年代、1940年代和1950年代的大部分时间里，斯大林主义的“发展阶段论”盛行，拉丁美洲的所有革命都依据“该地区处于封建阶段”的预设而被限制在民族民主革命的框框内。根据这种观点，拉丁美洲即将到来的将是一个较长时期的工业资本主义发展阶段，因此劳动人民与进步的民族资产阶级需要在中短期内结成政治联盟。只有在遥远的将来，等到生产力得到充分发展的时候，才有可能发动社会主义革命。

The third stage of Latin American Marxism, characterized by rigidity and stagnation, coincided with orthodox Latin American populism, of which Argentine Peronism [2]2 Peronism is a populist political movement in Argentina founded by Juan Perón, characterized by a mix of nationalism, labor rights, and state intervention, with a strong personalist leadership. is a typical representative. Daniel James’s *Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946-1976* is a landmark work on orthodox Peronism, which revitalized E.P. Thompson’s method of social history in Argentina. James argues that Peronism’s success lay in its ability to capture the capacity for demands of the social and political protagonist of Argentina’s early industrialization—the working class. Most importantly, Peronism in this period put forward contradictory expressions of class consciousness. This contradiction manifested as: on the one hand, the Peronist movement cultivated loyalty by advocating harmonious coexistence between classes, subordinating the interests of the working class to those of the nation-state; on the other hand, the Peronist movement allowed for multiple forms of working-class counterculture and resistance, which would challenge existing social hierarchies and symbols of authority in many ways.

以僵化和停滞为特征的第三阶段的拉美马克思主义与正统的拉美民粹主义处于同一时期，其中，阿根廷的庇隆主义是拉美民粹主义的典型代表。丹尼尔·詹姆斯(Daniel James)的《抵抗与融合：1946—1976年的庇隆主义与阿根廷工人阶级》(Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946-1976)是一部研究正统庇隆主义的里程碑式著作，它使E.P.汤普森(E.P.Thompson)的社会历史研究方法在阿根廷焕发了活力。詹姆斯认为，庇隆主义的成功在于它捕捉到了阿根廷早期工业化时期的社会和政治主角——工人阶级——的诉求能力。最重要的是，这个时期的庇隆主义提出了关于阶级意识的矛盾表述。这种矛盾表现为：一方面，庇隆主义运动通过倡导阶级之间的和谐共处培养了忠诚，使工人阶级的利益服从于民族国家的利益；另一方面，庇隆主义运动允许多种形式的工人阶级反文化和抵抗存在，而反文化将在许多方面挑战既有的社会等级制度和权威象征。

Caio Prado, Jr. was a loyal member of the Brazilian Communist Party and one of the most important Brazilian historians of the 20th century. *The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil* is one of his classic works, first published in Brazil in 1942, and for decades it was the only comprehensive economic history monograph studying the socio-economic structure of Brazil in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

小卡约·普拉多(Caio Prado, Jr.)是巴西共产党的忠实一员，也是20世纪巴西最重要的历史学家之一。《现代巴西的殖民地背景》(The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil)是他的经典著作之一，1942年首次在巴西出版，几十年来一直是唯一一部研究18世纪末和19世纪初期巴西社会经济结构问题的综合性经济史专著。

James Dunkerley’s *Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia, 1952-1982*, although it does not cover earlier indigenous peasant uprisings, still provides the most brilliant and precise account of Bolivia’s national-populist revolution of 1952 and its subsequent degeneration into right-wing authoritarian rule between 1964 and 1982. The issue of indigenous peasant uprisings is further elaborated in Laura Gotkowitz’s later work, *A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggles for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880-1952*.

詹姆斯·邓克利(James Dunkerley)的《血管里的叛乱：1952年至1982年的玻利维亚政治斗争》(Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia, 1952-1982)尽管未涉及前期的原住民农民起义，但在描述1952年的玻利维亚民族—民粹主义革命及其随后蜕变为1964—1982年间的右翼专制统治方面仍然为我们提供了最为精彩和精准的评述。而原住民农民起义的问题，则在劳拉·高特科威茨(Laura Gotkowitz)后来的著作《为了我们的权利的革命：1880年至1952年玻利维亚原住民争取土地和正义的斗争》(A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggles for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880-1952)中得到了进一步阐述。

Greg Grandin’s *The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War* is an original work of history and anthropology. It presents the problem of terror in Latin America during the Cold War through the lens of Guatemala. Guatemala provides a typical backdrop for narratives about Latin America; its October Revolution of 1944 [3]3 The Guatemalan October Revolution of 1944 was a popular uprising that overthrew the dictator Jorge Ubico, leading to a decade of democratic reform under presidents Juan José Arévalo and Jacobo Árbenz. inspired hopes among the Latin American left for socialized democracy through land reform and other initiatives. However, the U.S.-backed 1954 coup [4]4 The 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état was a covert operation organized by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that overthrew the democratically elected president Jacobo Árbenz, primarily due to his land reform policies that threatened the interests of the U.S.-based United Fruit Company. shattered this dream and inaugurated a reign of terror. After all other means of political action were thwarted, the left was ultimately forced to wage guerrilla warfare. Yet, with the assistance of the well-trained and well-equipped U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, assassinations, rapes, torture, disappearances, kidnappings, and massacres culminated in the genocide of 1981-1982. By 1996, over 200,000 people had been killed by the Guatemalan government, and the 40-year civil war ended with the suppression of the left and the complete destruction of the ideal of democratic socialism.

格雷格·格兰丁(Greg Grandin)的《最后的殖民大屠杀：冷战中的拉丁美洲》(The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War)是一部历史和人类学方面的原创佳作。它通过危地马拉这一透镜展现了拉丁美洲冷战时期的恐怖问题。危地马拉为有关拉丁美洲的叙事提供了典型性背景，其1944年的十月革命激发了拉美左翼通过土地改革和其他倡议实现社会化民主的希望。然而，美国支持的1954年政变打破了这一梦想，开启了恐怖统治。在所有其他政治行动手段被挫败后，左翼最终不得不发动游击战。然而，在训练有素、装备精良的美国中央情报局的协助下，暗杀、强暴、酷刑、失踪、绑架和屠杀等在1981年至1982年间的种族灭绝中达到了顶峰。1996年，超过20万人被危地马拉政府杀害，长达40年的内战以左翼被镇压、民主社会主义的理想被彻底粉碎而告终。

IV. The Period of Revolutionary Experimentation: 1959 to 1980

四、革命实验时期：1959年至1980年

The fourth stage of Latin American Marxism began with the Cuban Revolution, also witnessed Salvador Allende’s [5]5 Salvador Allende was a Marxist politician who became the first democratically elected socialist president in Latin America (Chile, 1970-1973), before being overthrown in a military coup led by Augusto Pinochet. attempt at a peaceful transition to socialism in Chile and the struggle of the Sandinista National Liberation Front [6]6 The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) is a socialist political party in Nicaragua that led a revolution in 1979, overthrowing the Somoza dictatorship and governing until 1990. in Nicaragua, and finally ended with the neoliberal reforms of the 1980s and 1990s. Many internal currents and schools of dependency theory [7]7 Dependency theory is a body of social science theories that argue that the economic development of peripheral (developing) countries is conditioned and constrained by their subordinate relationship to core (developed) capitalist countries. are centered on the series of ideological and political upheavals of this stage, so the internal debates within and surrounding dependency theory are crucial for understanding this stage.

拉美马克思主义发展的第四阶段始于古巴革命，期间还经历了萨尔瓦多·戈森斯(Salvador Guillermo Allende Gossens)在智利进行的和平过渡到社会主义的尝试，以及尼加拉瓜桑地诺民族解放阵线的斗争，最后因1980年代和1990年代的新自由主义改革而终结。依附理论的许多内在脉络和流派是以这一阶段的一系列思想和政治动荡为核心的，因此有关依附理论的内部争论以及围绕依附理论展开的争论对于我们理解这一阶段至关重要。

*A Century of Revolution: Insurgent and Counterinsurgent Violence during Latin America's Long Cold War*, co-edited by Gilbert Joseph and Grandin, is the best English-language collection on insurgency and repression in 20th-century Latin America. Grandin’s panoramic introduction provides a highly persuasive general periodization and theoretical elaboration of Latin America’s “long Cold War.” Other outstanding contributions include: Katz’s comparative study of violence and terror in the Russian and Mexican revolutions; Carlota McAllister’s study of the relationship between insurgency and repression in Guatemala and the relationship between indigenous people and guerrillas; Gerardo Rénique’s study of the Shining Path [8]8 The Shining Path is a Maoist guerrilla group in Peru that launched an armed insurgency in 1980, leading to a brutal internal conflict with the Peruvian state. in Peru and state terror during the civil war; and Forrest Hylton’s study of paramilitarization in Colombia.

吉尔伯特·约瑟夫(Gilbert Joseph)与格兰丁联合主编的《一个世纪的革命：拉丁美洲长期冷战中的起义与暴力镇压》(A Century of Revolution: Insurgent and Counterinsurgent Violence during Latin America's Long Cold War)是研究20世纪拉丁美洲起义与镇压的最佳英文作品集。格兰丁撰写的全景式导言对拉丁美洲的“长期冷战”进行了颇具说服力的概括性分期和理论阐述。其他出类拔萃的著述还包括：卡茨对俄罗斯革命与墨西哥革命中的暴力和恐怖问题的比较研究，卡洛塔·麦卡利斯特(Carlota McAllister)对危地马拉起义与镇压的关系、原住民与游击队的关系问题的研究，赫拉尔多·雷尼克(Gerardo Rénique)对秘鲁光辉道路和内战期间的国家恐怖问题的研究，以及福里斯特·希尔顿(Forrest Hylton)对哥伦比亚的准军事化问题的研究。

For a long time, Samuel Farber’s works have supported a democratic socialism of the Cuban revolution from below. In *Cuba Since the Revolution of 1959: A Critical Assessment*, he provides a complex and nuanced historical synthesis of the Cuban revolution since 1959, offering an indispensable guide to understanding the politics of this island nation—small in territory yet profoundly influential on Latin America’s historical development and the trajectory of the Cold War in the latter half of the twentieth century. With a keen grasp of historical detail and incisive analysis, Farber maps out the ideological debates and their political consequences surrounding Cuba’s economic development, foreign policy, sociocultural changes in race and gender, and the actual conditions of workers and peasants, producing an unparalleled portrait of the Cuban revolution. Farber acknowledges the achievements of the Cuban revolutionary process in education and healthcare, strives to defend Cuba’s sovereignty against imperialist interference in its internal affairs under any pretext, and also rejects the portrayal of Cuba as an idyllic myth. It would be highly beneficial to read Farber’s work alongside that of Louis Pérez, Jr., the most distinguished English-language historian of Cuba. In works such as *Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution*, Pérez offers a unique perspective and a broader interpretation of history.

长期以来，塞缪尔·法伯(Samuel Farber)的著作一直对古巴自下而上的革命的民主社会主义持支持立场。他在《1959年革命以来的古巴：一个批判性评估》(Cuba Since the Revolution of1959: A Critical Assessment)中对1959年以来的古巴革命进行了复杂而细致的历史综合研究，为把握这个虽然疆域不大、但却对拉丁美洲的历史发展和20世纪下半叶的冷战走向产生了重要影响的岛国的政治提供了不可或缺的指南。凭借对历史细节的敏锐把握和精辟分析，法伯围绕古巴的经济发展、外交政策、种族和性别的社会文化变化、工人和农民的现实状况等问题所展开的意识形态争论及其政治后果，为我们绘制了一幅无与伦比的古巴革命图谱。法伯承认古巴的革命进程在教育和医疗卫生方面取得的成就，努力捍卫古巴的主权，反对帝国主义打着任何幌子干预古巴内政，同时也反对将古巴描绘成田园诗般的神话。如果我们将法伯的作品与以英语为工作语言研究古巴问题的最杰出的历史学家小路易斯·佩雷斯(Louis Pérez, Jr.)的著作放在一起阅读，将裨益多多。佩雷斯在《古巴：在改革与革命之间》(Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution)等作品中为我们提供了独特的视角和对历史的更广泛的解读。

Peter Winn’s *Weavers of Revolution: The Yarur Workers and Chile’s Road to Socialism* is a compelling, bottom-up account of Chile’s “democratic road to socialism” under the Allende government (1970–1973). The study focuses on the workers’ management and socialization of Chile’s largest cotton textile mill, the Yarur plant. Winn shows how workers became radicalized and how the depth of change they envisioned far exceeded what the Allende government had planned, thereby generating conflict between the two. This book can be read alongside Franck Gaudichaud’s *Chili 1970–1973: Mille jours qui ébranlèrent le monde* and Patricio Guzmán’s epic documentary *The Battle of Chile*.

彼得·温(Peter Winn)的《纺织工人的革命：亚鲁尔工人与智利的社会主义之路》(Weavers of Revolution: The Yarur Workers and Chile's Road to Socialism)是对阿连德政府(1970—1973)领导下的智利“通往社会主义的民主之路”所进行的引人入胜的、自下而上的描述。工人对智利最大的棉纺厂亚鲁尔工厂的管理以及使其社会化的努力，是该项研究的关注点。温向我们展示了工人们是如何变得激进化的，以及他们所设想的变革深度是如何远远超出了阿连德政府的设想、从而引发了两者之间的冲突的。本书可以与弗兰克·戈迪绍(Franck Gaudichaud)的《1970—1973年的智利：震撼世界的一千天》(Chili1970-1973: Mille jours qui ébranlèrent le monde)和帕特里西奥·古斯曼(Patricio Guzmán)的史诗纪录片《智利之战》(Battle of Chile)搭配起来阅读。

Matilde Zimmermann’s *Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution* is a biographical portrait that offers a new entry point for understanding Nicaragua’s revolutionary process. Fonseca was the principal intellectual and strategic thinker of the Sandinista National Liberation Front, who died in a battle in 1976, three years before the revolution’s victory in 1979. Beyond describing Fonseca’s life, Zimmermann’s book delves deeply into the complex internal disputes and ideological shifts within the Sandinista National Liberation Front across different periods.

马蒂尔德·齐默尔曼(Matilde Zimmermann)的《桑迪诺主义者：卡洛斯·丰塞卡与尼加拉瓜革命》(Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution)是一部传记式人物肖像作品，可以为我们了解尼加拉瓜的革命进程提供新的切入点。丰塞卡是桑地诺民族解放阵线的主要知识分子和战略思想家，死于1979年革命取得胜利的三年前，即1976年的一场战斗中。除了描述丰塞卡的生活，齐默尔曼还在书中深入展现了桑地诺民族解放阵线在各个时期复杂的内部纷争和意识形态变迁。

Also worth mentioning here is Timothy Wickham-Crowley’s *Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes Since 1956*. While not strictly a Marxist work, it is arguably the most systematic and serious comparative English-language study of rural guerrilla insurgencies in twentieth-century Latin America.

这里还要提及蒂莫西·克劳利(Timothy Wickham Crowley)的《拉丁美洲的游击队与革命：1956年以来起义者与政权的比较研究》(Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes Since1956)。这本书虽然不能说是一部马克思主义著作，但可能是关于20世纪拉美农村游击队起义最系统和最严肃的英文比较研究著作。

The history of Marxism in Latin America after 1959 is often reduced to a wave of rural—and later urban—guerrilla warfare. James Brennan’s *The Labor Wars in Córdoba, 1955–1976: Ideology, Work, and Labor Politics in an Argentine Industrial City* serves as a corrective to this narrative. Brennan examines how Argentina’s second-largest city, Córdoba, witnessed the most explosive working-class uprising in postwar Latin American history: the 1969 Córdobazo. For European readers, the interactions with France and Italy during that period are particularly interesting.

1959年之后的拉美马克思主义史常常被简化为农村——后来是城市——的游击战浪潮。詹姆斯·布伦南(James Brennan)的《1955年至1976年的科尔多瓦劳工战争：阿根廷工业城市的意识形态、工作和劳工政治》(The Labor Wars in Cordoba, 1955-1976: Ideology, Work, and Labor Politics in an Argentine Industrial City)是对这种叙事方式的更正。布伦南研究了阿根廷第二大城市科尔多瓦如何见证了战后拉美历史上最具爆炸性的工人阶级起义，即1969年的科尔多瓦起义。对于欧洲读者来说，那个时期与法国和意大利的互动尤为有趣。

Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto’s *Dependency and Development in Latin America* is arguably the most influential work of Latin American dependency theory. It is also one of the few works first published (in 1969) to have an English or French edition, with its initial draft circulating widely in Latin America two years before publication. Cardoso is best known for his later apostasy: he himself was elected President of Brazil in 1993 and 1998, yet in 2016 became a staunch supporter of the parliamentary coup against President Dilma Rousseff. Nevertheless, this work, representing the moderate wing of dependency theory, remains essential reading.

费尔南多·卡多佐(Fernando Henrique Cardoso)和恩佐·法莱托(Enzo Faletto)的《拉丁美洲的依附性与发展》(Dependency and Development in Latin America)可能是拉美依附理论中最具影响力的著作，也是为数不多的首次出版(1969年)即有英文或法文版本且初稿在出版之前的两年已在拉美广为流传的著作。卡多佐最广为人知的可能是他后来的变节行为，他本人曾于1993年和1998年当选巴西总统，然而却在2016年成为反对迪尔玛·罗塞夫(Dilma Rousseff)总统的议会政变的坚定支持者。尽管如此，这部属于依附理论温和派的著作仍是必读之作。

In addition, essential works include Ernesto Laclau’s “Feudalism and Capitalism in Latin America” (New Left Review, 1/67, 1971), Steve Stern’s “Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean” (The American Historical Review, 4/93, 1988), and Immanuel Wallerstein’s “Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean: Comments on Stern’s Critical Tests” (The American Historical Review, 4/93, 1988). These three articles, together with Cardoso and Faletto’s Dependency and Development in Latin America, provide the best introduction to the series of debates that arose in Latin America during this period due to the differences between dependency theory and classical Marxist perspectives, on issues including modes of production and their succession, property relations, labor systems, and the world-system.

此外，必读作品还包括埃内斯托·拉克劳(Ernesto Laclau)的《拉丁美洲的封建主义和资本主义》(“Feudalism and Capitalism in Latin America”,New Left Review,1/67,1971)、史蒂夫·斯特恩(Steve Stern)的《从拉丁美洲和加勒比的视角看封建主义、资本主义与世界体系》(“Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean”,The American Historical Review,4/93,1988),以及伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦(Immanuel Wallerstein)的《从拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的视角看封建主义、资本主义与世界体系：关于斯特恩关键验证的评论》(“Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean: Comments on Stern's Critical Tests”,The American Historical Review, 4/93, 1988)。这三篇文章，连同卡多佐和法莱托的《拉丁美洲的依附性与发展》,是对这一时期因依附理论与经典马克思主义的观点存在差异而在拉美引发的一系列争论的最佳介绍，争论的问题包括生产方式及其更替、财产关系、劳动制度和世界体系。

V. The Period of Abandoning Revolutionary Strategy: 1980–2000

五、放弃革命战略时期：1980年至2000年

In the fifth phase of the development of Latin American Marxism, neoliberalism dominated the entire Latin American region, and while Latin American Marxism underwent some marginal innovations, it was characterized overall by retreat, defeat, and self-criticism—which is hardly surprising. This was an era in which the Latin American left abandoned revolutionary strategy, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe underwent dramatic changes, China carried out reform, the Cuban revolution was isolated, and the Nicaraguan revolution moved toward defeat. Many Marxist intellectuals in Latin America turned to post-Marxism, or directly to liberalism.

在拉美马克思主义发展的第五阶段，新自由主义统治了整个拉美地区，而拉美马克思主义虽然进行了一些边际性的革新，但在总体上却以退缩、挫败和自我批判为主要特征，这丝毫也不令人意外。这是一个拉美左翼放弃革命战略、苏东发生剧变、中国进行改革、古巴革命受到孤立、尼加拉瓜革命走向失败的时代，不少拉美的马克思主义知识分子转向了后马克思主义，或者直接转向了自由主义。

In the article “Post-Marxism: The Retreat from Class in Latin America” (Latin American Perspectives, 2/17, 1990), Ronald Chilcote examined the crisis Marxism faced globally in the early 1990s and the elements of its causes that were of particular significance for Latin America.

在《后马克思主义：拉丁美洲“阶级理论”的退潮》(“Post-Marxism: The Retreat from Class in Latin America”,Latin American Perspectives, 2/17,1990)一文中，罗纳德·奇尔科特(Ronald Chilcote)考察了1990年代初马克思主义在全球遭遇的危机以及这场危机的动因中对拉丁美洲具有特别意义的内容。

Enrique Dussel’s Towards an Unknown Marx: A Commentary on the Manuscripts of 1861–1863 was first published in Spanish in 1988. In this work, Dussel returns from “post-Marxism” to Marx’s writings, making highly innovative theoretical contributions to our understanding of Marx, not only from a Latin American perspective but also in a global sense.

恩里克·杜塞尔(Enrique Dussel)的《走近一个不为人知的马克思：1861—1863年手稿评注》(Towards an Unknown Marx: A Commentary on the Manuscripts of1861-1863)于1988年首次以西班牙语出版。在这部著作中，杜塞尔从“后马克思主义”回归马克思的著作，不仅从拉美的视角，而且从整个世界的意义上为我们理解马克思做出了极具创新性的理论贡献。

René Zavaleta Mercado is undoubtedly the most important social and political theorist of twentieth-century Bolivia. Unfortunately, before the English publication of his book Towards a History of the National-Popular in Bolivia, very few of his works had been translated into English, with only one comprehensive analytical article appearing in New Left Review. Fortunately, this book—Zavaleta’s most important work, though published posthumously in 1984—is now available in English. In this highly innovative work, Zavaleta develops a series of theories and concepts centered on key moments in Bolivian history: the sustained resistance from below by commoners, indigenous peoples, and the working class, and the attempts from above to restore feudal lord rule.

雷内·梅尔卡多(René Zavaleta Mercado)无疑是20世纪玻利维亚最重要的社会和政治理论家。然而，令人遗憾的是，在《玻利维亚民族民众运动史》(Towards a History of the National-Popular in Bolivia)一书的英文版出版之前，他的作品很少被翻译成英文，只有《新左翼评论》上发表过他的一篇综合性分析文章。值得庆幸的是，该书作为萨瓦莱塔最重要的著作，虽然1984年在他死后才出版，但现在已经有了英文版本。在这本极具创新性的著作中，萨瓦莱塔围绕玻利维亚历史上的关键时刻——来自下层的平民、原住民和工人阶级的持续抗争，以及来自上层的试图恢复封建领主统治的复辟活动——形成了一系列理论和概念。

Roberto Schwarz is arguably the most famous Marxist cultural critic in Latin America. His Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture collects his articles spanning film, fiction, theater, and music, which are steeped in Brazil’s specific history, ideology, and culture while also serving as a microcosm of Europe and the world as a whole.

罗伯特·施瓦茨(Roberto Schwarz)可以说是拉丁美洲最著名的马克思主义文化批评家。他的《错位的思想：巴西文化论文集》(Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture)收录了他本人横跨电影、小说、戏剧和音乐等领域的文章，其中既浸透了巴西特有的历史、意识形态和文化，同时也是欧洲和整个世界的缩影。

William Robinson’s Latin America and Global Capitalism: A Critical Globalization Perspective provides the most comprehensive account of political-economic changes in Latin America in recent decades. Readers need not be persuaded by the theoretical tools he employs—such as the “transnational capitalist class” or the “transnational state”—to learn a great deal from Robinson’s detailed description of the changes in Latin American social structure during the neoliberal period. This is the most comprehensive account of the region’s political-economic changes in recent decades.

威廉·罗宾逊(William Robinson)的《拉丁美洲与全球资本主义：一个批判的全球化视角》(Latin America and Global Capitalism: A Critical Globalization Perspective)对近几十年来拉丁美洲的政治经济变迁进行了最为全面的描述。读者并不需要被书中所运用的“跨国资本家阶级”(transnational capitalist class)或“跨国国家”(transnational state)等理论工具所说服，也可以从罗宾逊对新自由主义时期拉丁美洲社会结构变化的详细描述中了解到很多东西。这是对近几十年来该地区政治经济变迁最为全面的描述。

Chile was Latin America’s earliest and perhaps most radical laboratory for neoliberalism. Victims of the Chilean Miracle: Workers and Neoliberalism in the Pinochet Era, 1973–2002, edited by Winn, is the best collection of essays demonstrating the dynamics of class struggle and the fate of the working class across different industries during this period.

智利是拉丁美洲最早的、也可能是最激进的新自由主义实验场。温主编的《智利奇迹的受害者：皮诺切特时代的工人和新自由主义，1973—2002》(Victims of the Chilean Miracle: Workers and Neoliberalism in the Pinochet Era, 1973-2002)是一部展现这一时期的阶级斗争动态和不同行业的工人阶级命运的最佳文集。

Overall, although the 1990s were a low point for the Latin American left, there were still some memorable counter-current pioneers among various forms of left-wing activity, including social movements, trade unions, peasant associations, and political parties. Among these were Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) and the Zapatista movement in southern Mexico. Leandro Vergara-Camus’s book *Land and Freedom: The MST, the Zapatistas and Peasant Alternatives to Neoliberalism* very professionally demonstrates the historical value of these activities.

从总体上看，尽管1990年代是拉丁美洲左翼的低谷时期，但在社会运动、工会、农民协会和政党等各种形式的左翼活动中，仍有一些值得铭记的逆流前行者，其中就包括巴西的无地者运动和墨西哥南部的萨帕塔运动。莱安德罗·贝尔加拉-卡穆斯(Leandro Vergara-Camus)的《土地与自由：无地者运动、萨帕塔运动和农民替代新自由主义的方案》(Land and Freedom: The MST, the Zapatistas and Peasant Alternatives to Neoliberalism)一书非常专业地展现了这些活动的历史价值。

VI. Period of Change and Revival: 2000 to the Present

六、变革与复兴时期：2000年至今

At the beginning of the 21st century, the development of Latin American Marxism entered its sixth phase. The successive rise of extra-parliamentary left-wing struggles and the contradictions and conflicts faced by left-wing governments after taking office accelerated the arrival of a new phase of Latin American Marxism. Although it may be imprudent to make conclusive judgments about the key characteristics of Latin American Marxism in theory and practice since the 21st century, the conclusion that a new phase of Latin American Marxist development is nearing its end with the recent conclusion of the left-wing political cycle is certainly too hasty. However, we can still attempt to draw a preliminary conclusion: the latest phase of Latin American Marxist development has both the originality and profundity of the fourth phase and signs of rigidity and dogmatism similar to the third phase. In the recent left-wing wave in the Latin American region, the winds of change and revival intertwine and contend, full of uncertainty.

21世纪伊始，拉美马克思主义的发展进入第六阶段。议会外左翼斗争的此起彼伏，左翼政府执政后面临的矛盾冲突，加速推动了拉美马克思主义新阶段的到来。虽然对21世纪以来拉美马克思主义在理论和实践方面的关键特征作出总结性判断或许还不够谨慎，但认为拉美马克思主义发展的新阶段正随着最近左翼政治周期的结束而接近尾声的结论肯定是过于草率。但是，我们仍然可以尝试得出一个初步的结论：拉美马克思主义的最新发展阶段，既有像第四阶段那样的原创性和深刻性，也有如第三阶段一样的僵化和教条迹象。在拉丁美洲地区近期的左翼浪潮中，变革与复兴之风相互交织和博弈，充满着不确定性。

A series of protests launched by left-wing indigenous people and potential insurgents in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005 were at the forefront of the wave of extra-parliamentary struggles in Latin America at the beginning of the 21st century. *Revolutionary Horizons: Past and Present in Bolivian Politics*, co-authored by two of the country’s renowned historians, Hylton and Sinclair Thomson, provides the best background documentation of this history to date.

2000年至2005年期间玻利维亚的左翼原住民和潜在的起义者发起的一系列抗议活动处于21世纪初拉丁美洲议会外斗争浪潮的最前沿。由该国两位著名历史学家希尔顿与辛克莱·汤姆森(Sinclair Thomson)联袂撰写的《革命的地平线：玻利维亚政治的过去与现在》(Revolutionary Horizons: Past and Present in Bolivian Politics)为这段历史提供了迄今为止最好的背景文献。

The author of *Rhythms of the Pachakuti: Indigenous Uprising and State Power in Bolivia*, Raquel Gutiérrez, is one of the most important theorists of social movements in Latin America. Although he is Mexican, he spent over twenty years of military life (including five years as a political prisoner) in Bolivia. Few observers or participants understand better than he does how the series of protests in Bolivia from 2000 to 2005 began.

《帕查库蒂的节奏：玻利维亚的原住民起义与国家权力》(Rhythms of the Pachakuti: Indigenous Uprising and State Power in Bolivia)的作者拉克尔·古铁雷斯(Raquel Gutiérrez)是拉丁美洲最重要的社会运动理论家之一。虽然他是墨西哥人，但在玻利维亚度过了20多年的军事生涯(包括5年的政治犯生涯),很少有观察者和参与者能比他更了解2000年至2005年发生在玻利维亚的一系列抗议活动是如何开始的。

Before becoming Vice President of Bolivia in 2006, Álvaro García Linera was already one of the most outstanding Marxist theorists in Bolivia and even in Latin America. His collection *Plebeian Power: Collective Action and Indigenous, Working-Class and Popular Identities in Bolivia* brings together decades of his research, showcasing the freedom and creativity born in a series of uprisings in the 1990s and early 2000s, as well as the suffocating consequences caused by later state managerialism.

在2006年成为玻利维亚副总统之前，阿尔瓦罗·利内拉(Álvaro García Linera)已经是玻利维亚、乃至拉美最杰出的马克思主义理论家之一。他的文集《平民的力量：玻利维亚的集体行动与原住民、工人阶级和大众身份》(Plebeian Power: Collective Action and Indigenous, Working-Class and Popular Identities in Bolivia)汇集了他数十年的研究成果，展现了在1990年代和21世纪初的一系列起义中孕育而生的自由和创造力，以及后来的国家管理主义(state managerialism)所导致的令人窒息的后果。

George Ciccariello-Maher’s *We Created Chávez: A People’s History of the Venezuelan Revolution* was written at the peak of the exciting Bolivarian process promoted by Chávez, and thus could not foresee the severe crisis that would erupt in Venezuela in the following years and continue to this day. Nevertheless, this book can still be considered the best English-language chronicle of the various popular movements that “created Chávez.”

乔治·奇卡列洛-马厄(George Ciccariello-Maher)的《我们造就了查韦斯：委内瑞拉革命的人民历史》(We Created Chávez: A People's History of the Venezuelan Revolution)写于查韦斯推行的激动人心的玻利瓦尔进程的顶峰期，因而没能预料到委内瑞拉将在接下来的几年里爆发严重危机，并一直持续至今。尽管如此，这本书仍然可以说是关于“造就查韦斯”的各种民众运动的最佳英文编年史。

Gaudichaud’s *Amérique latine: émancipations en construction* is an excellent French-language collection on Latin American left-wing issues. It covers a wide geographical range, involving many Latin American countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, and Mexico. It also discusses a very broad range of topics, including indigenous uprisings, participatory democracy, ecological socialism, worker control and self-management, urban struggles, feminism, and other aspects.

戈迪绍的《拉丁美洲：解放与重建》(Amérique latine: émancipations en construction)是研究拉丁美洲左翼问题的法语版优秀文集。它涵盖的地理范围十分广泛，涉及玻利维亚、巴西、厄瓜多尔、哥伦比亚、委内瑞拉、阿根廷、乌拉圭和墨西哥等众多拉美国家；它讨论的主题也非常广泛，包括原住民起义、参与式民主、生态社会主义、工人控制和自我管理、城市斗争、女性主义等各个方面。

Online Editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑