A New Century, A New Journey: The South African Communist Party’s New Exploration of Socialism

Since its founding in July 1921, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has traversed a century of stormy history. As the first Marxist-Leninist political party on the African continent, and currently the most influential and active Marxist-Leninist party in Africa, the SACP has for a hundred years stood at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism, hegemonism, and racism. Though it has weathered many vicissitudes, it has never abandoned its persistent pursuit of socialism, carrying out a socialist exploration rich in South African characteristics and with remarkable achievements. In the new period, facing multiple challenges from both inside and outside the Party, the SACP continues to uphold its Marxist-Leninist faith and communist ideal. Setting out once again in light of the world situation and South Africa’s reality, it is undertaking a new exploration of the socialist cause, in order to advance the development of the socialist movement in Africa.

自1921年7月成立以来，南非共产党已走过百年风云历程。作为非洲大陆的第一个马克思列宁主义政党，也是当前非洲影响力最大、最活跃的马克思列宁主义政党，南非共产党百年来始终站在反帝国主义、反霸权主义、反种族主义斗争的最前列，虽然历经沧桑，但从未放弃对社会主义的执着追求，进行了富有南非特色、成绩斐然的社会主义探索。在新时期，面对来自党内外多重挑战，南非共产党继续坚持马克思列宁主义信仰和共产主义理想，结合世界形势与南非现实再次启程，对社会主义事业进行新探索，以推动非洲社会主义运动的发展。

I. The SACP’s Century-Long Process of Exploring Socialism

一、南非共产党探索社会主义的百年进程

Over the past 100 years, the SACP has traversed an extraordinary course of struggle under extremely difficult conditions. It has never abandoned its goal of ultimately winning the South African national democratic revolution and socialist revolution, demonstrating the fortitude and resilience of a century-old major party.

100年来，南非共产党在极端艰难的条件下走过了不同寻常的奋斗历程。它从未放弃争取南非民族民主革命与社会主义革命最终胜利的目标，展现了百年大党的刚毅与韧性。

(I) The SACP’s Century-Long Practice of Exploring Socialism

（一）南非共产党探索社会主义的百年实践

The SACP was founded under a special historical background. At that time, class contradictions within South Africa were becoming acute. Under the guidance of Marxism, the working class began to step onto the historical stage as an independent political force. However, the newly founded SACP mainly represented the interests of the “poor white” proletariat, supporting the working class’s struggle against the bourgeoisie, while still keeping its distance from the slogan of opposing racism. The SACP’s Third Congress, held in October 1924, became an important turning point. It proposed that the Party should achieve a turn towards “Africanization” and “popularization,” and began to systematically recruit Black workers, intellectuals, and peasants into the Party, calling on indigenous Africans and white workers to resolutely oppose racism together. This resolution drove changes in the Party’s membership composition and an expansion of its membership scale, thereby triggering a shift in the Party’s focus of work, from the previous class struggle to a struggle primarily centered on opposing racism. In the 1930s, the SACP and the trade unions launched a campaign among Black people to burn passbooks, sparking a high tide of opposition to racist legislation. Besides leading the workers’ movement domestically and the struggle against apartheid, the SACP also actively participated in the international anti-fascist struggle, rapidly raising its prestige both at home and abroad.

南非共产党创建于特殊的历史背景之下，当时南非国内阶级矛盾凸显，在马克思主义指导下，工人阶级开始作为独立的政治力量登上历史舞台。但刚成立的南非共产党主要代表“贫穷白人”无产阶级的利益，支持工人阶级反对资产阶级的斗争，与反对种族主义的口号仍保持距离。1924年10月召开的南非共产党第三次代表大会成为重要转折点，提出党要实现“非洲化”“大众化”转向，开始有计划地吸收黑人工人、知识分子以及农民入党，号召非洲本地人和白人工人一道坚决反对种族主义。这一决议推动了党员成分变化与党员规模扩大，从而引发党的工作重心也发生转移，从之前的阶级斗争转向以反对种族主义为主的斗争。20世纪30年代，南非共产党和工会在黑人中发起了焚烧通行证的运动，掀起反对种族歧视立法的高潮。除了在国内领导工人运动，反对种族隔离斗争以外，南非共产党还积极参与了国际反法西斯斗争，其威信在国内外迅速得到提高。

In the 1940s, the SACP led Black people in launching large-scale trade union movements to resist the white minority’s apartheid policies. Among these, the 1946 African Mine Workers’ Union strike was the most famous. In this strike, a total of 1,248 miners were injured and 9 were killed, demonstrating the strength of the working class under the SACP’s leadership and its fighting spirit unafraid of sacrifice. The growth of the SACP’s strength caused panic among the white authorities. In 1950, the white authorities enacted the Suppression of Communism Act, designating the SACP as an illegal organization and carrying out frenzied persecution of its members and progressive individuals. As the situation grew increasingly severe, the SACP decided to dissolve itself voluntarily before the Act formally came into effect, but it continued to persist in the struggle. In 1953, the SACP secretly re-established the Party’s underground organization, simultaneously carrying out the struggle through both open and underground methods, and expanding cooperation with nationalist groups. Using legal organizations such as the African National Congress (ANC) as cover, the SACP persisted in the struggle to pursue the goal of political liberation. The SACP also participated in drafting the struggle program of the Congress of the People alliance movement — the Freedom Charter — which is regarded as a programmatic document of great guiding significance in the history of South Africa’s national liberation movement.

20世纪40年代，南非共产党领导黑人开展大规模的工会运动，反抗白人的种族隔离政策。其中，以1946年非洲矿业工会工人大罢工最为著名。在这次罢工中，共有1248名矿工受伤、9人遇难，显示了南非共产党领导下工人阶级的力量和不惧牺牲的战斗精神。南非共产党力量的增长，引起白人当局的恐慌。白人当局于1950年出台《镇压共产主义条例》，将南非共产党定性为非法组织，并对其成员以及进步人士进行疯狂的迫害。随着局势日益严峻，南非共产党决定在该法案正式实施之前自动解散，但仍继续坚持斗争。1953年，南非共产党重新秘密建立党的地下组织，同时采取公开和地下两种方式开展斗争，扩大与民族主义团体的合作。以南非非洲人国民大会（以下简称非国大）等合法组织为掩护，南非共产党坚持开展斗争，以追求实现政治解放的目标。南非共产党还参与起草了人民大会联盟运动的斗争纲领——《自由宪章》，其被认为是南非民族解放运动史上具有重大指导意义的纲领性文件。

The 1960s were an important watershed in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. In March 1960, to oppose the racially discriminatory Pass Laws, Black South Africans launched large-scale protest marches, but they were met with bloody suppression, resulting in the world-shocking Sharpeville Massacre. The state subsequently declared a state of emergency, marking the beginning of a phase of brutal and intensive state repression, with the ANC, the SACP, and other organizations becoming the first victims. They began to realize that peaceful methods were futile and that new struggle strategies had to be reconsidered. Consequently, the SACP publicly announced the Party’s existence and formally decided in 1961 to launch armed struggle. Guided by this policy, the SACP jointly organized with the ANC the military organization Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation). The establishment of this organization helped the SACP shape an image among the people of a militant and indomitable party, closely linking the Party with radical workers and youth. In response to the armed and underground struggles waged by the ANC, the SACP, and others, the white authorities intensified their efforts to disrupt these struggles and arrest the leadership. In 1963, several central leaders of the SACP were arrested, the Party organization was paralyzed, and the Party’s headquarters were forced to relocate to London, England, thus beginning a long period of struggle from abroad. Although based overseas, the SACP never abandoned the struggle. On the one hand, it convened multiple meetings to provide theoretical, programmatic, and strategic guidance for the anti-racist struggle of the South African people. On the other hand, during this period it successively rebuilt domestic organizational structures and actively led students and workers in the anti-apartheid struggle.

20世纪60年代是南非反对种族隔离斗争的重要分水岭。1960年3月，为反对具有种族歧视的《通行证法》，南非黑人发起大规模示威游行，但遭到了血腥镇压，酿成震惊世界的沙佩维尔惨案，随后国家宣布进入紧急状态，这标志着国家残酷和密集镇压阶段的开始，而非国大、南非共产党等组织成为第一批受害者。他们开始意识到和平方法是徒劳的，必须重新考虑新的斗争策略。于是，南非共产党公开宣布党的存在，并在1961年正式确定开展武装斗争。在此方针指导下，南非共产党联合非国大共同组织军事组织“民族之矛”，该组织的成立有助于南非共产党在民众中塑造一种战斗与顽强不屈的政党形象，使党与激进的工人和青年密切联系起来。面对非国大、南非共产党等开展的武装斗争和地下斗争，白人当局加紧破坏这些斗争并逮捕领导层。1963年，南非共产党多名中央领导被捕，党组织陷于瘫痪，党的总部被迫迁往英国伦敦，由此开始了长期的海外斗争历程。虽然身在海外，南非共产党从未放弃斗争，一方面召开多次会议，为南非人民的反种族斗争提供理论、纲领和策略上的指导；另一方面，这期间相继重建国内的组织机构，并积极领导学生、工人开展反种族隔离的斗争。

In 1990, with the South African authorities lifting the ban on the ANC, the SACP, and several other national liberation political parties and organizations, the SACP regained its status as a legal political party. It moved its leading bodies back to the country and once again began leading the working class and the masses in legal struggle. In 1994, South Africa held its first multi-racial general election in history. The “Tripartite Alliance” formed by the ANC, the SACP, and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) won the election. The SACP became a party participating in state governance for the first time, thus entering a new period of striving for democracy and building socialism. Although the world socialist movement suffered severe setbacks in the late 1980s and early 1990s due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the SACP still believed that socialism was the only way out of its internal and external crises, and that the Party’s ultimate goal remained the realization of communism. As the Report to the SACP’s Eighth National Congress in 1991 stated: “We remain convinced of socialism and will do our utmost to advance towards this great goal. This is a commitment driven jointly by history, world reality, and the ideals and beliefs of humanity.”

1990年，随着南非当局解除对非国大、南非共产党等多个民族解放政党和组织的禁令，南非共产党恢复合法政党的身份，其将领导机构迁回国内，重新开始领导工人阶级和人民群众开展合法斗争。1994年南非进行了历史上首次多种族大选，非国大、南非共产党、南非工会大会结成的“三方联盟”在选举中获胜，南非共产党首次成为参与国家管理的政党，由此进入了争取民主和建设社会主义的新时期。尽管在20世纪80年代末90年代初，世界社会主义运动因苏联解体、东欧剧变遭受严重挫折，但南非共产党依然认为社会主义是解决其内外危机的唯一出路，党的最终目标仍是实现共产主义。正如1991年《南非共产党第八次全国代表大会报告》指出的：“我们仍然坚信社会主义并将竭尽全力地朝着这一伟大目标迈进，这是历史、世界现实以及人类理想信念共同驱动我们所作出的承诺。

(II) The SACP’s Construction Experience in Exploring Socialism

（二）南非共产党探索社会主义的建设经验

Reviewing the SACP’s century-long history, it can be seen that, as the representative of the vanguard of the working class, it has made significant contributions to the struggle for South Africa’s national liberation, national sovereignty, and democracy. The SACP possesses a strong revolutionary and combative character, has withstood multiple difficulties and challenges, and has demonstrated an indomitable fighting spirit and a firm belief in the pursuit of communism. Over the past century, the SACP has grown from weak to strong, continuously developing and expanding. The historical experience it has gained holds enlightening significance for communist parties in the African region and even worldwide.

回顾南非共产党的百年历程，可以发现其作为工人阶级先锋队的代表，为争取南非民族解放、国家主权和民主作出了重大贡献。南非共产党具有极强的革命性与战斗性，经受住了多重困难和挑战，彰显了不屈不挠的斗争精神及追求共产主义的坚定信念。南非共产党百年来从弱到强，不断发展壮大，其取得的历史经验对非洲地区乃至世界各国的共产党具有启发意义。

Over the course of its century-long development, the South African Communist Party (SACP) has consistently emphasized theoretical exploration grounded in the concrete realities of its own country and region. For instance, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has noted that the SACP enjoys a reputation as the “ideological leader” of the governing alliance, and that for many years the SACP has played a key role in the ideological development of the national liberation movement, as evidenced by theories such as “colonialism of a special type.” [1]1 The Tripartite Alliance is the governing coalition in South Africa, formed in 1990, consisting of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). This theory of “colonialism of a special type” first emerged in the early 1950s. The SACP stated in its reports that “South Africa is not a colony, but an independent sovereign state; yet the people have neither independence nor freedom. Although Britain recognized South Africa’s independence in 1910, this was not a victory for anti-imperialist and anti-colonial forces, because power was not transferred to the broad masses of Black South Africans, but to a white minority. For the vast Black majority, the evils of colonialism were perpetuated and intensified. A new type of colonialism developed, in which the colonizers (the white minority rulers) and the colonized (the broad Black masses) coexisted within the territory of South Africa. ‘Non-white South Africa’ is precisely the colony of ‘white South Africa’.” In 1969, the African National Congress (ANC), at its Morogoro Conference, further elaborated the idea of “colonialism of a special type” in its adopted “Strategy and Tactics of the ANC.” [2]2 Cyril Ramaphosa is the President of South Africa and the leader of the African National Congress. Guided by this theory, South African Communists united with progressive forces such as the ANC to struggle for the elimination of internal colonialism and the abolition of the apartheid system, ultimately achieving victory in the national liberation movement.

在百年发展进程中，南非共产党始终注重结合本国本地区实际进行理论探索。比如，南非总统西里尔·拉马福萨（Cyril Ramaphosa）曾指出，南非共产党因作为执政联盟的“思想领袖”而享有盛誉，多年来南非共产党在民族解放运动的意识形态发展中发挥了关键作用，如提出“特殊类型的殖民主义”等理论都是明证。“特殊类型的殖民主义”这一理论最早出现在20世纪50年代早期。南非共产党在其报告中指出“南非不是殖民地，而是一个独立的主权国家，然而人民既没有独立，也没有自由，尽管英国在1910年承认南非独立，但这并不是反帝反殖力量的胜利，因为权力并没有转移到南非广大黑人手中，而是转移到少数白人手中，就广大黑人来说，殖民主义的罪恶得以延续和加强。一种新型的殖民主义发展起来，在这种殖民主义中，殖民者（白人少数统治者）和被殖民者（广大的黑人）共存于南非领土之上。‘非白人的南非’正是‘白人南非’的殖民地。1969年，非国大在莫罗戈罗大会通过的《非国大战略和策略》中，进一步阐述了“特殊类型的殖民主义”思想。正是在这一理论的指引下，南非共产党人联合非国大等进步力量，为消除内部殖民主义、废除种族隔离制度而奋斗，并取得民族解放运动的最终胜利。

Cooperating while also persisting in struggle within the left-wing alliance is another法宝 [3]3 The “Red October Campaign” is an annual mass mobilization campaign initiated by the South African Communist Party in 1999, inspired by the Russian October Revolution, to raise awareness and push for policy changes on specific socio-economic issues. that has enabled the SACP to break through difficulties and maintain robust vitality over the past century. The “Tripartite Alliance” is the strategic design that best exemplifies the SACP’s good relations with other political parties. [4]4 The Tripartite Alliance is the formal political alliance between the ANC, the SACP and COSATU, formed during the anti-apartheid struggle. During the long anti-racist struggle, the SACP worked closely with the ANC, fighting side by side, laying a solid foundation for “coalition governance.” Through prolonged磨合, [5]5 The national democratic revolution (NDR) is the strategic concept, shared by the ANC and SACP, of a two-stage revolution: first a national democratic stage to complete the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (overcoming national oppression and establishing a non-racial democracy), which is seen as a necessary precondition for the subsequent transition to socialism. the two sides gradually formed a special interactive relationship characterized by cooperation, consultation, and competition. The SACP plays an important role within the “Tripartite Alliance,” emphasizing both the maintenance of its own organizational independence and the exertion of significant influence on the ANC’s governance in areas such as theoretical guidance, cadre support, and policy formulation. Theoretically, the SACP possesses the theoretical advantage of being a Marxist political party. It integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with the realities of South Africa in different periods, creatively proposing numerous theories concerning the South African revolution and social development, thereby serving as the ideological guide for the South African national liberation movement. Organizationally, the SACP allows its members to join the ANC as individuals, and many SACP members hold leadership positions in ANC government departments, supplying a large number of cadres to the ANC. SACP members are known for their loyalty, discipline, and dedication; their diligent and hard work sets an example for ANC cadres, and many political stars within the ANC government are or have been SACP members. At the same time, SACP members actively participate in the decision-making process of the ANC government. Some serve as members of national decision-making bodies such as the ANC National Executive Committee and the National Working Committee, while others hold positions in governments and parliaments at various levels. The SACP requires its members serving in these institutions to strive to implement the Party’s positions and policies, influencing government decisions through their efforts. Particularly in recent years, the SACP has dared to level severe criticism against the ANC regarding social injustices and high-level corruption emerging from the privatization process, thereby constraining and influencing the ANC government’s administrative actions.

在左翼联盟中既开展合作又坚持斗争，这也是百年来南非共产党能突破困境、保持强健生命力的法宝之一。“三方联盟”是最能体现南非共产党与其他党派良好关系的战略设计。在漫长的反种族主义斗争中，南非共产党与非国大密切配合，并肩作战，奠定了“联合执政”的良好基础，并且经过长期磨合，双方逐步形成了一种特殊的合作、协商与竞争并存的互动关系。南非共产党在“三方联盟”中发挥着重要作用，既注重保持自身在组织上的独立性，又注重在理论指导、干部支持、政策制定等多方面对非国大治国理政产生重大影响。在理论上，南非共产党有着马克思主义政党的理论优势，它将马克思主义基本原理与南非不同时期的现实相结合，创造性地提出了有关南非革命和社会发展的诸多理论，成为南非民族解放运动的思想指引。在组织上，南非共产党允许党员以个人身份加入非国大，许多党员在非国大政府部门担任负责人，为非国大输送了大量干部。南非共产党党员以忠诚、守纪和敬业著称，他们认真勤奋地工作为非国大干部树立了榜样，非国大政府中很多的政治明星都是或者曾是南非共产党党员。与此同时，南非共产党党员还积极参与非国大政府的决策过程，他们中有的担任非国大全国执行委员会、全国工作委员会等国家决策机构的成员，有的在各级政府和议会中担任职务，南非共产党要求在这些机构中任职的党员努力贯彻党的立场和方针，通过自己的努力来影响政府的决策。特别是近年来，南非共产党敢于对非国大在私有化进程中出现的社会不公、高层腐败等现象提出严厉批评，以此来约束和影响非国大政府的施政行为。

Based on the shared理念 [6]6 理念 (lǐniàn): A Chinese term meaning “idea,” “concept,” or “principle,” often used in political discourse to denote a guiding philosophy or shared belief. of the labor movement, the SACP has also forged a close relationship with the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the other component of the “Tripartite Alliance.” In response to the structural social crises caused by the ANC’s neoliberal economic policies—including high unemployment, poverty, and inequality—the two have formed an alliance from a left-wing standpoint, the “SACP-COSATU Axis,” to safeguard the interests of the working class and the poor, and to wage an open and candid struggle against the ANC’s neoliberal tendencies.

基于劳工运动的共同理念，南非共产党与“三方联盟”的另外一方南非工会大会也结成了一种紧密的关系。针对非国大的新自由主义经济政策导致的结构性社会危机，包括高失业率、贫困、不平等，两者从左派立场出发结成了“南非共产党和南非工会大会轴心”联盟，以维护工人阶级和穷人的利益，与非国大的新自由主义倾向开展公开而坦诚的斗争。

Furthermore, since its founding, the SACP has resolutely upheld the principle of proletarian internationalism, diligently developing friendly relations with communist parties worldwide, thereby expanding its external space for development and securing a place for itself in South Africa’s complex anti-racial discrimination struggle and socialist exploration. The SACP places particular emphasis on exchanges with the Communist Party of China (CPC), also a century-old major party. The similarity in their missions and visions has led to increasingly frequent interactions between the two parties, establishing a close and friendly inter-party relationship. The SACP highly appraises the CPC’s century-long journey and the socialism with Chinese characteristics pioneered under its leadership. SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande has expressed appreciation for the achievements of China’s reform and opening up, stating that all parties in South Africa should learn from the CPC’s experience, integrate it with South Africa’s realities, and promote better national development. SACP First Deputy General Secretary Solly Mapaila also pointed out that the CPC adheres to the nature of a Marxist political party, integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with the country’s realities, and has forged a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, bringing profound changes to China. Having successfully eradicated absolute poverty, China is now embarking on a new journey to build a modern socialist country in all respects. The SACP hopes to further consolidate its relationship with the CPC and strengthen cooperation between the two countries in areas such as economy, investment, and trade, achieving mutual benefit and win-win outcomes.

此外，南非共产党自成立以来坚决奉行无产阶级国际主义原则，努力发展与各国共产党的友好关系，从而扩大了自身发展的外部空间，为其在南非复杂的反种族歧视和社会主义探索中赢得一席之地。南非共产党尤为注重与同为百年大党的中国共产党的交往，使命和愿景的相似性使两党的交往日益频繁，建立起了紧密友好的党际关系。南非共产党高度评价中国共产党的百年历程及其领导下开创的中国特色社会主义，南非共产党总书记布莱德·恩齐曼德（Blade Nzimande）对中国改革开放的成果表示赞赏，认为南非各方应学习中国共产党的经验，结合南非实际，促进国家更好发展。南非共产党第一副总书记索利·马佩拉（Solly Mapaila）也指出，中国共产党坚持马克思主义政党性质，把马克思主义基本原理同国家实际相结合，走出了一条中国特色社会主义道路，给中国带来了深刻变化。在成功消除绝对贫困后，中国正踏上全面建设社会主义现代化强国的新征程。南共希望进一步巩固同中国共产党的关系，加强两国在经济、投资、贸易等领域的合作，实现互利共赢。

II. Challenges to the SACP’s New Exploration of Socialism

二、南非共产党社会主义新探索的挑战

Over the past 100 years, the SACP has positioned itself as the vanguard of socialism, playing a very important role in South Africa’s national liberation movement. Since becoming a party within the “Tripartite Alliance” in 1994, the SACP has entered a new phase of exploring democracy and socialist construction during a period of peace and development. Currently, facing rapid changes in the domestic and international situation in South Africa, the SACP confronts multiple challenges not encountered during the national liberation movement era. How to incorporate these new challenges into realistic considerations and continue exploring the socialist path has become an important issue that needs to be addressed.

100年来，南非共产党将自己设定为社会主义的先锋队，在南非民族解放运动中发挥了非常重要的作用。自1994年成为“三方联盟”一方，南非共产党就进入了在和平与发展时期探索民主和社会主义建设的新阶段。当前，面对南非国内外情况的快速变化，南非共产党面临着民族解放运动时期未曾遭遇的多重挑战，如何将这些新挑战纳入现实考量继续探索社会主义道路成为需要应对的重要议题。

(1) Dysfunction of the “Tripartite Alliance”

（一）“三方联盟”的功能失调

In recent years, the “Tripartite Alliance,” led by the ANC, has encountered unprecedented difficulties in both governance and political elections. The “Tripartite Alliance” can be understood as a product of history. During the struggle against the apartheid system, the three parties had a high degree of consensus on the strategic goal of the national democratic revolution. However, with changes in South Africa’s social classes and internal organizations since 1994, and the numerous crises triggered by neoliberal economic policies, this institutional arrangement has become increasingly difficult to control. Some even believe that the “Tripartite Alliance” has effectively ended. The dysfunction of the “Tripartite Alliance” stems, on the one hand, from the fact that its three constituent forces have not merged into a single political organization. As a strategic alliance, the three maintain their respective political and organizational independence, and their understanding of the strategic goal of the national democratic revolution, as well as the strategic paths to achieve that goal, are increasingly divergent. On the other hand, the fragmentation of the alliance arises from intensified competition among alliance partners. The balance of power among the three within the governing alliance is highly uneven. Since 1994, the ANC’s dominant position has been very pronounced, while the SACP and COSATU have been gradually marginalized. The role of left-wing forces within both the ANC and the government has been limited. It was not until the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008 that the South African economy suffered a heavy blow, social conflicts became frequent, unemployment remained high, public trust in the government declined, and the long-standing dominant political party格局 [7]7 格局 (géjú): A Chinese term meaning “pattern,” “configuration,” or “structure,” often used to describe the overall arrangement or balance of forces in a political or strategic context. of the ANC gradually weakened. Under these circumstances, relations between the ANC and the SACP have become increasingly tense. Calls within the SACP for independent participation in elections are growing louder, and actions to strengthen cooperation with COSATU, forming a left-wing axis and left-wing alliance to compete with the ANC, are also intensifying.

近年来，以非国大为首的“三方联盟”，无论在治国理政抑或是政治选举中都遭遇了前所未有的困境。“三方联盟”可以被理解为历史的产物，在反对种族隔离制度斗争时期，三方在民族民主革命的战略目标上有着高度共识。但随着1994年以来南非社会阶层与内部组织的变化、以及新自由主义经济政策引发诸多危机，这种制度安排越来越难以控制，甚至有人认为“三方联盟”实际上已经终结。“三方联盟”之所以功能失调，一方面在于其三大组成力量并没有融合为一个单一的政治组织。作为一个战略联盟，三者仍保持着各自政治和组织上的独立性，对民族民主革命战略目标的理解与实现目标的战略路径差异日益扩大。另一方面，联盟的分化来自联盟伙伴的竞争加剧。三者在执政联盟中的力量很不平衡，1994年以来非国大的主导地位十分明显，南非共产党与南非工会大会逐步被边缘化，左翼力量在非国大和政府中的作用都很有限。直到2008年国际金融危机爆发，南非经济遭受重创，社会矛盾频发，失业率居高不下，民众对政府的信任度下降，非国大长期以来的主导性政党政治格局逐渐被弱化。在这种情况下，非国大与南非共产党的关系日趋紧张，南非共产党内要求独立参与竞选的呼声日益高涨，并且加强与南非工会大会合作，以左翼轴心和左翼联盟来与非国大竞争的行动也逐渐白热化。

(2) The Internal Differentiation of the Working Class

（二）工人阶级的内部分化

The South African Communist Party (SACP) proclaims itself the vanguard of the South African working class, commits itself to safeguarding the interests of the working class, and seeks to mobilise and organise the working class into a powerful political force so as to win a dominant position in every sphere of the economy and society. The realisation of this goal depends on the unity and solidarity of the South African working class, and on the working class sharing common class interests and political demands. In recent years, however, a clear differentiation of interests has emerged within the working class, affecting the SACP’s ability to advance the goal of “One South Africa, One Trade Union Federation.” The most obvious sign of this is the split in the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 2014, COSATU expelled the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), historically its most militant, largest and most powerful affiliate. NUMSA did not support the African National Congress (ANC) in the 2014 general election, arguing that the ANC no longer represented the interests of the working class. After this largest affiliate withdrew, COSATU’s membership fell from 1.9 million to 1.6 million. Later, NUMSA formed a new federation, the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), and more left-wing unions split away from COSATU. The once-dominant COSATU thus gradually lost its legitimacy in political struggle. In March 2015, COSATU’s General Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi, was also dismissed. These two closely related events became a watershed in post-apartheid labour politics. The working class came to believe that COSATU’s leadership was increasingly distant from workers and the unemployed, and grew increasingly disillusioned with the union.

南非共产党自诩为南非工人阶级的先锋队，致力于维护工人阶级的利益，将工人阶级动员、组织起来以形成有力的政治力量，从而赢得在经济社会各领域的主导地位。这一目标的实现有赖于南非工人阶级的团结和统一，取决于工人阶级拥有共同的阶级利益与政治诉求，而近年来其内部出现了明显的利益分化，影响了南非共产党推动建立“一个南非、一个工会联邦”目标的实现。其中，最明显的标志为南非工会大会的分裂。2014年，南非工会大会开除了其历史上最具有战斗性、规模最大、实力最强的工会——南非全国金属工人工会。该工会在2014年的大选中不支持非国大，认为其已不再代表工人阶级的利益，这个最大的附属工会退出后，南非工会大会的会员人数从190万减少到160万。后来南非全国金属工人工会又成立了一个新的联合会即南非工会联合会，更多的左翼工会从南非工会大会分裂出去，曾经占主导地位的南非工会大会由此逐步在政治斗争中丧失了合法性。2015年3月，南非工会大会的总书记兹维林兹马·瓦维（Zwelinzima Vavi）也被解雇，这两起密切相关的事件成为后种族隔离时代劳工政治的分水岭。工人阶级认为南非工会大会的领导层越来越远离劳工和失业工人，对工会日益失望。

Apart from the split in COSATU, the South African working class has also experienced a trend towards differentiation and fragmentation, which is bound to affect the SACP’s ability to organise, mobilise and unite the working class. On the one hand, due to multiple factors including the capitalist division of labour, income disparities and technological development, a clear trend of differentiation has emerged within the working class. Neoliberal economic policies demand greater flexibility in the labour market, leading to an increase in outsourcing and labour brokering. This has resulted in a decline in formal employment in sectors such as traditional manufacturing, mining and public services, while a large number of non-standard workers – temporary workers, contract workers, informal workers and others – have emerged. From 2000 to 2017, the proportion of formally employed workers in South Africa fell from 73% to 61%, while the number of non-standard workers grew by 371% over the same period. Currently, approximately one-third of the labour force consists of non-standard workers. These groups of workers are typically less educated, more vulnerable, poorly organised and dispersed. They enjoy very limited rights, which also leads to significant differences between them and the traditional working class in terms of interests and values. They remain outside the trade union organisations, thus posing a challenge to the SACP’s efforts to organise and mobilise the working class. On the other hand, the South African working class also exhibits a trend towards fragmentation, with unionisation rates declining. For example, in 1995, the proportion of South African workers who were union members reached 40.9%; it has now fallen to just over 20%. This means that more than 70% of workers choose not to join any trade union organisation. This phenomenon is closely related to the worsening economic and employment crisis in South Africa over the past two decades. Data from Statistics South Africa shows that the unemployment rate in the first quarter of 2021 was 32.6%, a record high, while the number of unemployed people in the preceding three months reached 7.242 million. These marginalised, unemployed groups are also an important component of the working class. At a time when the South African economy is trapped in a predicament of low investment, low productivity, low wages and low employment, it is far more difficult for the SACP to expand its party membership, launch the labour movement, build a unified political base and ensure the working class’s dominant position in politics than it was in the early days of South African industrialisation.

除了南非工会大会的分裂以外，南非工人阶级内部也出现了分化和碎片化的趋势，这势必会对南非共产党组织、动员和团结工人阶级带来影响。一方面，工人阶级内部因资本主义的劳动分工、收入差异以及科技发展等多方面原因，出现了明显的分化趋势。新自由主义经济政策要求劳动力市场具有更多灵活性，外包和劳务中介增多，这导致传统制造业、采矿业、公共服务部门等行业的正规就业人员下降，而临时工、合同工、非正式工人等非正规就业人员大量涌现。从2000年到2017年，南非正规就业人员占比从73%下降到61%，而同期非正规就业人员数量增长了371%。当前，大约1/3的劳动力都是非正规就业人员。这些工人群体通常受教育程度不高、较为脆弱、缺乏组织性且力量分散，他们享有的权利十分有限，这也导致他们在利益诉求、价值观念方面与传统的工人阶级存在着明显的差异，游离于工会组织之外，从而对南非共产党组织和动员工人阶级形成了挑战。另一方面，南非工人阶级还呈现碎片化的态势，工人的入会率越来越低。例如，1995年南非工人加入工会组织的比例曾达到409%，现在已经下降到20%多点，这意味着超过70%的工人选择不加入任何工会组织。这一现象的出现跟过去20多年来南非愈演愈烈的经济与就业危机紧密相关。南非统计局数据显示，南非2021年第一季度失业率为32.6%，创历史新高，而前三个月的失业人数达到724.2万人。这些被边缘化的失业群体也是工人阶级的重要组成部分，在南非经济陷入低投资、低生产率、低工资、低就业的困境之时，南非共产党要实现扩大党员队伍、发动劳工运动、建立统一的政治基础、确保工人阶级在政治上的主导地位比南非工业化早期要困难得多。

(3) The Intensification of Contradictions within the ANC, the SACP’s Alliance Partner

（三）作为联盟伙伴的非国大党内矛盾加剧

The SACP has always believed that supporting the national democratic revolution led by the ANC is the most direct path for South Africa towards socialism. In recent years, however, a series of problems within the ANC, such as factional strife and rampant corruption, have weakened the leading force of the national democratic revolution, undoubtedly posing a challenge to the SACP’s exploration of socialism. Since the turn of the century, factional strife within the ANC has caused at least two major splits. One occurred in 2008, during the presidential contest between former ANC Deputy President Jacob Zuma and then-South African President Thabo Mbeki. Zuma emerged victorious, while Mbeki’s supporters broke away from the ANC to form the new Congress of the People (COPE), claiming they would compete with the ANC for governing power. Another split occurred in 2013, when former ANC Youth League President Julius Malema, after being expelled from the ANC, formed the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). The EFF espouses a left-wing stance and champions economic emancipation, putting forward many controversial proposals such as the nationalisation of South Africa’s mines and banks and the expropriation of land for redistribution. It also calls for a series of measures to increase access to quality education and improve health and welfare, and condemns corruption and discrimination, thereby winning the support of many young people, the poor and the unemployed. The EFF performed very well in the 2019 elections, winning nearly 11% of the national vote, and has now become South Africa’s third-largest political party. These two splits reflect the very serious internal contradictions within the ANC. Inner-party democracy, inner-party rule of law, inner-party culture and other aspects urgently need strengthening. The factional strife within the party has also spread to the government, affecting policy implementation and inter-departmental cooperation. A divided executive branch cannot form an efficient government, creating the potential for governance paralysis. The political splits caused by inner-party factional struggles, along with party cadres – especially party leaders – being deeply mired in corruption scandals, have subjected the ANC’s image and its governing position to the most severe test since the end of the apartheid system. In South Africa’s 2019 general election, the ANC won 57.1% of the vote, a record low in the 25 years since it came to power. Because it failed to resolve the economic problems, unemployment, land reform issues and corruption it had promised to address, it lost the support of many black middle-class and younger voters.

南非共产党一直认为支持非国大领导的民族民主革命是南非迈向社会主义的最直接路径，而近年来非国大内部出现派系之争、腐败丛生等一系列问题，弱化了民族民主革命的领导力量，无疑对南非共产党探索社会主义构成了挑战。21世纪以来，非国大就因为内部派系之争至少造成了两次大的分裂。一次是在2008年时任非国大前副主席雅各布·祖马（Jacob Zuma）与时任南非总统塔博·姆贝基（Thabo Mbeki）的总统之争中，祖马胜出，而姆贝基的支持者则宣布脱离非国大成立了新的人民大会党，声称要与非国大争夺执政地位。另一次是在2013年，前非国大青年联盟主席朱利叶斯·马勒马（Julius Malema）被非国大开除后，组建了经济自由斗士党（Economic Freedom Fighters），该党拥护左派立场并吹捧经济解放，提出了南非的矿山和银行国有化以及征用土地进行重新分配等许多有争议的主张，还呼吁采取一系列措施以增加优质教育机会和改善健康与福利，谴责腐败和歧视，从而赢得了众多年轻人、穷人、失业者的支持。经济自由斗士党在2019年的选举中表现非常出色，获得近11%的全国选票，现已成为南非的第三大政党。这两次分裂反映了非国大的党内矛盾十分严重，党内民主、党内法制、党内文化等多方面亟待加强，党内的派系之争也蔓延到政府之中，影响政策实施和部门间合作的实现，分裂的行政部门无法形成一个高效率的政府，从而造成治理瘫痪隐患。党内派系斗争所导致的政治分裂以及党员干部特别是党的领导层深陷贪腐丑闻，致使非国大形象及其执政地位面临自种族隔离制度结束以来最为严峻的考验。在2019年的南非大选中，非国大赢得了57.1%的选票，创执政25年全国大选的新低，因其未能解决曾承诺的经济问题、失业问题、土改问题以及腐败问题，失去了众多黑人中产阶级与年轻群体的支持。

(4) Challenges within the SACP Itself

（四）南非共产党内部的挑战

In addition to facing external challenges, the South African Communist Party (SACP) also confronts internal challenges. First, its independence is questioned. The mechanism of the “Tripartite Alliance” allows SACP members to simultaneously join the African National Congress (ANC) and hold important positions in state departments. However, this form of participating in national governance through a strategic alliance reliant on the ANC easily leads to doubts about the independence of Party members. For instance, when serious differences arise between the SACP and the ANC over issues such as the national development path, policy formulation, or candidate nomination, Party members are likely to submit to the ANC’s line and deviate from the Party’s command. This is a result of the SACP’s model of political participation. Even when ANC resolutions differ significantly from those of the SACP, the alliance charter requires SACP members to implement ANC resolutions. Additionally, the SACP relies on the ANC for financial and budgetary support, which is undoubtedly very dangerous for a party’s independent development. Under these circumstances, the SACP’s independence is challenged, and it has even been accused by some leftist factions of practicing “tailism.” [1]1 The Tripartite Alliance is the governing coalition in South Africa, formed in 1990, consisting of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Therefore, what method should SACP members use to participate in politics? Should they participate in elections independently to vie for state power, or continue to rely on the “Tripartite Alliance” mechanism to engage in national governance? These have become major strategic issues that the SACP needs to contemplate and resolve. Second, there are signs of ambiguity regarding its class character. David Masondo, the current Deputy Minister of Finance of South Africa, has pointed out that there is a mistaken view that the SACP participates in parliament and government because the government under the capitalist system is a completely neutral social organization whose operation and performance depend on who holds power. This view attributes various problems in South Africa primarily to the political parties and bureaucrats governing the country. Starting from this logical premise, as long as the SACP “seizes” certain key departments of the state power apparatus and makes them operate effectively under the capitalist system, it will play a positive role for communists. Consequently, the SACP seems to have chosen a path that continuously distances itself from mass mobilization while attempting to influence the ANC from within. However, this view actually ignores the inherent structures and deep-seated contradictions of capitalism, causing the SACP to often consider issues from the ANC’s perspective. This weakens its class character as the vanguard of the working class and neglects the class struggle that Party leading cadres must confront within the government. The tendency of being too close to the ANC and too far from the workers has led to an ambiguity in the SACP’s class character, diminishing its ability to lead and mobilize the working class for class struggle. In some provinces, the SACP often finds itself marginalized. Hence, a major practical challenge facing the SACP is how to maintain its positioning as the vanguard of the working class amidst changes in the internal structure of the working class, clearly recognize the “bourgeois nature” of the state and its inherent contradictions, and continue to wage class struggle. At the same time, it must strengthen Party capacity-building to mobilize and unite the working class and various forces supporting the socialist construction, in order to achieve the state’s transformation towards socialism.

除了面对来自外部的挑战以外，南非共产党也面临着内部的挑战。一是独立性受质疑。“三方联盟”的机制允许南非共产党员可以同时加入非国大，担任国家部门的重要职位，但这种依托于非国大的战略联盟参与国家治理的形式，容易导致共产党员独立性受质疑。比如，当南非共产党与非国大在国家发展道路、政策制定、提名候选人等问题上发生严重分歧时，共产党员很可能会服从非国大的路线，脱离党的指挥路线。这是由南非共产党的参政模式使然，尽管非国大的决议与南非共产党的决议相差甚远，但联盟章程要求南非共产党员需执行非国大决议。另外，南非共产党在资金和财政的补助上也依赖于非国大，这对一个党的独立自主发展无疑是非常危险的。在这种情况下，南非共产党的独立性遭受挑战，甚至被一些左派人士指责，称其奉行“尾巴主义”。因此，南非共产党员该以何种方式参政？是独立参与竞选以争取国家权力，还是继续依托“三方联盟”机制来参与国家治理，这都成为当前南非共产党需要思考和解决的重大战略问题。二是阶级属性有模糊迹象。现任南非财政部副部长的戴维·马桑多(David Masondo)曾指出，目前存在一种错误观点，其认为南非共产党之所以参与议会和政府，原因在于：资本主义制度下的政府是一个完全中立的社会组织，它的运行和表现取决于谁执掌政权，从而将南非出现的种种问题主要归咎于管理国家的政党和官僚。从这一逻辑前提出发，南非共产党只要“掌握”国家权力机构的某些关键部门，并使之在资本主义制度下得到有效运转，就会发挥共产党人的积极作用。因此，南非共产党似乎选择了一条不断远离群众性动员而试图从内部去影响非国大的道路。但这一观点实际上忽略了资本主义的固有结构和深层次矛盾，导致南非共产党往往从非国大的角度考虑问题，削弱了其作为工人阶级先锋队的阶级属性，忽视了党的领导干部应在政府内必须面对的阶级斗争。离非国大太近，而离工人较远这一倾向导致了南非共产党的阶级属性模糊，党领导和动员工人阶级斗争的能力变弱，在某些省份南非共产党往往处于被边缘化的地位。因而，南非共产党面临的一个重大现实挑战是如何在工人阶级内部结构发生变化之际，继续保持工人阶级先锋队的定位，清楚认知国家的“资产阶级性质”及其固有矛盾并能继续开展阶级斗争，同时加强党的能力建设以动员和团结工人阶级及拥护社会主义建设的各种力量，实现国家向社会主义方向的转变。

III. The Practice of the SACP’s New Exploration of Socialism

三、南非共产党社会主义新探索的实践

Facing multiple challenges from both within and outside South Africa, the SACP has conducted in-depth thinking and analysis on the current world situation, the multiple crises of capitalism, the development trends of socialism, and the Party’s own construction. It has formed a series of new understandings and judgments. Based on a century of valuable experience in forging ahead despite difficulties, it has actively taken measures to address challenges, further strengthening its confidence in the future of socialism.

面对来自南非国内外的多重挑战，南非共产党对当前世界局势及资本主义的多重危机、社会主义的发展态势、党的自身建设等问题进行了深入的思考与分析，形成了一系列新的认识和判断，并基于百年来砥砺前行的宝贵经验，积极采取措施应对挑战，进一步坚定了对社会主义未来的信心。

(I) Criticizing Capitalism and Adopting Pragmatic Measures to Address Real Crises

（一）批判资本主义，采取务实措施应对现实危机

Through its analysis of the current world situation and the strength of the working class, the SACP has developed a profound judgment on capitalism and its crises. As early as 2012, in its political programmatic document *The South African Road to Socialism*, the SACP pointed out that global capitalism is approaching the absolute material, biological, human, and economic limits. The over-accumulation of capitalism has triggered systemic crises in multiple fields, including the economy, environment, and society. To establish a sustainable world, the only hope lies in achieving a thorough transition to socialism. In the Central Committee Political Report of December 2020, the SACP reaffirmed the correctness of its past judgments on the capitalist system, stating that the country and the world are currently facing a quadruple crisis of capitalism: the health crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the social reproduction crisis, and the climate change crisis. It emphasized that unless the current crisis is addressed from its root in production and reproduction, it is impossible to overcome the fundamental contradiction between the capitalist private ownership of the means of production and the social character of production. The SACP paid close attention to the then-global COVID-19 pandemic, pointing out that this global pandemic exacerbated the contradictions of capitalism, causing unprecedented disruption to the livelihoods of millions of working-class people, and further deepening South Africa’s capitalist crises of high inequality, unemployment, and poverty. Nzimande stated that the end of apartheid did not mean the end of imperialism; on the contrary, imperialism has become more arrogant. With the COVID-19 pandemic, imperialist-backed pharmaceutical companies are vying for huge profits by monopolizing the vaccine and treatment markets. In a joint statement by the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), they also accused some Western countries of using their dominant position to pursue vaccine imperialism and vaccine nationalism, hoarding vaccines, making them unavailable and unaffordable for developing countries. Therefore, they called for the global lifting of patent protections for COVID-19 vaccines to allow countries in the Global South to develop production capacity to produce life-saving vaccines. The SACP also condemned attempts to politicize the tracing of the origins of the novel coronavirus, stating that virus tracing is a scientific task that should be viewed with a scientific, objective, and fair attitude, and conducted with rigor, which is conducive to promoting global cooperation in fighting the pandemic.

南非共产党通过对当今世界局势及工人阶级的力量分析，对资本主义及其危机形成深刻的判断。2012年南非共产党在政治纲领性文件《南非通往社会主义之路》中就指出，全球资本主义正在接近物质的、生物的、人类的和经济的绝对极限，资本主义的过度积累引发了经济、环境、社会等多领域的系统性危机，要建立可持续的世界，唯一的希望就是实现向社会主义的彻底过渡。而在2020年12月的中央委员会政治报告中，南非共产党再次重申了其过去对于资本主义制度判断的正确性，指出当前国内和全球都面临着资本主义的四重危机——新冠肺炎疫情引发的健康危机、经济危机、社会再生产危机和气候变化危机，并强调除非从生产与再生产这一根源来解决目前的危机，否则就不可能克服生产资料资本主义私人占有和生产社会化之间的基本矛盾。针对当前全球流行的新冠肺炎疫情，南非共产党高度关注，指出这一全球性流行病加剧了资本主义的矛盾，导致数百万工人阶级的生计遭到前所未有的破坏，进一步加深了南非高度不平等、失业、贫困等资本主义的危机。恩齐曼德称，种族隔离的结束并不意味着帝国主义的结束，相反，帝国主义变得更加傲慢。随着新冠病毒大流行，帝国主义支持的制药公司正在通过垄断疫苗和治疗市场来争夺巨额利润。在南非共产党和南非工会大会的联合声明中，也指责西方一些国家利用主导地位追求疫苗帝国主义和疫苗民族主义，囤积疫苗，使发展中国家无法获得和负担不起疫苗，因此呼吁全球取消新冠疫苗专利保护，以允许南方国家发展生产能力来生产用以救命的疫苗。南非共产党还谴责将新冠病毒溯源政治化的企图，表示病毒溯源是一项科学工作，应以科学、客观、公正的态度看待，以严谨的态度进行，这有利于推进全球抗疫合作。

Facing the multiple crises triggered by capitalism, the SACP proposed reviving the slogan “Put People Before Profit” and uniting the working class to launch large-scale mass movements to address these crises. In response to the situation where over two decades of neoliberalism and state corruption have dampened people’s confidence in the National Democratic Revolution (NDR), the SACP believes it has the responsibility to rekindle people’s faith in the NDR. The masses can only grasp their own destiny through their own actions. When addressing health crises like the COVID-19 pandemic, the SACP proposed strengthening public health education for the masses; paying attention to the impact of the pandemic on the working class and the poor and taking measures to reduce negative impacts; prioritizing human life over profit, rather than rashly pursuing economic growth; and must participate in vaccine procurement and immunization programs to ensure the most vulnerable groups are protected and that workers are not marginalized by the rich in accessing vaccines. In addressing the economic crisis, the SACP firmly stated its opposition to austerity, neoliberal policies, corruption, and parasitic networks. It called on the ANC government to restart the “nationalization” policy, promote the process of “socialization of the economy,” break the monopoly position of capitalists in all aspects of production, operation, and management, enhance workers’ influence and sense of participation, and tilt the distribution of social resources towards the broad masses of the poor and the working class. Since the Party’s 12th Congress in 2007, the SACP has also implemented five “policy priority” measures, including work, education and health development, fighting crime and corruption, and land reform, to resolve the crises triggered by neoliberal economic policies and build the working class’s dominance in national and social life. In addressing the environmental crisis, the SACP adheres to the Marxist view of ecology, proposing to promote the transition from fossil energy to new energy. It has united with relevant left-wing organizations to launch a national movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, advocating for a clean energy revolution and environmental justice, to create a sustainable future for South Africa.

面对资本主义引发的多重危机，南非共产党提出要重振“把人置于利润之前”的口号，通过联合工人阶级开展大规模的群众运动，以应对这些危机。针对20多年来的新自由主义、国家腐败等挫伤人民对民族民主革命信心的情况，南非共产党认为自己有责任重燃人民对民族民主革命的信念。人民群众只有通过自己的行动，才能掌握自己的命运。在应对新冠肺炎疫情等健康危机之时，南非共产党提出要加强对人民群众的公共健康教育；要关注疫情对工人阶级和穷人的影响并采取措施减少负面影响；要将人的生命置于利润之前，而不是冒进追求经济的增长；必须参与疫苗的采购和免疫接种计划，以确保最弱势群体得到保护，并确保工人积极在获得疫苗方面不会被富人边缘化，等等。在应对经济危机方面，南非共产党提出坚决站在反对紧缩、反对新自由主义政策与腐败、反对寄生网络的立场上，呼吁非国大政府重启“国有化”政策，推动“经济社会化”进程，打破资本家在生产、经营、管理各环节的垄断地位，提升工人的影响力与参与感，使社会资源的分配能够向广大穷人和工人阶级倾斜。自2007年党的十二大以来，南非共产党还实施了五项“政策优先”的措施，包括工作、教育和健康的发展、打击犯罪和反腐败、土地改革，以解决新自由主义经济政策引发的危机，构建工人阶级在国家和社会生活中的主导权。在应对环境危机方面，南非共产党坚持马克思主义生态观，提出要推动化石能源向新能源的转型，并联合相关左翼组织发起全国性的减少温室气体排放运动，倡导清洁能源革命与环境正义，为南非创造一个可持续的未来。

(II) Cautiously Approaching Independent Electoral Participation and Promoting Alliance Restructuring

（二）谨慎对待独立参选，推动联盟重组

Faced with the dysfunction of the “Tripartite Alliance,” the South African Communist Party (SACP) is able to rationally assess the current problems within the African National Congress (ANC), its own independence and position within the alliance, and the question of whether to contest elections independently. It insists on maintaining the strategic framework of the “Tripartite Alliance” and, on this basis, promotes the restructuring of the alliance. First, it strives to maintain the Party’s independence. The SACP focuses on enhancing its independent status within the alliance, safeguarding its own right to speak, and truly becoming a political party that participates in governance and possesses decision-making power. At the same time, the SACP also takes conciliatory measures to avoid straining relations with the ANC or even causing a rupture in the alliance relationship. In light of this, the SACP frequently conducts “self-criticism and constructive criticism” within the alliance and requires SACP members in parliament to actively promote the Party’s policies, resolutely playing the dual role of a party participating in governance and a constructive opposition party. However, during national elections, the entire Party must fully support the ANC. Second, it cautiously approaches the question of whether to participate in elections independently. In recent years, calls within the SACP for it to participate in elections as an independent political party have grown louder, but the SACP has always maintained that the “Tripartite Alliance” is a strategic alliance that will exist for the long term, and that the leader of the national democratic revolution can only be the ANC. Nzimande [1]1 The Tripartite Alliance is the governing coalition in South Africa, formed in 1990, consisting of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). once pointed out that if the ANC disappeared, we would still need an organization similar to the ANC, because we are a class-based political party; we can never replace the ANC. The SACP is not, and will not become, a narrow election-oriented political party. The SACP’s goal is not party politics, but to increase the strength of the Communist Party or the left within legislative bodies, in order to establish the leadership of the working class nationwide. Third, it promotes the restructuring of the alliance. Although the SACP still insists on maintaining the ANC’s leading position within the “Tripartite Alliance,” a consensus has gradually formed within the SACP that the operational model of the alliance since 1994 has been exhausted. The alliance can no longer participate in elections together, but the operational form where all key decision-making power is handed over to the ANC must be terminated. Therefore, under the current circumstances, the SACP recognizes that it must assume greater leadership responsibilities. It needs to lead the new socialist front, the leftist front, leftist organizations, and all progressive organizations in restructuring the alliance, injecting more socialist and anti-capitalist forces into the national democratic revolution. The SACP believes that restructuring the alliance should not be a narrow struggle for power, nor can it be simply understood as who wants to control whom. Restructuring is for unifying organizations and mobilizing all parties to better exert leadership effectiveness in responding to the crisis of capitalism.

面对“三方联盟”的功能失调，南非共产党能够理性看待当前非国大出现的问题、自身独立性及其在联盟中的地位、是否独立参选等问题，坚持维护“三方联盟”战略框架并在此基础上推动联盟的重组。其一，努力保持党的独立性。南非共产党注重提升自身在联盟中的独立地位，维护自身的话语权，真正成为参与执政、拥有决策权的政党。与此同时，南非共产党也注意采取妥协措施，避免与非国大关系紧张甚至导致联盟关系的破裂。鉴于此，南非共产党经常在联盟内开展“自我批评与建设性的批评”，并要求议会中的南非共产党员积极宣传党的政策，坚决充当好参政党和建设性反对党的双重角色，但在全国大选时则须全党全力支持非国大。其二，谨慎对待是否独立参加选举。近年来，南非共产党内部要求作为独立政党参加选举的呼声日益高涨，但南非共产党始终认为“三方联盟”是一种战略联盟并将长期存在，而民族民主革命的领导者只能是非国大。恩齐曼德曾指出，如果非国大消失了我们仍然需要一个非国大的类似组织，因为我们是一个阶级政党，我们永远不能取代非国大。南非共产党不是、也不会成为狭隘的选举型政党，南非共产党的目标不是党派政治，而是在立法机构中增加共产党或者左翼的力量，以建立工人阶级在全国的领导权。其三，推动联盟重组。虽然南非共产党仍坚持维护非国大在“三方联盟”中的领导地位，但南非共产党内部已逐步达成共识，认为自1994年以来联盟的运行模式已经耗尽，联盟再也不能共同参加选举，但将所有关键决策的权力都交给非国大，这种运作形式必须终止。因而，在当前形势下，南非共产党认识到自身要承担更大的领导责任，需要带领社会主义新阵线、左翼阵线、左翼组织和所有的进步组织等重组联盟，为民族民主革命注入更多的社会主义、反资本主义的力量。南非共产党认为，重组联盟不应该是狭隘的争权斗争，也不能简单理解为谁要控制谁，重组是为了统一组织、动员各方以更好发挥领导效能应对资本主义的危机。

(3) Relying on existing mechanisms, striving to exert influence on government work

（三）依托现有机制，努力发挥对政府工作的影响

Relying on the “Tripartite Alliance” mechanism, the SACP participates in the formulation and implementation of policies by the ANC government, exerting significant influence on government decision-making, thereby increasing socialist elements within government decisions. This is also a unique aspect of the SACP’s exploration of building socialism. SACP members have held important positions in the ANC government for nearly 30 years. For example, in Ramaphosa’s [2]2 Cyril Ramaphosa is the President of South Africa and the leader of the African National Congress. first cabinet, Communist Party members were appointed to many ministerial positions, including the Ministry of Trade and Industry, and the Ministry of Higher Education and Training. The SACP deploys senior leaders within the government to participate in government work, exerting genuine influence on government decisions. For instance, the SACP has played an important role in advancing public employment programs and reindustrialization, formulating better foreign trade policies, strengthening market regulation and protection of industries, promoting the reform of state-owned enterprises, developing education and increasing financial aid for students, curbing government corruption, and strengthening the provision of public services. Beyond these areas, the SACP also believes that South Africa needs to formulate more coordinated macroeconomic policies to place the country on a path of ecologically sustainable development. This concept also reflects the SACP’s ecological wisdom in transcending the capitalist environmental crisis. Although the SACP strives to exert influence by participating in key government departments and pushing decision-making in a socialist direction, because it and the ANC are influenced by different ideologies and core interests, the effectiveness of these efforts is often subject to many limitations. It is very difficult to fundamentally change the government’s neoliberal economic policies, political corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and other problems.

南非共产党依托“三方联盟”机制，参与非国大政府的政策制定与执行工作，对政府决策产生了重要影响，从而在政府决策中增加社会主义因素，这也是南非共产党探索建设社会主义的独特之处。南非共产党人在非国大政府中担任重要职务已近30年，比如在拉马福萨的第一届内阁中，共产党员被任命为许多部长级职务，包括贸易和工业部、高等教育和培训部等。南非共产党在政府中部署高级领导人，参与政府工作，对政府决策发挥了真正的影响，比如推进公共就业计划与再工业化、制定更优的外贸政策、加强对产业的市场监管和保护、推动国有企业改革、发展教育与增加对学生的经济援助、限制政府腐败、加强公共服务的供给等方面，南非共产党都发挥了重要作用。除了上述领域之外，南非共产党还认为南非需要制定更加协调一致的宏观经济政策，从而将南非置于生态可持续发展道路上，这一观念也体现了南非共产党超越资本主义环境危机的生态智慧。尽管南非共产党努力通过参与政府关键部门工作进而发挥影响，推动决策朝着社会主义方向倾斜，但因其与非国大受不同意识形态、核心利益的影响，努力的效果往往受到诸多限制，很难从根本上改变政府的新自由主义经济政策、政治腐败、官僚机构效率低下等问题。

(4) Clarifying the nature of the Party, strengthening Party building

（四）明确政党性质，加强党的建设

Faced with challenges from within the Party, the SACP focuses on self-reflection, contemplating how to maintain its nature as a vanguard party of the working class in the new era, and adopts various measures to strengthen Party building in order to enhance the Party’s organizational and mobilizational capacity. The SACP recognizes that a party based on the working class must take root in workplaces and communities to be effective, and must always adhere to the close connection between Party leadership and Party members. Guided by the idea of building a “mass vanguard party,” the SACP strives to expand its membership. Currently, Party membership has exceeded 311,000 and continues to grow, moving towards the goal of establishing a large and advanced party. The SACP’s proposed “2021 Programme of Action” (also its centenary programme of action) points out that 2021 must focus on the Party’s organizational construction. In all work implemented in 2021, the Party’s history, the major problems currently existing in Party organizations, and major political tasks must be linked. To achieve this goal, the SACP first proposes to enhance the Party’s influence in all workplaces, including informal employment sites and various areas of social reproduction, improving the Party’s organizational capacity and work level in these workplaces. Second, regarding the highly concerning issue of corruption, the SACP implements an intra-Party accountability system, requiring Party members to uphold the highest moral and ethical standards, and requiring Party members serving in government public departments to sign a pledge committing to reject corruption and pursue good governance. Third, it continues to launch the “Red October Campaign.” [3]3 The “Red October Campaign” is an annual mass mobilization campaign initiated by the South African Communist Party in 1999, inspired by the Russian October Revolution, to raise awareness and push for policy changes on specific socio-economic issues. The “Red October Campaign” was inspired by the October Revolution. Since 1999, the SACP has launched this campaign every October, each year revolving around a specific theme, such as financial reform, land reform, agriculture, employment, etc. Through nationwide mass movements, it aims to deepen society’s understanding of these issues and push the government to solve them. The SACP emphasizes that the “Red October Campaign” must “walk on two legs”: one leg is concrete movements and interventions, the other leg is to deepen the Party’s policy views among the masses on issues such as food security, housing, health, and clean drinking water. Fourth, it strengthens work with special groups such as youth and women, deepening relations with organizations like the ANC Youth League, trade union youth worker organizations, and the ANC Women’s League. Specifically, this includes establishing Party branches composed of scholars, administrative staff, workers, and students in universities, strengthening ideological work on student organizations so that these organizations can receive better guidance; prioritizing the women’s movement as a key issue for 2021, focusing on the most pressing issues for the female working class, launching struggles against gender-based violence, and enhancing women’s ability to prevent and respond to violence in workplaces and communities. Finally, the SACP also pays attention to the Party’s financial sustainability. By launching various funds such as crowdfunding and donations, it aims to provide financial guarantees for the Party’s various tasks and ensure that the Party’s independence is not eroded.

面对来自党内的挑战，南非共产党注重自我反思，思考新时期如何继续保持作为工人阶级先锋队的政党性质，并通过各项举措加强党的建设，以提升党的组织和动员能力。南非共产党意识到一个以工人阶级为基础的政党，必须根植于工作场所和社区才能发挥效力，必须始终坚持党的领导与党员的密切联系。南非共产党在建设“群众性的先锋队政党”思想指导下，努力扩大党的队伍，当前党员已超过311万人，并呈继续增长态势，朝着建立庞大而先进的政党迈进。南非共产党提出的《2021年行动纲领》（也是其百年行动纲领）指出，2021年必须把重点放在党的组织建设上，2021年实施的各项工作中，都必须把党的历史、当前党组织存在的重大问题、以及重大政治任务联系起来。为实现这一目标，南非共产党首先提出要增强党在所有工作场所的影响力，包括非正规就业场所、社会再生产的各个领域等，提升党在这些工作场所的组织能力和工作水平。次之，针对高度关注的腐败问题，南非共产党实施党内问责制，要求党员坚守最高的道德和伦理标准，并要求在政府公共部门任职的党员签署拒绝贪污、追求善治的承诺书。其次，继续发起“红十月运动”。“红十月运动”是受“十月革命”启发而创立的。从1999年起,南非共产党每年10月都要发起该运动，每年运动都围绕一个特定的主题,如金融改革、土地改革、农业、就业等，通过全国性群众运动的方式推动全社会加深对这些问题的认识、并推动政府解决这些问题。南非共产党强调“红十月运动”必须“两条腿走路”：一条腿是具体运动和干预，另一条腿是要在群众中深化党关于粮食安全、住房问题、健康、清洁饮水等方面的政策观点。再次，加强对青年、妇女等特殊群体的工作，深化与南非工会大会青年工人论坛、工会青年工人组织以及非国大妇女联盟等组织的关系。具体来讲，包括要在高校建立由学者、行政人员、工人和学生组成的党支部，加强对学生组织的思想工作以便这些组织能得到更好的指导；要将妇女运动当作2021年需要优先关注的议题，重点关注对女性工人阶级而言最为紧迫的问题，开展反对性别暴力的斗争，提升女性在工作场所和社区等场所预防与应对暴力的能力。最后，南非共产党还关注党在财政方面的可持续性。通过发起众筹、捐赠等各类基金，以期为党的各项工作提供资金保障，确保党的独立性不受侵蚀。

The South African Communist Party, having traversed a century of wind and rain, clearly recognizes that the key to building a socialist future lies in the Party’s capacity, and it has made a realistic appraisal of the current limitations of the Party’s capacity as well as the domestic and international situation it faces. In light of this, the South African Communist Party has put forward the centenary theme of “learning from the past, actively participating in the present, building the future, and beginning socialist construction today.” It firmly believes that the national democratic revolution is the most direct path that conforms to South Africa’s reality and leads to socialism. The realization of this theme depends on taking root in the workplace and communities, on Party work based on Party members and cadres, and on enhancing the organizational capacity of the working class at all levels and in all forms. Socialism has existed in South Africa for over 100 years and still thrives today. This depends to a large extent on the South African Communist Party’s ability to always interpret and apply Marxism-Leninism from the perspective of its own national conditions, exploring the path of building socialism in South Africa. The South African Communist Party is the party of the South African working class, representing the most advanced forces from all strata. It is a Marxist-Leninist party, but even more so, it is an African Marxist-Leninist party, and most importantly, it is a South African Marxist-Leninist party. This is precisely the crucial coordinate for understanding the South African Communist Party’s century-long history of revolution and construction. Yet the road before the South African communists is neither broad nor smooth. Their path of socialist exploration also faces multiple challenges from both inside and outside the Party, including the internal differentiation of the working class, factional struggles within the African National Congress and the weakening of the Tripartite Alliance’s [1]1 The Tripartite Alliance is the governing coalition in South Africa, formed in 1990, consisting of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). governing capacity due to corruption, and the deepening of South Africa’s socio-economic crisis. All of this requires the South African Communist Party to keep pace with the times, under the guidance of new theory, to continuously strengthen and consolidate the left-wing forces’ governing position and influence within the Tripartite Alliance, unite a broader range of ordinary South African people and the working class, strengthen the Party’s capacity building, truly build a mass-based vanguard party amidst the encirclement of capitalism, and stride forward towards the long-term goal of building a socialist country.

经历百年风雨历程的南非共产党，清楚认识到建设社会主义未来的关键在于党的能力，并且对当前党的能力的局限性以及所面临的国内外形势进行了实事求是的剖析。鉴于此，南非共产党提出了“学习过去、积极参与现在、建设未来、社会主义建设从今日开始”的百年诞辰主题，坚信民族民主革命是符合南非实际并走向社会主义的最直接道路，而这一主题的实现依赖于扎根工作场所和社区，依赖于以党员干部为基础的党的工作，依赖于各级各类型的工人阶级组织能力的增强。社会主义在南非已经存在100多年，现在依然繁荣，这在很大程度上取决于南非共产党始终能从自身国情出发，来阐释和运用马克思列宁主义，探索社会主义在南非的建设之路。南非共产党是南非工人阶级的政党，代表各阶层最先进的力量，它是一个马克思列宁主义政党，但更是一个非洲的马克思列宁主义政党，最重要的是它是南非的马克思列宁主义政党。这正是理解南非共产党百年革命与建设历史的重要坐标。但南非共产党人面前的道路并不是宽阔而平坦的，其社会主义探索之路也面临着来自党内外的多重挑战，包括工人阶级的内部分化、非国大的党内派系之争及腐败对三方联盟执政能力的弱化、南非经济社会危机的深化等等。这都需要南非共产党与时俱进，在新的理论指导下，不断强化和巩固左翼力量在三方联盟中的执政地位和影响，团结更为广泛的南非普通民众和工人阶级，加强党的能力建设，在资本主义的包围中真正建成一个群众性的先锋党，朝着建设社会主义国家的长远目标迈进。

[Project: This article is a phased result of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Marxist Theory Discipline Construction and Theoretical Research Project “Theory and Practice: New Explorations of African Socialism” (2018mgchq022).]

【项目：本文系中国社会科学院马克思主义理论学科建设与理论研究工程项目“理论与实践：非洲社会主义新探索”（2018mgchq022）的阶段性成果】

(The author is an Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of West Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and the China-Africa Institute.)

（作者系中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所、中国非洲研究院助理研究员）

Online Editor: Tongxin

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