Western New Social Movements and Their Impact on Left-Wing Parties

Western new social movements are understood in relation to traditional Western workers’ movements. However, unlike the homogenizing orientation of traditional workers’ movements, which focus on material interests and demands, Western new social movements tend toward various non-material interests and value-oriented goals. Western new social movements are a general term for loosely organized mass protest activities in which the intermediate class (or strata), marginalized groups, and others spontaneously form forces of resistance during a period of low ebb in the world socialist movement, actively exposing and resisting the inherent ills of the capitalist system. Their rise is one of the most significant socio-political phenomena to occur in Western countries after the end of the Second World War. They are exerting an important and profound influence on Western left-wing parties and future political trends, bearing on the prospects and direction of Western party politics.

西方新社会运动是相对于西方传统工人运动而言的。但与传统工人运动的同质化取向且侧重于物质利益诉求有所不同，西方新社会运动更倾向于各种非物质化的利益和价值目标诉求。西方新社会运动是世界社会主义运动处于低潮时期，中间阶级（或阶层）、边缘群体等自发组成反抗力量，积极对资本主义制度固有弊病进行揭露和抗争的松散性群众抗议活动的总称。它的崛起是第二次世界大战结束后西方国家发生的、最为显著的社会政治现象之一，对西方左翼政党及未来政治走向正在发生着重要而又深刻的影响，关乎西方政党政治的前景与方向。

The Historical Evolution of Western New Social Movements and Their Main Characteristics

西方新社会运动的历史演进及其主要特点

Western new social movements originated in the French “May 1968” [1]1 The “May 1968” (often called “May ’68” or the “May Events”) was a period of civil unrest in France, led mainly by students and workers, involving general strikes, factory occupations, and street protests against capitalism, consumerism, and traditional institutions. at the end of the 1960s, developed through the 1970s and 1980s, underwent a transformation in the 1990s, and entered a new period of development in the 21st century, especially since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, presenting many new characteristics.

西方新社会运动发端于20世纪60年代末的法国“五月风暴”，发展于70至80年代，转型于90年代，进入21世纪特别是2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，西方新社会运动又进入了一个新的发展时期，并呈现出了许多新的特点。

The origins of Western new social movements. In May 1968, a mass movement broke out in Paris, France, known as the “May Events.” The May Events were initiated by young university students in France and quickly sparked a vigorous new type of social movement involving workers and other social strata. Taking this as a starting point, people in European and American countries took to the streets, using non-violent methods such as demonstrations, marches, and sit-ins, setting off surging waves of anti-war movements, feminist movements, anti-nuclear movements, national liberation movements, and ecological movements. Social movements with entirely different participants and protest themes swept through almost all advanced Western capitalist countries. The May Events and the series of mass protest movements that erupted in major advanced Western capitalist countries represented a new political and social phenomenon and a mode of expressing interests and demands during an unusual period in world development. In the 1960s, Western societies were in a “golden age” of sustained economic prosperity and development. In general terms, as the economy developed and people’s living standards improved, society should have tended toward harmony and stability. Yet behind the “prosperity” of the major advanced Western capitalist countries at this time lay social instability. Taking France as an example, “from 1963 to 1969, real wages in France grew by 3.6%. France entered a consumer society. Economic growth was accompanied by inflation. One million immigrants from North Africa caused population surges, rising prices, and increasing unemployment, threatening the interests of the working class. More French people received higher education, but overcrowded universities, a mechanized education system, and a conservative cultural atmosphere made many young people unhappy.”

西方新社会运动的发端。1968年5月，法国巴黎爆发了群众运动，即“五月风暴”。“五月风暴”是由法国在校青年大学生发动，并迅速引发了工人与其他社会阶层参与其中的一场轰轰烈烈的新型社会运动。以此为开端，欧美国家民众纷纷走上街头，采用示威、游行、静坐等非暴力方式，掀起了风起云涌的反战运动、女权运动、反核运动、民族解放运动、生态运动等浪潮。各类参与主体和抗议主题完全不同的社会运动几乎席卷了所有西方发达资本主义国家。“五月风暴”及其在西方主要发达资本主义国家爆发的一系列群众抗议运动，是世界发展处于不寻常时期的一种新的政治社会现象和利益诉求表达方式。20世纪60年代，西方社会正处于经济持续繁荣发展的“黄金时代”。在一般意义上，随着经济发展和民众生活水平的提高，社会应该趋向和谐稳定性。但此时在西方主要发达资本主义国家“繁荣”的背后却孕育着社会的不稳定性。以法国为例，“1963～1969年，法国实际工资增长了3.6%，法国进入消费型社会，经济的增长伴随着通货膨胀，100万来自北非的移民使得人口激增、物价上涨、失业率上升，工人阶级的利益受到威胁。更多的法国人接受了高等教育，但是人满为患的大学、机械化的教育系统、因循守旧的文化风味，致使许多年轻人并不快乐。”

Thus, in France’s consumer society, popular resistance to the government and authority grew increasingly intense. This meant that the May Events, as a “revolution, questioned not only capitalist society but also industrial society. The consumer society was doomed to perish.” [2]2 This appears to be a quotation from a contemporary analysis or slogan of the May 1968 movement, though the exact source is not specified in the original text. It reflected the growing dissatisfaction of a younger generation, raised after the Second World War in an environment of abundant material prosperity, with a spiritually impoverished social reality. Therefore, starting from individualism and idealism, this younger generation paid more attention to non-material interests and value goals, and vigorously challenged and criticized capitalist culture, society, and spirit. At the same time, it also reflected that, after the Second World War, with the rapid development of modern industry and the third technological revolution, the social strata and class structure of major advanced Western capitalist countries were undergoing significant changes: the traditional working class was sharply declining, while a new intermediate class (or strata), composed mainly of government civil servants, tertiary sector service personnel, specialized technical personnel, middle-level managers of modern enterprises, and teachers, had become the mainstay of the social class (or strata). This is the main reason why the main forces of the Western new social movements, beginning with the French May Events, were composed of strata such as young students, anti-war activists, women, homosexuals, and greens, rather than being led and driven by the traditional protagonist of Western socialist movements, the working class. The May Events inaugurated a new type of Western social movement that relied on non-traditional working-class forces as the main anti-capitalist force.

于是，在法国消费型的社会中，民众对政府和权威的抵制越来越强烈。而这就意味着“五月风暴”作为“革命不但质疑资本主义社会还要质疑工业社会。消费社会注定得暴毙”。它反映的是二战以后在全新的物质生活丰裕富足环境中成长起来的年轻一代对精神贫乏的社会现状愈加不满。因此，年轻一代从个人主义与理想主义出发，更加关注非物质的利益和价值目标，并极力对资本主义的文化、社会和精神发起挑战和批判。与此同时，它也反映了在二战以后，随着现代工业和第三次科技革命的迅速发展，西方主要发达资本主义国家社会阶层和阶级结构正在发生着重大的变化：传统工人阶级急剧锐减，而与之相伴的则是以政府公务人员、第三产业服务人员、专员技术人员、现代企业中层管理人员、教师等为主体构成的新中间阶级（或阶层）成为了社会阶级（或阶层）的中流砥柱。这也就是西方以法国“五月风暴”为发端的新社会运动的主要力量是由青年学生、反战分子、妇女、同性恋者和绿色人士等阶层组成，而不是由西方传统社会主义运动主角工人阶级来领导和推动的主要原因所在。“五月风暴”开启了一种新的、依靠非传统工人阶级作为反资本主义主要力量的西方新型社会运动。

The development of Western new social movements. In 1968, the series of movements triggered in the West by the French May Events were actually only a preview of Western new social movements. The fully fledged new social movements broke out after the 1970s. The period from the 1970s to the 1980s was an important stage in the development of Western new social movements. The anti-nuclear peace movement, the global green environmental movement, and the new feminist movement were the main themes of Western popular protest movements during this period.

西方新社会运动的发展。1968年，由法国“五月风暴”引发的西方系列运动实际上只是西方新社会运动的预演，而真正完全意义上的新社会运动则爆发于20世纪70年代以后。20世纪70年代至80年代这段时期，是西方新社会运动的重要发展阶段。反核和平运动、全球绿色环保运动以及新女权运动是这一时期西方民众抗议运动的主题。

The anti-nuclear peace movement mainly refers to the massive anti-war marches and anti-nuclear weapons movements that erupted after the end of the Vietnam War, in which people in major Western countries, especially European countries, protested against the deployment of missiles by the United States and the Soviet Union in Europe, with the goal of safeguarding world peace by opposing nuclear weapons. At the same time, facing the radioactive pollution from nuclear power plants and the environmental destruction caused by excessive industrialization, the environmental awareness of European and American people was gradually awakened. In the 1970s, civic environmental movements involving more than 2,000 people broke out in major U.S. cities such as Washington, D.C., New York, and Los Angeles, generating widespread social impact and strong public resonance. Subsequently, mass protests against environmental destruction continued to erupt in European and American countries, taking forms ranging from protest gatherings and demonstrations to attempts to establish green “eco-villages.” In the 1980s, on the basis of extensive green environmental movements, European and American countries successively established green left-wing political organizations—Green parties. The first Green party in the West emerged in Germany and has since developed into an important left-wing political force in Europe and the world. The new feminist movement, in contrast to the women’s suffrage movement of the mid-19th century, was larger in scale, deeper in scope, and broader in participation.

反核和平运动主要是指在越战结束以后，西方主要国家特别是欧洲国家民众为了抗议美苏在欧洲部署导弹而引发的声势浩大的反战大游行和反对核武器运动，其目标在于以反核武器来维护世界和平。同时，面对核电厂的放射性污染，以及过度工业化而引起的环境破坏，欧美民众的环保意识逐渐被唤醒。20世纪70年代，在美国华盛顿、纽约、洛杉矶等大城市爆发了由2000多人参加的公民环保运动，并产生了广泛的社会影响，社会反响强烈。随之，欧美各国反对环境破坏的群众抗议活动持续爆发，形式从聚会抗议、示威集会到尝试建立绿色“生态村”等。20世纪80年代，欧美各国在广泛开展绿色环保运动的基础上，先后创建了绿色左翼政治组织——绿党。西方第一个绿党产生于德国，目前已经发展成为欧洲乃至世界上一支重要的左翼政治力量。新女权运动则是相对于19世纪中期妇女参政运动而言的，其规模更大、涉及面更深、参与面更广。

The transformation of Western new social movements. In the 1990s, influenced by the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the world political and economic situation and the international landscape underwent profound changes, and Western new social movements also entered an important period of transformation and development. The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe not only plunged the world socialist movement into a low ebb but also dealt a heavy blow to traditional Western left-wing parties (communist parties, social democratic parties, socialist parties, workers’ parties), forcing them to rethink and reposition their prospects and destiny in Western party politics. At the same time, following the failure of post-war Keynesianism and the rise of neoliberalism, coupled with the rapid development of modern communication and information technology, globalization led by the West with neoliberalism as its fundamental guiding ideology advanced rapidly, deepening the unfairness of interest distribution and inequality within Western societies. Furthermore, with the deepening of globalization, environmental problems threatening human survival and development, such as global warming and acid rain, became increasingly serious. Economic risks in the world grew under the background of capital and financial globalization, and financial crises in various countries occurred frequently, with their scope of influence also expanding.

西方新社会运动的转型。20世纪90年代，受苏东剧变和苏联解体的影响，世界政治经济形势和国际格局发生了深刻变动，西方新社会运动也进入了一个重要的发展转型期。苏东剧变不仅使世界社会主义运动陷入低谷，也给西方传统左翼政党（各国共产党、社会民主党、社会党、工人党）带来了重创，它们不得不重新思考和定位自身在西方政党政治中的前途与命运问题。与此同时，伴随着二战后凯恩斯主义的失灵和新自由主义的兴起，加之现代通信和信息技术的迅猛发展，西方主导的以新自由主义为根本指导思想的全球化快速推进，加深了利益分配的不公平和西方国家社会内部的不平等。另外，随着全球化的深入推进，全球变暖、酸雨等威胁人类生存和发展的环境问题日益严重，世界经济风险在资本和金融全球化的背景下日益加大，且各国金融危机频发、影响范围也在不断扩大。

Thus, the disadvantaged groups (the middle strata and marginalized groups at the bottom) whose interests have been increasingly damaged in the process of globalization have begun to express dissatisfaction and protest against the globalization led by Western countries through various means. In response, European and American countries took the lead in launching large-scale anti-globalization movements. In 1999, the first large-scale anti-globalization movement erupted in Seattle, USA. These anti-globalization movements against the globalization led by Western countries, occurring in Europe and America, marked a new and important period of development and transformation for Western new social movements. With the development of anti-globalization movements among the populations of Western countries, other types of mass protest movements also unfolded vigorously, such as the global green environmental protection movement, whose momentum far exceeded the workers' movements led by traditional left-wing parties. At this point, Western new social movements had become a powerful avenue and important method for resisting the ills of the capitalist system during the low ebb of the world socialist movement.

于是，在全球化进程中利益日趋受损的弱势群体（中间阶层和底层边缘群体），便通过各种方式开始对西方国家主导的全球化表达不满和抗议。对此，欧美国家率先掀起了大规模的反全球化运动。1999年，美国西雅图爆发了第一次大规模的反全球化运动。这些在欧美国家发生的反对以西方国家为主导的全球化运动，标志着西方新社会运动进入了一个新的重要发展转型期。随着西方国家民众反全球化运动的发展，其他类型的群众抗议运动也如火如荼地展开，如全球绿色环保运动等，其势头远远超过了传统左翼政党领导的工人运动。此时，西方新社会运动已经成为了在世界社会主义运动低潮时期反抗资本主义制度弊端的有力途径和重要方式。

New developments in Western new social movements. Entering the new century, from the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States to the 2008 global financial crisis, the anti-globalization movement, after a brief period of low ebb, entered a new stage of development once again. In 2008, the global financial crisis triggered by the United States further stimulated various social contradictions within European and American countries. At this point, capitalism as an ideology and social system fell into a systemic crisis. In this regard, Samir Amin believed that, "Following Brexit, the rise of the right in European elections, the electoral victory of the Coalition of the Radical Left in Greece, and the rise of the Podemos party in Spain, Donald Trump was recently elected President of the United States. All this indicates that the global neoliberal system is experiencing a deep crisis." The global financial crisis profoundly exposed the inherent ills of the Western capitalist system, creating an unprecedented impact on the world, especially on Western countries, in the economic, political, and ideological spheres.

西方新社会运动的新发展。进入新世纪，从2001年的美国“9·11”事件到2008年的全球金融危机，反全球化运动在经历短暂低潮期后，再次进入了一个新的发展阶段。2008年，由美国引发的全球金融危机进一步激发了欧美国家内部的种种社会矛盾。至此，资本主义作为一种意识形态与社会制度陷入了系统性危机之中。对此，萨米尔·阿明认为，“继英国脱欧、右翼在欧洲选举中崛起以及希腊激进左翼联盟赢得选举胜利、西班牙‘我们能’党兴起之后，唐纳德·特朗普新近当选美国总统。所有这一切表明，全球新自由体系正遭遇深度危机。”全球性的金融危机深刻暴露了西方资本主义制度的固有弊端，在经济、政治以及意识形态领域对世界特别是对西方国家形成了前所未有的冲击。

More than a decade after the outbreak of the financial crisis, before economic and social order had fully recovered, the global outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 further tore off the fig leaf of the Western capitalist system. The inefficiency and weak response of Western countries to the pandemic proved at a deeper level that the neoliberalism that had dominated the world for over 40 years had brought not world peace and prosperity, but social撕裂, intensified conflict, and extreme polarization between rich and poor. In this regard, French economist Thomas Piketty argued that under globalization dominated by Western neoliberalism, "a market economy based on private property contains powerful forces of convergence (especially the impact of the diffusion of knowledge and technology), but it also contains powerful forces of divergence, which potentially threaten all democratic societies and the values of social justice that underpin them." Since the financial crisis, the populations of Western countries have become

在金融危机爆发十余年后，经济社会秩序还未完全恢复，2020年新冠肺炎疫情的全球暴发则进一步扯下了西方资本主义制度的遮羞布。西方国家抗疫低效和应对乏力从更深层次证明了主导世界40余年的新自由主义带来的不是世界的和平与繁荣，而是社会撕裂、冲突加剧和贫富极端分化。对此，法国经济学家托马斯·皮凯蒂认为，在西方新自由主义主导下的全球化，“基于私人产权的市场经济包含强有力的趋同力量（尤其是知识和技术扩散的影响），但是它也包含强大的分化力量，这将潜在地威胁各民主社会以及作为其基础的社会正义价值”。金融危机以来，西方国家民众对由新自由主义主导的资本主义社会现状愈加不满。于是，西方此起彼伏的群众抗议运动最终汇成了新社会运动的洪流。这段时期比较具有代表性的新社会运动，如美国爆发的持续数月的针对1%高收入群体的“占领华尔街”运动、针对资本主义虚假民主与新闻自由的“民主之春”运动、疫情期间爆发的“黑人的命也是命”运动，法国的“黄背心”运动、“黑夜站立”运动，西班牙的“愤怒者”运动等。这些运动都表现出参与主体多样、价值目标各异、利益诉求多元等特点。与此同时，现代信息技术手段和社交媒体在组织动员各类主体参与运动时发挥了前所未有的作用。

Of course, "the new social movements are not absolutely independent of the past; although each varies in degree of change, they have not completely broken with past social movements." Many Western new social movements were born under the wing of traditional left-wing movements. However, "the distinctive feature of Western new social movements lies in their being an unconstrained pluralism," emphasizing the value orientations and independent consciousness of participants, generally lacking a fixed organizational system and structure, organizational bylaws, and platforms. It is precisely this form of movement—loose in organization, scattered in strength, lacking in strategy, and diverse in goals—that makes Western new social movements vastly different from the political theories and propositions, forms and methods of action, and movement concepts and demands of traditional left-wing parties and left-wing social movements. Yet this has enabled them, during the low tide of the socialist movement and when Western left-wing parties are in political crisis, to appear as a powerful "alternative" force and phenomenon of resistance to capitalism.

当然，“新社会运动并不是绝对地独立于过去，尽管每一种变化程度不同，但它没有同过去的社会运动一刀两断”，许多西方新社会运动都产生于传统左翼运动的卵翼之中。但西方“新社会运动的突出之处在于，它是一种不可约束的多元主义”，强调突出参与者的价值取向与独立意识，一般缺少固定的组织系统与结构、组织章程和纲领。正是这种组织松懈、力量分散、战略缺失与目标多元的运动形式，使得西方新社会运动与传统左翼政党和左翼社会运动的政治理论与主张、运动形式与方式、运动理念与要求等都大相径庭。这却促使其在社会主义运动低潮时期和西方左翼政党身处政治危机之时，俨然成为了一种强有力的反抗资本主义的“替代性”力量和现象。

First, in terms of organizational composition, Western new social movements "very prominently emphasize individualistic tendencies, advocating personal liberation rather than transforming society, lacking clear norms of conduct and purposes, and having neither tight organization nor fixed roles. They often coalesce around major political issues that attract high public attention, such as race, immigration, civil rights, gender, and the environment, rather than forming political identities centered on class, thereby constituting various social movements and groups. They consider themselves to have more in common in terms of identity, education, and generational type than in class commonality." Their rise and continuous development have, to some extent, greatly weakened the power of traditional trade unions, thereby delivering a massive blow to the traditional workers' movement and seriously undermining the main task of the traditional working class in promoting overall social change and fighting for collective interests. Particularly after the Cold War, the class and social forces on which traditional left-wing forces such as communist parties and social democratic parties in Western countries relied for survival and development were severely weakened, and many of their participants joined the new social movements. Second, this new channel for articulating interests and expressing ideas represented by Western new social movements has brought a subversive crisis and challenge to Western party politics. The rapid development of Western new social movements has meant that Western political parties are no longer the sole channel for interest representation and expression. Moreover, Western new social movements have essentially "become an important social force in developed countries that promotes and drives the transformation of the capitalist system; to some extent, they have become a concrete manifestation of socialist factors within developed countries, showing a relatively significant socialist tendency in their developmental prospects."

一是从组织构成方面而言，西方新社会运动“非常突出个人主义倾向，崇尚个性解放而不是改造社会，没有明确的行为规范和目的，没有严密的组织和固定的角色。他们往往围绕种族、移民、民权、性别、环境等引起公众高度关注的重大政治问题，而不是以阶级为中心形成政治认同组成各种社会运动和团体。他们自认为在身份、教育和代际类型等方面的共同之处大于阶级共性”。它的兴起和不断发展，在某种程度上大大削弱了传统工会的力量，以致对传统工人运动形成了巨大的冲击，严重弱化了传统工人阶级推进整体社会变革和争取集体利益的主要任务。特别是在冷战之后，西方国家共产党和社会民主党等传统左翼力量赖以生存发展的阶级与社会力量都被严重削弱了，它们当中的很多参与者都加入到新社会运动之中。二是西方新社会运动这样一种新的利益诉求和理念表达途径，给西方政党政治带来了颠覆性的危机和挑战。西方新社会运动的迅速发展，已使西方政党不再是作为利益代表和利益表达的唯一途径。另外，西方新社会运动在本质上已经“体现为发达国家中推动和促进资本主义制度变革的重要社会力量，在某种程度上，它已经成为发达国家内部社会主义因素的现实表现，其在发展前景上展现出较为显著的社会主义倾向”。

The Impact of Western New Social Movements on Western Left-Wing Parties

西方新社会运动带给西方左翼政党的影响

Western left-wing parties are a relatively broad political concept, corresponding to right-wing parties in the spectrum of Western party politics. Currently, within the spectrum of Western party politics, according to the degree of radicalism in political consciousness and policy propositions, left-wing parties can be roughly divided into three categories: moderate left-wing parties with center-left political consciousness and policy propositions, more radical radical left-wing parties, and even more radical extreme left-wing parties. "These three types of left-wing forces have unequal positions within the existing political system of Europe, and their modes of action also differ." Influenced by Western new social movements, various types of traditional Western left-wing parties have correspondingly undergone significant changes.

西方左翼政党是一个概念相对宽泛的政治界定，在西方政党政治光谱中是一个和右翼政党相对应的概念。当前，在西方政党政治光谱中，按照政治意识和政策主张的激进程度来划分的话，左翼政党大致可以分为三类。政治意识和政策主张中间偏左的温和左翼政党、较为激进的激进左翼政党和更为激进的极端左翼政党。“这三类左翼力量在欧洲既有政治体系中的地位不等，作用方式也各不相同。”受西方新社会运动的影响，西方各类传统左翼政党相应地都发生了很大变化。

Moderate left-wing parties are increasingly moving toward the center. Moderate left-wing parties constitute the mainstream of Western left-wing parties, with governance as their primary objective and a relatively stable governing base. Since the end of World War II, and especially since the 1970s, with the continuous development of the technological revolution and the ongoing adjustment of social industrial structures, the class and stratum structures of Western countries have gradually undergone major changes. In addition, with the continuous rise of Western consumer society, "the adjustment of redistribution systems, the improvement of social welfare systems, the elevation of living standards, the gradual weakening of working-class consciousness, coupled with the rise of the right, the weakening of trade union power, changes in enterprise organizational forms, etc., have led workers' movements into a trough," and Western developed capitalist countries have entered the development period of post-industrial society. Correspondingly, the capitalist relations of production dominated by Western neoliberalism have continuously expanded, the ranks of the middle class (or stratum) have grown and developed, and post-materialist value orientations and interest demands have surged. The class conflicts and confrontational movements once led by traditional left-wing parties in the West have gradually been taken over and continued by new social movements that advocate diverse participants, varied value goals, pluralistic interest demands, and diverse forms and themes. To adapt to the new class conditions and structural changes in society as well as the new forms of development in Western new social movements, Western political parties, especially moderate left-wing parties with governance objectives, have had to make adjusting their own platforms and strategies an important task. The centrist orientation in political strategy and policy means, along with an increasingly flexible attitude toward the market, are the main signs and characteristics of the adjustment and transformation of Western moderate left-wing parties.

温和左翼政党日趋走向中间化。温和左翼政党是西方左翼政党的主流，以执政为主要目标，拥有较为稳定的执政力量。二战以后，特别是20世纪70年代以来，伴随着科技革命的不断发展、社会产业结构的不断调整，西方国家的阶级与阶层结构逐步发生了重大变化。另外，随着西方消费社会的不断兴起，“再分配制度的调整，社会福利制度的完善，生活水平的提高，工人阶级的阶级意识逐渐弱化，加上右翼的上台、工会权力的削弱、企业组织形式的变化等，工人运动陷入低潮”，西方发达资本主义国家迈进后工业社会发展时期。与之对应的是，西方新自由主义所主导的资本主义生产关系不断扩张，中间阶级（或阶层）的队伍不断发展壮大，后物质主义的价值取向和利益诉求勃然兴起。西方曾经在传统左翼政党领导下的阶级冲突和对抗运动逐渐被倡导参与主体多样、价值目标各异、利益诉求多元、形式主题纷呈的新社会运动所承接延续。为了适应新的社会阶级状况和结构的变化以及西方新社会运动发展的新形式，西方各政党特别是持有执政目标的左翼温和政党，不得不把调整自身的纲领与策略作为一项重要任务。政治战略和政策手段取向上的中间化与对市场越来越灵活的态度是西方左翼温和政党调整转型的主要标志和特征。

In this regard, since the end of the Cold War, the most typical example has been the "Third Way," which transcends left and right, as advocated by the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party. Taking the British Labour Party as an example, in order to gain the support of broad middle groups and forces, the centrist transformation of the British Labour Party has gradually alienated it from the traditional British working class and progressively lost the most stable support of the traditional British working class. Meanwhile, the middle class (or stratum), which serves as the new strategic foundation of the Labour Party, has always been in a state of flux. The British Labour Party's emphasis on flexible market mechanisms has also burdened it with the necessity of compromising with the neoliberalism that continues to dominate the West. The centrist transformation of the British Labour Party brought it substantial short-term returns. From 1997 to 2010, the British Labour Party was in power continuously for 13 years. However, the adverse consequences of this transformation became increasingly apparent after the outbreak of the 2008 global financial crisis. The most direct reflection is that after the financial crisis, the British Labour Party was utterly unable to propose strategies and measures to address the crisis, and was completely unable to resolve the crises facing British society after the financial crisis. From 2010 to the present, although the British Labour Party has successively implemented political strategies and platforms such as "Blue Labour," "Corbynism," and "post-neoliberalism," it has lost four consecutive general elections. This shows that "in the long run, for social democratic parties increasingly centered on electoral politics, the centrist strategic direction is difficult to change. Therefore, the contradiction between catering to the new middle class and avoiding the fragmentation of the traditional support base will also be long-standing." The path of centrist transformation and development remains arduous and long for the British Labour Party and other Western social democratic parties, socialist parties, and other moderate left-wing parties. This is because the centrist transformation and development path is fundamentally unable to propose "pragmatic political ideas and policy propositions that truly reflect their own characteristics, nor accurate and clear political strategic positioning." This is the major challenge facing the new leader of the British Labour Party, Keir Starmer, as he leads the party in continuing its modernization transformation, maintaining its status as a mainstream political party, and ultimately regaining state power. It is also a major challenge faced by mainstream moderate left-wing parties in other developed capitalist countries against the backdrop of the continuous development of Western new social movements.

对此，冷战结束以后至今，以英国工党与德国社会民主党所主张的、超越左右的“第三条道路”最为典型。以英国工党为例，为了获取广泛的中间群体和力量的支持，英国工党的中间化转型使其和英国传统工人阶级日渐疏离，并逐渐失去了英国传统工人阶级最为稳定的支持，而作为工党新战略基础的中间阶级（或阶层）又始终处于变动状态；英国工党对灵活市场机制的强调又使其背上了不得不向当前仍在继续主导西方的新自由主义妥协的包袱。英国工党的中间化转型，使其获得了丰厚的短期回报。从1997年至2010年，英国工党连续执政长达13年。但这种转型所带来的恶果却在2008年全球金融危机爆发之后日益凸显。最直观的反映，就是英国工党在金融危机之后根本无法提出应对危机的策略和手段，根本无法解决金融危机之后英国社会面临的危机。从2010年至今，尽管英国工党先后实行了“蓝色工党”“科尔宾主义”“后新自由主义”等政治策略和纲领，但其连续四次均未获得大选胜利。这说明，“从长期来看，对于日趋以选举政治为中心的社会民主党来说，中间化战略方向是难以改变的，因此，迎合新中间阶级与避免传统支持队伍的分化的矛盾也将是长期存在的”，中间化转型发展的道路对于英国工党和其他西方国家社会民主党、社会党等温和左翼政党而言仍旧任重而道远。因为，中间化的转型发展道路根本无法提出“真正体现自身特色的务实性政治理念与政策主张和准确、清晰的政治战略定位”，这是英国工党新领袖基尔·斯塔莫带领英国工党继续推进现代化转型、始终保持主流政党地位、进而重新执掌国家政权面对的重大挑战。这也是在西方新社会运动不断发展的背景下其他发达资本主义国家主流温和左翼政党面临的重大挑战。

Radical left-wing parties are becoming increasingly active. "Radical left-wing parties refer to left-wing political forces located between moderate social democratic parties and the extreme left on the European left-right political spectrum." They have two notable characteristics: first, the membership composition of radical left-wing parties is complex, including both some traditional communist party organizations, various socialist parties holding democratic socialist ideologies, and some new radical organizations that have developed from new social movements and hold ecological, feminist, pacifist, and other views; second, radical left-wing parties have limited room for development in Western party politics. With the rise and development of Western new social movements, especially after entering the new century, the space for the survival and development of traditional Eurocommunism has been increasingly squeezed. To meet the demands of social development, some traditional left-wing forces have continuously formed new radical left-wing parties through differentiation and alliance. Examples include the German Left Party, formed by the merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism and the Labour and Social Justice Party, and the Red-Green Alliance in Denmark, currently active in Nordic politics, representing emerging red-green political forces. These radical left-wing parties have changed the traditional left-wing parties' intense attitude toward capitalism in their political positions, most importantly abandoning the stance of thoroughly transforming capitalism through revolutionary means. At the same time, they have also criticized the centrist reform orientation of traditional mainstream left-wing parties. Radical left-wing parties believe that the centrist political attitudes and policy propositions of left-wing parties represent collusion with neoliberalism, that the parties that once fought for social justice no longer exist, and that Western left-wing parties represented by social democratic parties have completely degenerated into forces maintaining the existing capitalist order. Therefore, new radical left-wing parties must emerge as an "alternative" force to mainstream left-wing parties, combining the original emphasis on social justice held by left-wing parties with egalitarian propositions such as ecologism and feminism (i.e., combining material goals with non-material goals), and making this the main objective and means of transforming capitalism.

激进左翼政党越来越趋于活跃。“激进左翼政党指那些在欧洲左右政治光谱中位于温和的社会民主党与极端左翼之间的左翼政治力量。”它有两个显著特征：一是激进左翼政党成员构成复杂，既包括一些传统的共产党组织、形色各异的持民主社会主义意识形态的社会主义政党，也包括一些因新社会运动而发展起来的持生态主义、女权主义、和平主义等观念的新激进组织；二是激进左翼政党在西方政党政治中发展空间有限。随着西方新社会运动的兴起和发展，特别是进入新世纪以后，传统欧洲共产主义生存和发展的空间日益受到挤压。为了适应社会发展要求，一些传统左翼力量通过分化、联合不断组成新的激进左翼政党。如德国民社党与德国劳动与社会公正党联合组成的德国左翼党，当前活跃于北欧政坛的丹麦红绿联盟等新兴红绿政治力量代表。这些激进左翼政党在政治主张上改变了传统左翼政党对待资本主义的激烈态度，最主要的是放弃了通过革命方式彻底变革资本主义的立场。与此同时，它们也对传统主流左翼政党的中间化改革取向提出了批评。激进左翼政党认为，左翼政党中间化的政治态度和政策主张，是与新自由主义同流合污的表现，那些为社会公平而斗争的政党已经不复存在，以社会民主党等为代表的西方左翼政党已经完全沦为了维护既有资本主义秩序的力量。因此，新激进左翼政党一定要作为主流左翼政党的“替代性”力量而出现，把左翼政党原来持有的对社会公正的强调与生态主义、女权主义等平等主张相结合（即把物质目标与非物质目标相结合），并将其当作变革资本主义的主要目标和手段。

After the turn of the century, under conditions where new radical leftism infused radical left-wing parties, the financial crisis spread rapidly across the globe, and the social democratic parties that had served as the mainstream left-wing parties in the West fell into political crisis and proved unable to propose timely and effective political strategies, the radical left-wing parties entered a period of active development by advocating anti-austerity policies and increased social welfare—political policy proposals and slogans that opposed the mainstream parties’ inadequate response to the financial crisis. Some radical left-wing parties even won elections and became governing parties. A typical example is Greece’s Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), which, because its political positions aligned relatively well with public opinion, rose from a loose coalition to a governing party in a short period. However, on balance, the activism of radical left-wing parties is only relative; isolated individual radical left-wing parties have won elections or become major electoral forces, but they cannot yet change or replace the status of moderate left-wing parties as the mainstream in Western party politics. The reasons are as follows. First, the performance of radical left-wing parties is unstable across countries and uneven in development. In some countries, radical left-wing parties are relatively strong and develop quickly, as with SYRIZA in Greece; in others, they have declined sharply within Western competitive electoral systems, as with the Party of the Communist Refoundation in Italy, which in recent years has degenerated from an important balancing force in Italian politics into a rapidly weakening small party. Second, the activism of radical left-wing parties in Western countries is a special phenomenon under special conditions; the duration and extent of their influence depend mainly on the attitude of mainstream Western parties toward austerity policies and social welfare systems. If mainstream parties adopt appropriate policies in response to crises, the space for radical left-wing parties will quickly shrink. Currently, the fiscal austerity and social welfare cuts adopted by mainstream Western parties in response to the financial crisis, along with their helplessness in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, have provided a special environment and conditions for the development of radical left-wing parties. Third, the internal composition of radical left-wing parties is complex, with serious internal contradictions and tendencies toward fragmentation, which determines that they cannot easily form a united and powerful new “alternative” political force, and thus cannot exert a decisive influence on Western party politics. Therefore, although from the 1990s to the present, the strength of Western radical left-wing parties has recovered and developed to a corresponding degree, showing some positive momentum, the diversity of their ideologies, their differences in political positions on certain important political issues, along with major changes in Western social structure and the impact of new social movements, mean that Western radical left-wing parties as a whole face great uncertainty in their future development.

进入新世纪后，在新激进左翼主义注入激进左翼政党，金融危机在全球范围内迅速蔓延，以及作为西方主流左翼政党的社会民主党等陷入政治危机和难以提出及时有效的政治策略的情况下，激进左翼政党为反对主流政党应对金融危机不力而提出的反紧缩政策和增加社会福利的政治政策主张与口号，使其进入了发展活跃期。甚至一些激进左翼政党还赢得大选成为了执政党。比较典型的如希腊激进左翼联盟，由于自身的政治主张比较契合民意，其由原来的一个松散联盟在短期内一跃而成为了执政党。但是，综合来看，激进左翼政党的活跃只是相对的，零星个别的激进左翼政党在选举中胜出或成为选举大党，暂时还无法改变或代替左翼温和政党在西方政党政治中的主流政党地位。原因在于，其一，激进左翼政党的表现在各国并不稳定，发展也不均衡。有些国家的激进左翼政党实力较强，发展也较快，如希腊左翼激进联盟；有些则在西方竞争性选举制度中大幅下降，如意大利重建共产党，近些年来已经由意大利重要政治性平衡力量，逐渐沦为了迅速弱化的小党。其二，西方国家激进左翼政党的活跃是在特殊条件下的特殊表现，活跃的时间长短、影响力大小，主要取决于西方主流政党对待紧缩政策和社会福利制度的态度。如果主流政党在应对危机时政策对路，那么激进左翼政党的生存空间将迅速受到挤压。当前，西方主流政党应对金融危机的财政紧缩和削减社会福利政策，以及在应对新冠肺炎疫情时的无力，为激进左翼政党的发展提供了特殊的活跃发展环境与条件。其三，激进左翼政党内部构成复杂，内部矛盾和分裂倾向严重，这决定了其难以形成一个团结有力的新型“替代性”政治力量，进而无法对西方政党政治产生决定性影响。因此，尽管从20世纪90年代至今，西方激进左翼政党力量已经得到相应的恢复发展，并呈现出了一些良好的发展势头。但其意识形态的多样性，以及其在某些重要政治问题上的政治立场差异，加之西方社会结构的重大变化和新社会运动的影响，使得西方激进左翼政党作为一个整体力量，在未来发展中充满了很大的不确定性。

Extreme left-wing parties are increasingly trending toward populism. Extreme left-wing parties refer to those Western communist parties that still adhere to a traditional revolutionary stance, Trotskyist and Maoist organizations that still emphasize militancy, as well as some anarchist and syndicalist organizations. Western extreme left-wing parties generally take Marxism-Leninism as their guiding ideology; “their characteristic is that they inherit, to varying degrees, the theory and strategy of the party during the Communist International period.” Consequently, compared with radical left-wing parties, extreme left-wing parties advocate a more confrontational attitude toward capitalism and the fundamental elimination of social inequality. For a long time, especially under the influence of negative factors brought by traditional socialism, Western publics have psychologically maintained an attitude of rejection toward traditional Eurocommunist (or traditional socialist) ideology. Extreme left-wing parties have always been marginalized in European and American party politics; their radical socialist policies and proposals have difficulty exerting a substantive influence on the electoral politics that dominate the West, and their main political impact remains largely at the level of social protest. Specific examples include the Communist Party of Britain, the Communist Party USA, the Japanese Communist Party, the Workers’ Party of Belgium, the Communist Party of Greece, and the Portuguese Communist Party. All firmly believe that socialism will replace capitalism in the future, yet their influence on electoral politics in their respective countries is extremely limited. Entering the 21st century, especially since the 2008 international financial crisis, neoliberalism has brought extreme polarization of wealth and social fragmentation to Western societies, with conflicts and clashes among various social strata and classes. The 99% (ordinary people) versus the 1% (elite and powerful) has become a common social reality. Against the political and social backdrop of deepening contradictions between elites and the masses, the traditional socialist propositions of Western communist parties have gradually been adopted and absorbed by some radical left-wing organizations and forces. Thus, the populist tendency of extreme left-wing parties has become increasingly prominent. In recent years, while right-wing populism has developed rapidly in some Western countries, the influence of left-wing populist parties in the West has also been growing. For example, Spain’s Podemos and Italy’s Five Star Movement, as left-wing populist parties, have even surpassed right-wing populist parties in momentum. However, a deeper analysis reveals that the populist tendency of extreme left-wing parties is not a normal state. On the contrary, it is an important manifestation of the pathological development of Western political society after the financial crisis. Because, “from an ideological perspective, the spread of populism and the rise of populist parties show the development of polarization tendencies in the social ideology of European and American countries. But populism itself is not a new ideology that transcends the traditional spectrum of political consciousness; it is merely the prominence and recombination of some previously inconspicuous elements within that existing spectrum.” It reflects the “pathological normality” of mainstream society, associated with or aligned with mainstream ideas, mass attitudes, and policy positions. When mainstream ideology returns with renewed strength, populism will once again fall into a trough or be almost entirely obscured. From this perspective, the populist tendency of Western extreme left-wing parties can only be a temporary phenomenon, fundamentally unsustainable. Therefore, as an important component of the Western extreme left, the communist parties of various countries, operating within the framework of Western electoral politics, face an unpromising outlook if they seek social recognition and long-term development.

极端左翼政党日渐趋向民粹化。极端左翼政党是指西方那些依然持传统革命立场的共产党、依然强调战斗性的托派组织和毛派组织，以及一些无政府组织和工团主义组织。西方极端左翼政党通常把马克思列宁主义作为指导思想，“它们的特点是在不同程度上继承了共产国际时期党的理论与策略”。于是，与激进左翼政党相比，极端左翼政党主张对资本主义要采取更加激烈的对抗态度和根本消除社会不平等。长期以来，尤其是受传统社会主义所带来的消极因素影响，西方社会公众始终在心理上对传统欧洲共产主义（或传统社会主义）意识形态持一种拒斥的态度。极端左翼政党在欧美政党政治中始终处于边缘化的地位，其激进的社会主义政策和主张难以对西方处于主动地位的选举政治产生实质性影响，最主要的政治影响则更多地停留于社会抗议层面。具体如英国共产党、美国共产党、日本共产党、比利时劳动党、希腊共产党、葡萄牙共产党等，它们都坚信未来社会主义能够取代资本主义，可是对所在国的选举政治影响却极其有限。进入21世纪，特别是2008年国际金融危机以来，新自由主义给西方社会带来了极端的贫富分化和社会撕裂，社会各阶层和各阶级的矛盾重重、冲突不断。99%（普通大众）对1%（精英权贵）成为了普遍社会现状。在精英与大众矛盾日益加深的政治社会背景下，西方共产党传统的社会主义主张逐渐被一些激进左翼组织和力量所采纳吸收。于是，极端左翼政党民粹化倾向开始日趋凸显。近些年来，在西方一些右翼民粹主义得到迅速发展的同时，西方左翼民粹主义政党影响力也在不断增加。如西班牙“我们能”党、意大利“五星运动”等左翼民粹主义政党的势头甚至超过了右翼民粹主义政党。但是，从更深层次分析可以发现，极端左翼政党的民粹化倾向并非是一种正常状态。相反，它是西方政治社会在金融危机后病态化发展的重要体现。因为，“从思想意识方面来看，民粹主义的蔓延以及民粹主义政党的崛起显示了欧美国家社会意识形态中的极化倾向的发展。但民粹主义本身并非一种超越传统政治意识图谱的新意识，而只是既有的政治意识图谱中一些过去并不凸显的意识的凸显和组合。”它反映的是主流社会的“病态的常态”，它与主流观念、大众态度与政策立场相关联或一致。当主流意识再度强势回归之时，民粹主义也将再度陷入低潮或几乎被全部遮蔽。就此来看，西方极端左翼政党的民粹化倾向也只能是暂时现象，根本无法长久持续。因此，作为西方极端左翼重要组成力量的各国共产党在西方选举政治框架下，要想获得社会的认同和长足发展，前景也并不乐观。

The Predicament and Future of Western New Social Movements and Left-Wing Parties

西方新社会运动及左翼政党的困境与未来

If we take Western new social movements as a whole, “new social movements claim that contemporary social movements are a sublation of traditional politics and the maintenance or reconstruction of new lifestyles; they pursue complete interpersonal equality and self-reliant autonomy, emphasizing citizens’ autonomous participation; they pursue self-identity, self-awareness, and the values that embody this identity, emphasizing self-realization; they pursue genuine individual freedom and liberation, and the harmonious development of society based on the full liberation of individuals and individual liberation.” But this is also their fatal weakness. First, Western new social movements are deeply influenced by postmodernist fragmentation, pluralism, and other factors; they oppose taking class as the basis of social identity, emphasizing identity based on occupation, religion, education, political orientation, and the like. Second, Western new social movements emphasize value pluralism, lack core leadership organization, reject collective action and unified leadership, and refuse to develop Marxism. This essentially dissolves the inherent certainty of left-wing theory, weakens the role of Western left-wing parties, and also deprives them of the ideological weapon truly capable of resisting and thoroughly transforming the capitalist system. Third, the participants in Western new social movements are diverse and lack clear objectives for struggle, making it difficult to form a combined force for resistance and for pursuing interests and value demands. Coupled with their anarchist tendencies and tendency to fight separately, they easily fall into the trap of populism. Under these circumstances, even if Western new social movements can mount a comprehensive critique of capitalism and its system, when faced with the aggressive attacks of powerful free-market ideology and neoliberalism, new social movements often appear insignificant and vulnerable, and ultimately their critique of capitalism and its system is like scratching an itch through a boot, unable to produce revolutionary value. These fatal weaknesses of Western new social movements, unless they unite with Western left-wing parties, will largely determine their future direction.

如果把西方新社会运动当作一个整体来看，“新社会运动声称当代社会运动是对传统政治的扬弃和对新生活方式的维护或重建；追求完全意义上的人际平等和自立自治，强调公民自主性参与；追求自我认同、自我意识以及体现这一认同的价值观，强调自我实现；追求真正的个人自由和解放，追求个人充分解放和以个人解放为基础的社会的和谐发展。”但这也是其致命的弱点。一是西方新社会运动深受后现代主义碎片化、多元化等因素的影响，反对以阶级作为社会认同的基础，强调以职业、宗教、学识、政治取向等为依托的身份认同；二是西方新社会运动强调价值多元主义，缺少核心领导组织建构，排斥集体行动和统一领导，并且拒绝发展马克思主义，这实质上既消解了左翼理论内在的确定性，弱化了西方左翼政党的作用，也失去了其真正能够抗衡和彻底改造资本主义制度的思想武器；三是西方新社会运动参与主体繁杂、缺乏明确斗争目标，难以形成抗争和争取利益与价值诉求的合力，加之其无政府主义和各自为战的倾向，很容易落入民粹主义的窠臼。在这种情况下，即使西方新社会运动能够对资本主义及其制度形成全方位的批判，但在面对强势的自由市场理念和新自由主义肆无忌惮的攻击时，新社会运动往往就会表现得无足轻重和不堪一击，最终其对资本主义及其制度发起的批判也就如同隔靴搔痒，难以产生革命性价值。西方新社会运动的这些致命弱点，如果不与西方左翼政党联合，在很大程度上也就决定了其未来走向。

For Western left-wing parties, whether they are moderate left-wing parties currently in a mainstream political position, radical left-wing parties currently in a relatively active period, or extreme left-wing parties that have had difficulty exerting substantial influence on Western party politics for a considerable period in the past and still do so today, if they cannot fundamentally resolve problems such as internal splits, insufficient alternative programs, and the populist orientation of left-wing parties, and cannot actively strengthen themselves and integrate into new social movements to act as a leading force, then the development prospects of Western left-wing parties will be bleak. To this end, Western left-wing parties, as a leading (or guiding) force for criticizing and negating capitalism, should actively promote their own adaptive transformation, consciously assume the historical mission that left-wing parties should bear, and fully play the role that left-wing parties ought to play. Faced with the new changes currently taking place in Western capitalist societies in politics, economy, culture, and social structure, especially the gradual rise of Western new social movements and the declining reality of traditional Western left-wing movements, Western left-wing parties should actively abandon internal differences, form a unified whole, proactively meet the challenges brought by the development of the times, actively play their leading and promoting role in Western new social movements, and guide the movements to develop steadily in a more positive socialist direction.

而对于西方左翼政党而言，无论是处于主流政党地位的温和左翼政党、当前正处于相对活跃期的激进左翼政党，还是在过去相当长的时期内和当前仍旧难以对西方政党政治产生实质性影响的极端左翼政党，如果无法根本解决内部存在分裂、替代性方案不足，以及左翼政党的民粹化取向等问题，将无法主动通过强化自身和融入新社会运动充当领导性力量，那么，西方左翼政党的发展前景将是暗淡的。为此，西方左翼政党作为批判与否定资本主义的领导性（或引领性）力量，应当积极推进自身的适应性变革，主动承担起左翼政党应该承担的历史使命，充分发挥出左翼政党本应发挥的作用。面对当前西方资本主义社会在政治、经济、文化以及社会结构等方面正在发生的新变化，特别是面对西方新社会运动的逐步兴起和西方传统左翼运功日渐衰落的事实，西方左翼政党应该积极摒弃内部分歧、形成统一整体，主动迎接时代发展带来的挑战，积极发挥其在西方新社会运动中的引领与推动作用，引领运动不断朝着更为积极的社会主义方向发展。

Innovate and develop left-wing party theory in conjunction with the practice of Western new social movements. Currently, although Western new social movements exhibit significant differences from traditional socialist movements in practice and themselves have many fatal weaknesses, they share similarities with socialist movements in opposing current capitalist policies and in their attitude toward Western neoliberalism. Moreover, many of their practical interests and value-oriented demands are quite in line with the requirements and wishes of the majority of Western people. Therefore, combining the practice of Western new social movements to innovate and develop left-wing party theory, and using new left-wing party theory to guide Western new social movements, appears quite urgent and necessary. In fact, the contemporary Western world is not lacking in influential left-wing scholars, left-wing schools of thought, and left-wing theories. Regarding left-wing scholars, there are Jürgen Habermas, Antonio Negri, John Bellamy Foster, Claus Offe, Fredric Jameson, Richard Robbins, Samir Amin, and others. Based on different theoretical research perspectives and starting from Marxist theory, they have conducted in-depth analysis and critique of the problems existing in contemporary capitalism in politics, economy, culture, globalization, and the ecological environment, proposing many reformist and radical reform plans of positive and referential significance, forming influential left-wing schools of thought and Western Marxist theories such as the "Frankfurt School," "Analytical Marxism," "Market Socialism," and "Ecological Socialism." However, the biggest problem with these left-wing schools, theories, and ideas is that most are confined to academic research and logical self-consistency from theory to theory, wielding considerable influence within academia but having very limited impact on Western capitalist politics and the ideological consciousness of the general public. This is precisely the reason why, in the current era of the vigorous rise and development of Western new social movements, the figures of left-wing scholars are rarely seen or difficult to find, and the voices of left-wing schools of thought are rarely heard or simply inaudible. This is also a key reason why Western new social movements still lack important theoretical guidance with substantial critical relevance to reality. In view of this, when conducting academic research, Western Marxist scholars should step out of the ivory tower, engage with society, focus on reality, actively draw nourishment from the current vigorous and continuous practice of Western new social movements, and continuously innovate and develop left-wing party theory. At the same time, Western Marxist scholars should also pay attention to spreading and extending the influence of left-wing party theory to the general public, fully integrating Western left-wing party theory with Western new social movements, promoting the latter to consistently maintain a realistic stance of resisting and criticizing capitalism, so as to provide them with systematic movement theory guidance and efficient movement organization, thereby prompting Western new social movements to further enhance their organizational influence on the basis of already achieved social networking, and completely change the negative impacts brought about by their tendency toward organizational dissolution. Only in this way can Western new social movements be prompted to increasingly align with the development requirements and goals of the world socialist movement.

结合西方新社会运动实践创新发展左翼政党理论。当前，西方新社会运动虽然在实践中表现出了与传统社会主义运动的巨大差异，自身也存在许多致命性弱点，但西方新社会运动在反对当前资本主义政策，以及在对待西方新自由主义的态度上，与社会主义运动有异曲同工之妙。并且它的许多现实利益与价值目标诉求都十分符合西方多数民众的要求与愿望。因此，结合西方新社会运动实践，创新发展左翼政党理论，并用新型左翼政党理论指导西方新社会运动就显得相当迫切和很有必要。事实上，当今西方世界不乏有影响力的左翼学者、左翼学派和左翼理论。就左翼学者而言，有哈贝马斯、奈格里、福斯特、奥菲、詹姆逊、理查德·罗宾斯、萨米尔·阿明等人。他们立足不同的理论研究视角，从马克思主义理论出发，集中对当代资本主义在政治、经济、文化、全球化和生态环境等方面存在的问题进行了深入分析和批判，提出了很多具有积极和参考意义的改良与激进改革方案，形成了如“法兰克福学派”“分析马克思主义”“市场社会主义”“生态社会主义”等富有影响力的左翼学派和西方马克思主义理论。但这些左翼学派、理论与思想的最大问题在于，它们大多局限于从理论到理论的学术研究和逻辑自洽，在学术界影响力较大，而对西方资本主义的政治、社会大众的思想意识的影响却十分有限。这也就是在当前西方新社会运动勃然兴起和发展的时代，很少看到或难以寻觅到左翼学者身影，很少听到或根本听不到左翼学派声音的原因所在。这也是西方新社会运动至今仍旧缺少具有重要现实批判性的理论指引的重要原因之所在。鉴于此，西方马克思主义学者在做学术研究时，应该走出象牙塔，走向社会、关注现实，积极主动从西方当前蓬勃发展和延绵不绝的新社会运动实践中汲取营养，不断创新发展左翼政党理论。与此同时，西方马克思主义学者还要注重把左翼政党理论的影响传播、扩展至社会大众之中，使西方左翼政党理论充分与西方新社会运动相联合，促进后者始终站稳反抗和批判资本主义的现实立场，以便为其提供系统的运动理论指导与高效的运动组织，进而促使西方新社会运动在已经实现社会网络化的基础上进一步提升组织影响力，彻底改变其因组织消解倾向而带来消极影响。唯此，才能促使西方新社会运动日渐契合世界社会主义运动发展要求和目标。

Strengthen the construction of Western left-wing parties to lead the development of Western new social movements. Western new social movements have always attempted to reshape capitalist society and provide new reasonable explanations for its existing problems. However, since their inception with the "May 1968 events" [16]16 The "May 1968 events" (五月风暴) refers to a period of civil unrest in France, primarily in May and June 1968, involving massive student protests and a general strike of millions of workers, which challenged the existing social and political order., they have suffered from a lack of systematic and complete theoretical guidance and clear and definite movement objectives, resulting in significant deficiencies in understanding the essence of capitalism and major problems in the depth and breadth of analyzing and criticizing capitalism. The main reason lies in the new social movements' rejection and disregard for traditional institutionalized political models, which causes them to lack a design for future goals. Therefore, the solid development of future new social movements depends on left-wing theory perfecting and supplementing the ideas and concepts of new social movements. Hence, strengthening the construction of Western left-wing parties, perfecting and developing Western left-wing party theory, and exerting the leading role of Western left-wing parties in Western new social movements appear particularly important. Overall, under the dual influence of the capitalist system and their own fatal weaknesses, coupled with the impact of Western new social movements, the development and governance prospects of current Western left-wing parties are not optimistic. Currently, strengthening the construction of Western left-wing parties involves, first, taking the promotion of the continuous development of Western socialism as the orientation to strengthen theoretical innovation. Construct a theoretical system and discourse power of Western socialism under the framework of Western capitalist institutions, break through the mainstream capitalist public opinion blockade, gain broad social recognition and support, and create a more dynamic and constructive image of a new type of Western left-wing party, so as to continuously enhance its appeal, organizational capacity, mobilization capacity, and leadership within Western new social movements. Second, strengthen unity among moderate left-wing parties, radical left-wing parties, and extreme left-wing parties, as well as among the various components within each type of left-wing party, seek common ground while reserving minor differences, and form powerful left-wing party alliances both between nation-states and within individual countries, aiming to win electoral victories under the current framework of Western competitive party politics, gain governing status, continuously implement and carry out socialist politics that meet the needs of Western social development, and gradually achieve the thorough transformation of capitalism through peaceful means and methods. Third, fully guide traditional workers' organizations such as trade unions to play their due positive role against the backdrop of the vigorous development of Western new social movements. At the same time, in conjunction with the needs of the times and social development, actively lead the establishment and development of new organizations, broadly absorb talents and professionals from all sectors of society, so as to continuously guide Western new social movements to develop in a positive direction. This requires that moderate left-wing parties, as mainstream political parties, continuously change the erroneous orientation of political centrism, policy neutrality, and the attempt to construct a catch-all party that they have practiced for many years, promptly establish a clear and distinct political program oriented toward socialist development, focus on and address issues of equality, fairness, and justice that concern the broad public, thereby continuously attracting widespread recognition and support from the people, continuously enhancing and consolidating the social foundation for winning elections and governing, and striving to win opportunities for continuous or long-term governance. As for radical left-wing parties and extreme left-wing parties, they should actively respond to the risks and challenges of division brought about by factionalism within the party, strive to resolve the long-standing huge cognitive differences and internal contradictions on issues such as what socialism is, and proactively strengthen unity and alliance with moderate left-wing parties, so as to continuously enhance their own political influence and combat effectiveness.

加强西方左翼政党建设引领西方新社会运动发展。西方新社会运动一直以来都在试图重塑资本主义社会，并对其存在的问题作出新的合理解释，但自“五月风暴”发端以来，其都因缺失系统完整的理论指导和缺少明确清晰的运动目标而在认识资本主义的本质上存在较大的缺陷，在分析与批判资本主义的深度和广度上存在较大的问题。最主要的原因就在于新社会运动对传统制度化政治模式的拒绝和漠视使它自己对未来目标缺乏设计，所以，未来新社会运动的坚实发展有待于左翼理论对新社会运动思想和理念的完善和补充。因此，加强西方左翼政党建设，完善和发展西方左翼政党理论，发挥西方左翼政党在西方新社会运动中的引领作用就显得尤为重要。总体而言，当前西方左翼政党在资本主义制度和自身致命弱点的双重影响下，加之西方新社会运动造成的冲击，其发展及执政前景并不乐观。当前，加强西方左翼政党建设，一是要以推进西方社会主义不断向前发展为导向，加强理论创新。建构在西方资本主义制度下的西方社会主义理论体系和话语权，突破资本主义主流舆论封锁，获得广泛的社会认同和支持，打造更具活力和更富建设性的新型西方左翼政党形象，以便持续增强其在西方新社会运动中的号召力、组织力、动员力和领导力。二是要加强温和左翼政党、激进左翼政党、极端左翼政党之间，以及各类左翼政党内部各构成部分之间的团结，求大同而存小异，组成强而有力的民族国家之间及各个国家内部的左翼政党联盟，以期在当前西方竞争型政党政治制度框架下赢得选举胜利，获取执政地位，不断推行和实施符合西方社会发展需要的社会主义政治，以和平的方式和手段逐步实现对资本主义的彻底改造。三是要充分引导工会等传统工人组织在西方新社会运动蓬勃发展背景下发挥应有的积极作用。同时，还要结合时代和社会发展需要积极领导建立和发展新的组织，广泛吸纳社会各方面的人才和专业人员加入，以实现不断引领西方新社会运动向好的方向发展。这就要求，作为西方主流政党的温和左翼政党不断改变多年来实行的政治中间化、政策中性化和试图建构全民党的错误取向，尽快确立明确而清晰的、以社会主义为发展导向的政治纲领，重点关注和解决广大社会公众所关心的平等、公平和公正问题，以此来不断吸引民众的广泛认同与支持，不断增强和厚植获取选举胜利与执政的社会基础，争取能够赢得连续或长期执政机会。而对于激进左翼政党和极端左翼政党来说，要积极应对来自政党内部因派系林立而带来分裂风险与挑战，着力解决长期以来对什么是社会主义等诸多问题存在的巨大认识分歧和内在矛盾，主动加强温和左翼政党的团结与联合，以不断增强自身的政治影响力与战斗力。

Conclusion

结论

Since the 1970s, Western new social movements have continuously developed and transformed, becoming a major political phenomenon and force that persistently resists and exposes the inherent ills of capitalism during the low ebb of the world socialist movement, and they contain rich socialist elements within themselves. However, the diverse participants, varied value goals, and multiple interest demands of Western new social movements make it difficult for them to mount a sustained and effective resistance to capitalism, and these characteristics have thus imperceptibly become fatal weaknesses of Western new social movements. After World War II, with the continuous adjustment of Western social structures and the economic, political, and cultural changes, Western left-wing parties also underwent differentiation and realignment. The mainstream left-wing parties (social democratic parties, socialist parties, workers' parties in Western countries) that had developed and transformed flourished for a time, and many moderate left-wing parties occupying mainstream party positions gained governing status and opportunities for continuous governance. But entering the 21st century, especially after the outbreak of the 2008 international financial crisis, the centrist orientation of Western left-wing parties, especially mainstream parties, and the pragmatic orientation of their policies have made it difficult to solve the fundamental problems of capitalist society. The internal factionalism and internal divisions within Western left-wing parties have further exacerbated their declining position in Western party politics, and Western new social movements have even dealt them a strong blow. Since both Western new social movements and left-wing parties have fatal weaknesses, only by organically integrating the two can a sustained and comprehensive resistance to the existing capitalist system be formed, thereby thoroughly transforming the capitalist system and promoting the resurgence of the world socialist movement. To this end, it is necessary to innovate and develop left-wing party theory in conjunction with the practice of Western new social movements, and to strengthen the construction of Western left-wing parties to guide the development of Western new social movements.

20世纪70年代以来，西方新社会运动不断发展转型，成为了在世界社会主义运动低潮时期一种对资本主义固有弊端进行持续抗争和揭露的主要政治现象与政治力量，其内部蕴藏着丰富的社会主义因素。但西方新社会运动参与主体多样、价值目标各异、利益诉求多元等特点，使其难以对资本主义形成持久而有效的抗争，于是这些特征无形中也就变成了西方新社会运动的致命性弱点。二战以后，随着西方社会结构的不断调整和经济政治文化变迁，西方左翼政党也随之进行分化和重新组合，发展转型后的左翼主流政党（西方国家的社会民主党、社会党、工人党）盛极一时，许多占据主流政党地位的温和左翼政党获得了执政地位和连续执政的机会。但进入21世纪，特别2008年国际金融危机爆发以后，西方左翼政党尤其是主流政党政治中间化和政策实用化的取向，难以解决资本主义社会的根本问题。西方左翼政党的内部派系林立和内部分歧更是加剧了其在西方政党政治中地位下滑的状态，西方新社会运动甚至对其形成了强烈冲击。由于西方新社会运动和左翼政党都存在着致命性的弱点，因此当前只有把二者有机融合，才能对现存资本主义制度形成持久而全面的抗争，进而彻底变革资本主义制度，促进世界社会主义运动高潮的再度到来。为此，必须结合西方新社会运动实践创新发展左翼政党理论，加强西方左翼政党建设引领西方新社会运动的发展。

(Author’s bio: Zang Xiuling, professor and doctoral supervisor at the Institute of Contemporary Socialism, School of Political Science and Public Administration, Shandong University; director of the Institute of Party Studies, Shandong University)

（作者简介：臧秀玲,山东大学当代社会主义研究所、政治学与公共管理学院教授、博导，山东大学政党研究所所长）

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑