Contemporary Explorations of Socialist Programs by Communist Parties in Developed Capitalist Countries

Since the 21st century, especially under the influence of the 2008 global financial crisis, neoliberalism has gradually declined, and deglobalization has begun to resurge. Left-wing thought, populism, and far-right forces have all experienced varying degrees of revival. The influence of new social movements with diverse interests, such as the ecological movement, the feminist movement, the racial civil rights movement, and the LGBT equality movement, has been continuously expanding. However, the capitalist world has yet to find a new alternative development model, and its space for self-reform and self-adjustment is shrinking. How to propose alternatives to capitalism in response to these changing circumstances has become the theme of the world socialist movement. In the developed countries, where capitalist development is most fully realized and the drawbacks of capitalism are most thoroughly exposed, communist parties persisting in struggle during the low tide, while adhering to the guidance of Marxist theory, are keeping pace with the times to explore socialist programs suited to their national conditions in response to the new characteristics and new trends of contemporary capitalism. Communist parties in major developed countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, Canada, and Australia have all intensively revised their party programs between 2017 and 2020, becoming a noteworthy new trend in the contemporary world socialist movement.

21世纪以来，尤其在2008年全球金融危机的影响下，新自由主义逐渐走向式微，逆全球化开始回潮，左翼思潮、民粹主义、极右翼势力均得到不同程度的复兴，生态运动、女权运动、种族民权运动、LGBT平权运动等利益诉求各异的新社会运动的影响力不断扩大。但是，资本主义世界尚未找到新的替代性发展模式，其自我改良和自我调整的空间正在变小。如何针对这些形势变化提出替代资本主义的方案，成为世界社会主义运动的主题。在资本主义发展最充分、资本主义弊端暴露最彻底的发达国家，低潮中坚持斗争的共产党在坚持马克思主义理论指导的前提下，与时俱进地针对当代资本主义的新特点和新趋势，不断探索适合本国国情的社会主义方案。美国、英国、法国、日本、加拿大、澳大利亚等主要发达国家的共产党均在2017—2020年之间密集地修订了党纲，成为当代世界社会主义运动中值得关注的新动向。

I. The Communist Party of the United States of America's "Bill of Rights Socialism" Program

一、美国共产党的“权利法案社会主义”方案

The Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA), founded in 1919, became the largest left-wing force in the United States during World War II by combining the anti-fascist struggle with class struggle. However, with the continuous suppression by the U.S. government and the CPUSA's dogmatic adherence to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the CPUSA's influence gradually waned, entering a period of prolonged depression.

美国共产党（The Communist Party of the United States of America，CPUSA）成立于1919年，在二战期间通过将反法西斯斗争与阶级斗争相结合，成为美国最大的左翼力量。但是，随着美国政府的持续镇压以及美共对苏共的教条式信奉，美共的影响力逐渐减退，进入长期低迷的状态。

During the period of the Soviet Union's dissolution and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the then-chairman of the CPUSA, Gus Hall, wrote and published a pamphlet in 1990 titled *The United States Road to Bill of Rights Socialism*. He argued that the U.S. Bill of Rights guarantees the people's democratic and individual rights; therefore, for socialism to gain the support of the American people, it must inherit and develop the democratic spirit within it, rather than overturning this bill. In 1991, Hall introduced his vision of "Bill of Rights Socialism" to the entire Party at the 26th National Convention of the CPUSA, advocating for abandoning the dogmas of the CPSU and independently exploring an American-style socialist path. However, some comrades within the CPUSA believed that taking a democratic path would deviate from class struggle and delay the revolution. Coupled with significant internal disagreements over the future development path following the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, it was difficult to reach a consensus on the vision of "Bill of Rights Socialism." To unify thinking, Hall published an article titled "The Communist Party USA's Bill of Rights Socialism" in the CPUSA's theoretical journal *Political Affairs* in July 1999, reiterating that American-style socialism should be built according to U.S. history, culture, and national conditions, aiming to realize the rights not yet fully realized in the Bill of Rights, and to establish a democratic society that eliminates all inequalities, exploitation, and poverty.

苏联解体、东欧剧变期间，时任美共主席格斯·霍尔（Gus Hall）于1990年撰写并出版了一本题为《美国通往权利法案社会主义之路》的小册子，认为美国的《权利法案》保障了人民的民主和个人权利，因此社会主义要想在美国得到人民的拥护，必须继承和发扬其中的民主精神，而不是推翻这一法案。1991年，霍尔在美共二十六大上向全党介绍了他关于“权利法案社会主义”（Bill of Rights Socialism）的设想，主张摒弃苏共教条，独立自主地探索美国式的社会主义道路。但是，美共党内部分同志认为走民主道路会脱离阶级斗争，耽误革命，再加上苏东剧变后美共内部对未来发展道路的分歧较大，使得“权利法案社会主义”的设想难以取得共识。为统一思想，霍尔于1999年7月在美共理论刊物《政治事务》上发表题为《美国共产党的权利法案社会主义》一文，再次提出美国式的社会主义应根据美国的历史、文化和国情来建设，要实现《权利法案》中尚未充分实现的权利，建立一个民主的、消除了各种不平等的、没有剥削和贫穷的社会。

In 2001, the CPUSA elaborated on the relationship between democratic struggle and class struggle within "Bill of Rights Socialism" at its 27th National Convention: "There is no pure class struggle in the world; every class struggle contains elements of democratic struggle, and every democratic struggle contains elements of class struggle. Without a continuous struggle for democracy, the working class will become separated from its allies and unable to play a leading role. The image and content of socialism in the United States must be thoroughly democratic."

2001年，美共在二十七大上阐述了民主斗争与阶级斗争在“权利法案社会主义”中的关系：“世界上不存在纯粹的阶级斗争，每一种阶级斗争内部都含有民主斗争的成分，每一种民主斗争内部都含有阶级斗争的成分。没有持续的追求民主的斗争，工人阶级就会与它的同盟军相分离，不能发挥领导作用。美国社会主义的形象和内容必须是彻底的民主。”

In 2005, the CPUSA held its 28th National Convention, making the adherence to and deepening of "Bill of Rights Socialism" the fundamental task of the convention. It believed that the Soviet model had created a negative "undemocratic" impact on socialism, and the CPUSA needed to reverse its political passivity and explore an American-characteristic socialist democratic path. The convention pointed out that although the Bill of Rights laid the foundation for American democracy, its capitalist elements, such as wealth disparity, class exploitation, racial and gender discrimination, limit the people's exercise of democratic rights. Therefore, socialism in the United States should eliminate these capitalist elements, truly fulfill the democratic promises of the Bill of Rights, eliminate all oppression through democratic struggle, and ensure the people enjoy equal rights in work, education, healthcare, and other areas. The then-chairman of the CPUSA, Sam Webb, also wrote an article pointing out that, given the U.S. democratic tradition, a peaceful transition to socialism could take the form of multi-party cooperation. The new socialist government would implement a socialist Bill of Rights to liberate democracy, but it would also need to use coercive means to combat sabotage by opponents. Socialist democracy is a dialectical unity of liberation and coercion. As socialist construction progresses, coercion would gradually disappear, ultimately realizing true socialist democracy.

2005年，美共召开二十八大，把坚持和深化“权利法案社会主义”作为大会的根本任务，认为苏联模式给社会主义造成了“不民主”的负面影响，美共需要扭转政治上的被动，探索美国特色的社会主义民主路线。大会指出，《权利法案》虽然奠定了美国民主的基础，但其中的资本主义因素，比如财富差距、阶级剥削、种族和性别歧视等，均限制了人民行使民主权利，因此美国的社会主义应该清除这些资本主义因素，真正践行《权利法案》的民主承诺，通过民主斗争消除一切压迫，确保人民在工作、教育、医疗保健等方面享受平等的权利。时任美共主席山姆·韦伯（Sam Webb）也撰文指出，鉴于美国的民主传统，向社会主义的和平过渡可以采取多党合作的形式，新的社会主义政权将实施社会主义性质的《权利法案》以解放民主，但同时也要用强制手段打击反对者的破坏，社会主义民主是解放性与强制性的辩证统一。而随着社会主义建设的推进，强制性将逐渐消失，最终实现真正的社会主义民主。

In 2014, the CPUSA amended its Party Constitution at its 30th National Convention, downplaying expressions related to class struggle by using "the leading role of the working class in the struggle for social change," further highlighting the concept of "democratic struggle, characteristic transition."

2014年，美共在三十大上修改了党章，用“工人阶级在社会变革斗争中的领导作用”来淡化阶级斗争的相关表述，进一步突出了“民主斗争,特色过渡”的理念。

In 2019, the 100th anniversary of the CPUSA's founding, the Party revised its program at its 31st National Convention in Chicago, proposing to establish a democratic, equal, humane, and sustainable socialism based on the country's historical traditions and current realities. After analyzing the new characteristics of capitalism, the new program pointed out that contemporary monopoly capital, on the one hand, increases exploitation both quantitatively and qualitatively through new weapons such as automation, intelligence, and big data; on the other hand, it uses cynicism and fatalism to weaken the working class's will to resist, while simultaneously inciting racism and far-right populism to create divisions within the working class, undermining its unity, making it difficult to guarantee workers' democratic rights. To this end, the CPUSA declared its intention to formulate and implement a new socialist Bill of Rights, replace the anarchic state and destructive competition of the capitalist economy with strategic planned economy, nationalize key industries to eliminate capitalist waste and capitalist exploitation of workers, guarantee equal rights for citizens and immigrants of all races, ethnicities, and genders, ensure the public nature of education and healthcare, but also guarantee private property rights and allow for multiple forms of ownership.

2019年是美共建党100周年，在芝加哥召开的三十一大上，美共修订了党纲，提出要在本国历史传统和现实的基础上建立民主、平等、人道和可持续的社会主义。在分析了资本主义的新特点后，新党纲指出，当代垄断资本一方面通过自动化、智能化和大数据等新式武器使得剥削在数量和质量上都有所增加，另一方面借助犬儒主义和宿命论来削弱工人阶级的反抗意志，同时煽动种族主义和极右翼民粹主义来制造工人阶级内部的分裂，破坏工人阶级的团结，使得工人的民主权利难以得到保障。为此，美共宣称要制定和实施社会主义性质的新《权利法案》，用战略性的计划经济取代资本主义经济的无政府状态和破坏性竞争，对关键行业实施国有化，以消除资本主义的浪费和资本家对工人的剥削，保障所有种族、民族、性别的公民和移民均得到平等的权利，保障教育和医疗的公共性，但也保障私人的财产权，允许多种形式的所有制存在。

Overall, the American-characteristic "Bill of Rights Socialism" pursues peace, democracy, and equality, committed to inheriting and developing the American democratic spirit of the Bill of Rights in a socialist manner. However, this new socialist Bill of Rights cannot be implemented under the capitalist system. To this end, the CPUSA combines the people's democratic participation with the goals of class struggle, planning to advance "America's Road to Socialism" in three stages. The task of the first stage is to counter the far-right populist forces represented by Donald Trump, building a coalition led by the working class, uniting with other democratic parties, left-wing, and progressive forces, to prevent the far-right forces from continuing to hold power. After Trump's defeat in the 2020 election, the CPUSA's struggle entered the second stage, which is to form an anti-monopoly alliance to resist monopoly capitalism. On the one hand, the CPUSA seeks to seize power through electoral struggle, then implement reforms, nationalize large banks to promote the growth of public ownership, and expand public service spending; on the other hand, it opposes monopoly capital's manipulation of elections and control of media through demonstrations, strikes, petitions, boycotts, civil disobedience, and other means, striving for equal rights for ethnic minorities, women, and the oppressed. Monopoly capital will do its utmost to prevent this process, which will push the struggle into the third stage. In this stage, the CPUSA will enhance the class consciousness and socialist awareness of the working class through propaganda and indoctrination, thereby achieving a revolutionary transition of power to the working people, and striving to prevent the restoration of the reactionary classes.

总体而言，美国特色的“权利法案社会主义”追求和平、民主和平等，致力于以社会主义的方式继承和发展《权利法案》中的美国民主精神。但是，这种社会主义性质的新《权利法案》不可能在资本主义制度下实施。为此，美共将民众的民主参与和阶级斗争的目标相结合，计划分三个阶段推进“美国的社会主义之路”。第一阶段的任务是反击以唐纳德·特朗普为代表的极右翼民粹主义势力，建立一个工人阶级领导的、联合其他民主党派、左翼和进步力量的联盟，以阻止极右翼势力继续掌权。2020年特朗普败选后，美共的斗争进入第二阶段，即组建反垄断联盟，反抗垄断资本主义。美共一方面通过选举斗争夺取政权，然后实行改革，将大型银行国有化以促进公有制的增长，扩大公共服务的支出；另一方面通过示威、罢工、请愿、抵制、公民抗命等方式反对垄断资本操纵选举和控制媒体，为少数族裔、妇女和被压迫者争取平等的权利。垄断资本会极力阻止上述进程，这将使斗争进入第三阶段。美共在这一阶段将通过宣传灌输来增强工人群体的阶级意识和社会主义觉悟，进而实现权力向劳动人民的革命性过渡，并努力防止反动阶级的复辟。

Although the CPUSA proposes a "revolutionary transition," it also emphasizes that "revolution" is a profound democratic process, and "transition" is a peaceful process toward socialism achieved on the basis of democratic expression and social movements (including electoral and non-electoral) by various groups. Regarding when the goals of each stage will be achieved, the CPUSA does not set a specific timetable, but rather believes that everything depends on the specific circumstances at the time, so efforts should be focused on advancing the revolutionary movement and continuously strengthening and perfecting the "Bill of Rights Socialism" program through practical struggle.

虽然美共提出要进行“革命性的过渡”，但同时也强调“革命”是一种深刻的民主进程，“过渡”是在各个群体进行民主表达和社会运动（包括选举和非选举）的基础上实现的向社会主义的和平进程。对于何时实现各阶段的目标，美共没有提出具体的时间表，而是认为一切取决于当时的具体情况，所以应把精力放在推动革命运动上，并在实际斗争中不断强化和完善“权利法案社会主义”方案。

II. The Communist Party of Britain's "The British Road to Socialism" Program

二、英国共产党的“英国通往社会主义之路”方案

The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), founded in 1920, was the first communist party in the world to systematically propose a peaceful transition to socialism. As early as the 1951 party program *The British Road to Socialism*, the CPGB first put forward a plan for a peaceful transition to socialism.

英国共产党（Communist Party of Great Britain，CPGB）成立于1920年，是世界上第一个系统提出社会主义和平过渡纲领的共产党，早在1951年的党纲《英国通往社会主义之路》中，英共就首次提出了向社会主义和平过渡的方案。

In the 1980s, the CPGB split into a majority faction led by Martin Jacques, editor of the party journal *Marxism Today*, and a minority faction led by Tony Chater, editor of the party newspaper the *Morning Star*. The majority faction abandoned Marxism and renamed the CPGB the "Democratic Left" in 1991. The minority faction continued to inherit and uphold the Marxist tradition and re-established the Communist Party of Britain in 1988, renaming it the "Communist Party of Britain" (CPB).

1980年代，英共分裂为以党刊《今日马克思主义》（Marxism Today）主编马丁·雅克（Martin Jacques）为首的多数派和以党报《晨星报》（Morning Star）主编托尼·蔡特（Tony Chater）为首的少数派。多数派放弃了马克思主义，并于1991年将英共名改为“民主左翼”。少数派则继续继承和坚持马克思主义传统，并于1988年重建了英国共产党，重建后的英共更名为“Communist Party of Britain”（CPB）。

In 2001, in an effort to reverse its prolonged decline, the CPB formulated a new party program based on *The British Road to Socialism*, reaffirming its continued guidance by Marxism-Leninism and adherence to the principle of democratic centralism. It pointed out that Britain did not yet possess the conditions for a socialist revolution and needed to seek an "alternative economic and political strategy" against capitalism.

2001年，为扭转长期低迷的状态，英共在《英国通往社会主义之路》的基础上制定了新党纲，重申将继续以马列主义为指导，坚持民主集中制原则，并指出英国尚不具备进行社会主义革命的条件，需要寻求针对资本主义的“替代性的经济和政治战略”。

In 2011, the CPB revised its new party program, stating that the economic and political strategy proposed in 2001 was merely a program of action against monopoly capitalism and was insufficient to guide Britain toward socialism. To win elections, it was necessary to "form a mass anti-monopoly democratic alliance led by the workers' movement," with the goal of "building a socialist society where wealth and power are shared and planned for the benefit of all," and ultimately achieving communism.

2011年，英共修订了新党纲，指出2001年提出的经济和政治战略只是反对垄断资本主义的行动纲领，还不足以指导英国实现社会主义，为了赢得选举，需要“组建一个由工人运动领导的、人民大众的反垄断民主联盟”，目标是“建立一个财富和权力共享、有计划地为所有人谋福利的社会主义社会”，并最终实现共产主义。

In 2018, the CPB revised its party program again, refining the "British Road to Socialism" program. The CPB believes that capitalism is facing a new round of economic crisis. Long-term laissez-faire monopoly finance capital continues to expand, and levels of private and government debt remain high. However, against the backdrop of the productive economy losing profitability and the national economy being in a state of stagnation, developed countries have nationalized the debt caused by the 2008 financial crisis and shifted the debt burden onto their citizens. Consequently, most of the benefits of economic relief have been reaped by monopoly capital, while workers increasingly face difficulties such as job instability, reduced wages and pensions, and shrinking public services. At the same time, the economic crisis has also led to a decline in citizens' political participation and trust in political parties, intensified class conflict, and further triggered a global distribution crisis and ecological crisis, resulting in food and medicine shortages for the majority of the world's population and continuous deterioration of the ecological environment. In this situation, imperialism not only continues to indulge the global expansion of this anti-social parasitic finance capital but also implements super-exploitation of the Third World through unequal trade, aggressive wars, and large-scale absorption of skilled immigrants. To resolve these crises, the CPB has proposed a new socialist transition plan, to be implemented in three stages.

2018年，英共再次修订了党纲，对“英国通往社会主义之路”的方案进行了细化。英共认为，资本主义正面临新一轮经济危机，长期自由放任的垄断金融资本不断扩张，私人和政府债务水平居高不下，但各发达国家却在生产性经济丧失盈利能力、国家经济处于停滞状态的背景下将2008年金融危机造成的债务国有化，并将债务压力分摊给国民，从而使经济纾困的大部分好处都被垄断资本所收获，工人却日益面临工作不稳定、工资和养老金减少、公共服务缩水等困境。与此同时，经济危机还使得公民的政治参与度和对政党的信任度下降，阶级冲突加剧，并进一步引发了世界性的分配危机和生态危机，导致大部分地球人口的粮食和药品短缺，生态环境不断恶化。在这种情况下，帝国主义不但继续放纵这种反社会的寄生性金融资本的全球扩张，更是通过不平等贸易、侵略战争和大规模吸纳技术移民等方式对第三世界实施超级剥削。为解决这些危机，英共提出了新的社会主义过渡方案，并计划分三个阶段实现。

The first stage is to establish a left-wing government. The CPB will build a mass anti-monopoly democratic alliance among progressive forces and wage struggle against monopoly capital on three fronts: economic, political, and ideological-cultural. Economically, it will build strong trade unions and ally with other progressive groups to guarantee full employment and improve workers' living standards. Politically, it will organize labor and progressive movements, protect and expand democratic freedoms, and deepen political struggle into all areas of the state, accumulating experience in exercising state power. On the ideological front, it will use values such as cooperativism, collectivism, class justice, common interest, multiculturalism, internationalism, rational thought, and human liberation to oppose the ruling class's values of the free market, racial and gender discrimination, homophobia, obscurantism, and nihilism. Once the results of the struggle gain the approval of the majority of the people, the CPB will unite with socialists, the Labour Party, and other progressive forces to form a left-wing government through elections.

第一阶段，建立左翼政府。英共将在进步力量中建立人民大众的反垄断民主联盟，与垄断资本在经济、政治、思想文化三条战线上进行斗争：在经济上，建立强大的工会并与其他进步团体结盟，保障充分就业，改善工人的生活水平；在政治上，组织劳工和进步运动，保护和扩大民主自由，并将政治斗争深入到国家的各个领域，积累行使国家权力的经验；在思想战线上，用合作主义、集体主义、阶级正义、共同利益、多元文化主义、国际主义、理性思维和人类解放等价值观反对统治阶级的自由市场、种族和性别歧视、同性恋恐惧症、蒙昧主义、虚无主义等价值观。一旦斗争成果获得大多数人民认可，英共将联合社会主义者、工党等其他进步力量，通过选举成立左翼政府。

The second stage is the transition to socialism. The left-wing government will work closely with other progressive forces, advancing the implementation of a left-wing program through combined parliamentary and extra-parliamentary struggle. Economically, it will rebalance the economy, ending finance capital's control over economic policy, while developing productive industry and high-tech manufacturing. In social security, it will increase investment in public services and eliminate severe inequality. Ecologically, it will use clean energy and protect ecosystems. Politically, it will uphold the principle of popular sovereignty, establish people's power institutions to ensure the implementation of the left-wing program, and guarantee that socialists can supervise or take over state functions. In international affairs, it will develop free and equal trade, commercial, and political relations with other countries globally, support the Third World within the United Nations and other international institutions, stand in solidarity with oppressed peoples, and promote socialist values.

第二阶段，向社会主义过渡。左翼政府将与其他进步力量密切合作，通过议会内外的联合斗争推进实施左翼纲领：在经济上，重新平衡经济，杜绝金融资本对经济政策的控制，同时发展生产性工业和高科技制造业；在社会保障上，加大公共服务投入，消除严重不平等；在生态上，使用清洁能源，保护生态系统；在政治上，坚持人民主权的原则，建立确保左翼纲领实施的人民权力机构，保证社会主义者能够监督或接管国家职能；在国际事务上，同全球其他国家发展自由平等的贸易、商业和政治关系，并在联合国和其他国际机构中支持第三世界，声援被压迫人民，宣传社会主义价值观。

The third stage is to consolidate and build socialism, ultimately achieving communism. The CPB will ensure the unity of the left-wing government, use the working-class-led anti-monopoly alliance to safeguard popular sovereignty, and enable the sustained construction of socialism. Politically, it will replace the capitalist state apparatus with a state apparatus representing the interests of the working class and all the people, abolish the monarchy and royal privileges, expand popular participation and direct democracy within a multi-party environment led by the CPB, ensure that all sectors of state institutions at all levels are subject to the guidance and supervision of elected representatives, and guarantee that everyone enjoys democracy and freedom. Economically, it will extend social ownership to every important economic sector, while allowing for small businesses, self-employment, and various forms of cooperatives. Socially and culturally, it will liberate social resources from the waste caused by capitalist competition, promote the further development of culture, and enhance the vitality of society. On the basis of achievements in the above work, the CPB will promote Britain's further transition to communism.

第三阶段，巩固和建设社会主义，最终实现共产主义。英共将确保左翼政府的团结，利用工人阶级领导的反垄断联盟维护人民主权，使社会主义建设得以持续：在政治上，用代表工人阶级和全体人民利益的国家机器取代资本主义国家机器，废除君主制和王室特权，在英共领导的多党环境下扩大民众参与和直接民主，确保各级国家机构的所有部门都能接受民选代表的指导和监督，保障人人都能享有民主和自由；在经济上，将社会所有制扩展到每一个重要的经济部门，同时允许小企业、自营职业和多种合作制存在；在社会文化上，将社会资源从资本主义竞争导致的浪费中解放出来，促进文化的进一步发展，增强社会的活力。在上述工作取得成效的基础上，英共将推动英国进一步向共产主义过渡。

III. The French Communist Party's "The Historical Struggle Path of Communism for Our Era" Program

三、法国共产党的“我们时代的共产主义历史斗争之路”方案

The French Communist Party (Parti communiste français, PCF), founded in 1920. During World War II, under occupation by Nazi Germany, the PCF actively engaged in armed guerrilla struggle and, in the early post-war period, became the largest party in France. After the formation of NATO, the PCF was suppressed and its influence gradually declined. During the Cold War, the PCF's path to socialism changed several times, continuously strengthening the color of "peace and democracy." First, at its 22nd Congress in 1976, it abandoned the "dictatorship of the proletariat." Then, at its 24th Congress in 1982, it proposed building a "socialism with French characteristics" characterized by "social justice, economic growth, peace, democracy, fraternity, and freedom," different from the highly centralized Soviet model.

法国共产党（Parti communiste fran?ais，PCF）成立于1920年。二战期间，在被纳粹德国占领的情况下，法共积极开展武装游击斗争，并在战后初期一跃成为法国第一大党。北约成立后，法共遭到打压，影响力逐渐下降。冷战期间，法共的社会主义之路几经变换，不断强化“和平与民主”的色彩，先是在1976年的二十二大上放弃了“无产阶级专政”，后又在1982年的二十四大上提出建设与高度集权的苏联模式不同的“社会公平、经济增长、和平、民主、博爱、自由”的“法国特色社会主义”。

In 1996, after a period of disorientation following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the French Communist Party (PCF) held its 29th Congress and replaced the formulation of "socialism with French characteristics" with the theory of "new communism." The PCF believes that in the current era, the goal of "abolishing capitalism" is unrealistic, and that a long-term process is needed to comprehensively transform the autocracy, exploitation, and alienation of capitalist society before it can ultimately "transcend capitalism." The PCF also merged short-term socialist goals with long-term communist goals, proposing to directly build a "new communism" characterized by "fairness, democracy, shared benefits, and solidarity." Subsequently, the PCF explored "new communism" for over 20 years, but achieved little due to its detachment from reality.

1996年，法共在经历了苏联解体、东欧剧变后的彷徨期后召开了二十九大，用“新共产主义”理论代替了“法国特色社会主义”的提法。法共认为，在当今时代，“消灭资本主义”的目标是不现实的，需要通过一个长期的过程来对资本主义社会的专制、剥削和异化进行全面改造，才能最终“超越资本主义”。法共还将短期社会主义目标与长期共产主义目标合二为一，提出要直接建设“以公平、民主、利益共享、联合等为特征”的“新共产主义”。此后，法共对“新共产主义”进行了20多年的探索，但因脱离实际而收效甚微。

In 2018, the PCF held its 38th Congress and promulgated the "21st Century Communist Manifesto," proposing a socialist transition plan titled "The Path of Communist Historical Struggle for Our Era." The plan begins by critiquing the new ills of contemporary capitalism, pointing out: In the economic and technological spheres, internet oligarchs and monopoly finance capital dominate the real economy; capital's monopoly over data resources, artificial intelligence, and the platform economy creates new forms of exploitation; the high professional threshold of information technology hinders the exercise of citizens' rights; the free collection and use of personal data by tech oligarchs not only effectively plunders the public but also violates privacy rights; workers are forced to "cooperate" with robots or algorithms, leading to new forms of alienation. In the social sphere, refugees caused by war also endure racism, a social relationship full of exploitation and oppression; the unequal division of labor between men and women inherited from traditional patriarchy combines with the objectification of women under contemporary capitalism, making gender discrimination more insidious. In the sphere of daily life, declining employment rates, coupled with rising education and living costs and increased class solidification, mean that young people, despite having higher levels of knowledge than their parents' generation, experience a lower standard of living. In international affairs, imperialism dominates international institutions and the rules of the game, promotes neo-colonialism, places people under the surveillance of capital, and profit-driven capital expansion leads to the deterioration of the global ecological environment. To address these issues, the PCF plans to simultaneously wage struggles in three areas in the 21st century.

2018年，法共召开三十八大，颁布了《21世纪共产党宣言》，提出了“我们时代的共产主义历史斗争之路”的社会主义过渡方案。方案从批判当代资本主义的新弊端入手指出：在经济和科技方面，互联网寡头和垄断金融资本支配了实体经济，资本对数据资源、人工智能、平台经济的垄断制造了新的剥削方式，信息技术的高专业门槛阻碍了公民权利的行使，科技寡头对个人数据的无偿收集和使用不但变相掠夺了公众，还侵犯了隐私权，劳动者被迫与机器人或算法“合作”，导致了新的异化；在社会方面，战争造成的难民同时还要承受种族主义这种充满剥削和压迫的社会关系，传统父权制遗留下来的男女分工不平等与当代资本主义对女性的物化结合起来，使性别歧视更加隐蔽；在生活方面，就业率的降低伴随着教育成本和生活成本的升高，以及阶层固化的加剧，使得青年人在知识水平高于父母一代的情况下，生活水平反而比父母一代有所下降；在国际事务方面，帝国主义主导着国际机构和游戏规则，推行新殖民主义，将人民置于资本的监控之下，利润驱动下的资本扩张还导致了全球生态环境的恶化。为解决这些问题，法共计划在21世纪同时开展三个领域的斗争。

First, the PCF will unite left-wing political forces and active citizens to form a political alliance and wage political struggle. At the national level, the PCF will actively strengthen Party organization and trade union building within enterprises and banks, revitalize the Party's organizational life, promote the awakening of class consciousness among workers and the unification of their political steps, force capital to invest more in ensuring employment and training, promote equality among different occupational groups and between urban and rural areas and regions, thereby gradually implementing comprehensive social change. At the EU level, the PCF will strive for gender and ethnic equality, protect labor rights, and raise wage levels; establish a European Solidarity and Development Fund, urge central banks to collect taxes evaded by multinational corporations to increase investment in public services; promote the EU's formulation of a unified energy policy to address global warming and achieve ecological transformation.

首先，法共将团结左翼政治力量和公民中的积极分子结成政治联盟，开展政治斗争。在国家层面，法共将积极加强党在企业和银行中的组织和工会建设，振兴党的组织生活，促进职工阶级意识的觉醒和政治步调的统一，迫使资本主义投入更多资本来确保就业和培训，推动不同职业群体之间以及城乡之间、地区之间的平等，从而逐步实施全面的社会变革。在欧盟层面，法共将努力争取性别和族裔平等，维护劳工权益，提高工资水平；设立欧洲团结发展基金，督促各国央行收缴跨国企业所逃税金来增加公共服务投资；推动欧盟制定统一的能源政策，应对全球变暖，实现生态转型。

Second, the PCF will wage an ideological struggle against the pervasive propaganda of capitalist ideology. The PCF believes that media and cultural enterprises, under the control of capital, commodity cultural entertainment and information. Therefore, it is urgent to liberate them from the control of capital and fight for diversified information and cultural rights for the masses. At the same time, the PCF will combine new digital technologies to develop other propaganda fronts and use the PCF's official newspaper, *L'Humanité*, to promote alternatives to capitalism.

其次，法共将针对无孔不入的资本主义意识形态宣教开展思想斗争。法共认为，媒体和文化企业在资本的控制下将文化娱乐和信息商品化，因此迫切需要将它们从资本的控制下解放出来，为大众争取多元化的信息和文化权利。同时，法共还将结合新数字技术开拓其他宣传阵地，并利用法共机关报《人道报》宣传替代资本主义的方案。

Finally, the PCF will lead and participate in various progressive social movements and wage social struggle. The PCF believes that the goals of new social movements, such as the environmental movement, the feminist movement, and the LGBT equality movement, are consistent with the goals of the socialist movement, all aiming for human equality, liberation, and solidarity. Therefore, the Communist Party must establish a united front based on independence, autonomy, cooperation, and exchange, and work together with other progressive social forces in the struggle to replace capitalism.

最后，法共将领导和参与各种进步的社会运动，开展社会斗争。法共认为，环保运动、女权运动、LGBT平权运动等新社会运动的目标与社会主义运动是一致的，都是为了人类的平等、解放和团结，因此共产党必须在独立自主和合作交流的基础上建立统一战线，与其他进步的社会力量共同致力于替代资本主义的斗争。

To ensure victory in struggles across all fields, the PCF will also advance a series of supporting tasks. For example, in Party building, it will establish the PCF's advantage in various grassroots organizations and strengthen theoretical and practical training for all Party members. In expanding its mass base, it will make the PCF an attractive organization for youth, continuously replenishing its ranks with fresh blood. In international solidarity, it will build an international network uniting progressive forces to coordinate the global anti-capitalist struggle. The PCF believes that only by continuously accumulating the fruits of victory through the aforementioned struggles can capitalism be transcended, ultimately building a new communist civilization without exploitation or oppression.

为了使各领域的斗争取得胜利，法共还将推进一系列保障性工作，比如，在党的建设方面，确立法共在各基层组织中的优势，加强全体党员的理论和实践培训；在扩大群众基础方面，使法共成为对青年有吸引力的组织，不断补充新鲜血液；在国际联合方面，建立联合进步力量的国际网络，协调全球的反资本主义斗争。法共认为，只有通过上述斗争不断积累胜利果实，才能实现对资本主义的超越，最终建成没有剥削和压迫的共产主义新文明。

IV. The Japanese Communist Party's "Democratic Revolution – Socialist Transformation" Plan

四、日本共产党的“民主革命—社会主义改造”方案

The Japanese Communist Party (JCP), founded in 1922, was long suppressed by the fascist government and only gained legal status after Japan's defeat in 1945, after which it began to develop and grow. In 1994, to eliminate the impact of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the JCP held its 20th Congress and revised its party platform. The new platform argued that Japan was in a "stage of democratic revolution," rather than the "stage of socialist revolution" as determined by the old platform. This was because the development of contemporary Japanese social contradictions and people's struggles were all triggered by democratic issues. Therefore, democratic revolution should become a transitional stage to socialist revolution, and the JCP must promote democratic changes, including issues of national independence, within the framework of capitalism. In 2004, the JCP held its 23rd Congress and revised the party platform again, clearly proposing a plan to first carry out a democratic revolution to establish a democratic and peaceful Japan, and then carry out a socialist revolution. This further adjustment of the platform catered to the mainstream public opinion in Japan pursuing democracy, peace, and national independence, enabling the JCP to maintain parliamentary seats for a long time and keep its membership leading among contemporary communist parties in developed countries.

成立于1922年的日本共产党（Japanese Communist Party，JCP）长期遭到法西斯政府的镇压，直到1945年日本战败后才获得合法地位，开始发展壮大。1994年，为消除苏联解体、东欧剧变的影响，日共召开二十大修订了党纲。新党纲认为，日本正处于“民主革命阶段”，而不是旧党纲所判定的“社会主义革命阶段”，因为当代日本社会矛盾和人民斗争的发展都是由于民主问题引起的，因此民主革命应成为社会主义革命的过渡阶段，日共须在资本主义框架内推进包括民族独立问题在内的民主变革。2004年，日共召开二十三大，再次修订了党纲，明确提出了首先进行民主革命以建立民主与和平的日本、然后再进行社会主义革命的方案。党纲的再次调整迎合了日本追求民主、和平和民族独立的主流民意，从而使日共在国会中得以长期保有议席，党员人数也在当代发达国家共产党中处于领先地位。

In 2020, against the backdrop of a prolonged economic downturn and increasingly severe US control and exploitation of Japan, which damaged Japan's sovereignty, the JCP held its 28th Congress. The new platform revised at the 28th Congress emphasized Japan's unique national conditions: First, Japan is effectively a subsidiary of the United States, with important parts of its territory, military, and other state affairs controlled by the US. Second, after World War II, Japan embarked on a path of state monopoly capitalism subordinate to the US. Based on this understanding, the JCP pointed out that Japanese society is still in the stage of democratic revolution. The goal of this stage is to establish a democratic coalition government, break free from Japan's subordinate status to the US, end the despotic rule of multinational corporations in industry and commerce, ensure Japan's genuine independence, and carry out democratic reforms in the political, economic, and social spheres, transferring state power from interest groups representing Japanese monopoly capitalism and subservient to the US to political forces representing the interests of the people. To achieve this goal, the JCP will unite all democratic forces to form a united front and engage in a long-term struggle against reactionary forces. After gaining the support of the majority of the people, the JCP will establish a democratic coalition government involving all democratic forces and strata, realizing Japan's genuine democratic transformation. This transformation requires: in diplomacy, abolishing the US-Japan Security Treaty, restoring national sovereignty, and pursuing a path of neutrality and non-alignment; in politics, defending the constitution, maintaining the parliamentary democratic system, reforming the electoral, administrative, and judicial systems, and realizing popular sovereignty; in the economy, overcoming the disorderly expansion of capital, using democratic regulation as the main means, and abolishing the economic dictatorship of large corporations; in social fairness, combating the corrupt triangle formed by reactionary politicians, privileged bureaucrats, and some large corporations, protecting labor, and achieving gender equality.

2020年，在经济长期低迷、美国对日本的控制和利用愈加严重、导致日本主权受损的背景下，日共召开了二十八大。二十八大修订的新党纲强调日本具有独特的国情：一是日本实际上是美国的附属国，其领土、军事和其他国家事务的重要部分均由美国控制；二是日本在二战后走上了从属于美国的国家垄断资本主义发展道路。基于这一认识，日共指出，日本社会仍然处于民主革命阶段，该阶段的目标是建立民主联盟政府，摆脱日本对美国的从属地位，结束跨国大公司在工商业的专横统治，确保日本的真正独立，并在政治、经济和社会领域进行民主改革，将国家权力从代表日本垄断资本主义且服从于美国的利益集团手中转移到代表人民利益的政治力量手中。为实现这一目标，日共将团结一切民主力量形成统一战线，与反动势力进行长期斗争。在取得大多数人民的支持后，日共将建立所有民主力量及阶层参加的民主联合政府，实现日本真正的民主转型。这一转型需要在外交上废除《日美安保条约》，恢复国家主权，走中立和不结盟的道路；在政治上捍卫宪法，维持议会民主制度，改革选举、行政和司法制度，实现人民主权；在经济上克服资本的无序扩张，以民主调控为主要手段，取消大企业的经济专制；在社会公平方面打击反动政客、特权官僚以及一些大公司形成的腐败三角，保护劳工，实现两性平等。

If the above objectives are realized, Japan will enter a new stage of socialism. The 28th Congress of the JCP revised this stage from a “stage of socialist revolution” to a “stage of socialist transformation,” reducing the radicalness of the original plan. The JCP holds that the primary goal of this stage is to implement social ownership of the means of production, transferring ownership of the means of production and the right to manage enterprises to society. However, two points must be grasped in carrying out socialist transformation: first, the socialization of the means of production can take multiple forms of ownership, control, and management, but it must never deviate from the socialist principle that producers are the main participants; second, the transition to socialism through a market economy conforms to the laws of Japan’s socialist development, and the economy should be developed effectively and flexibly by combining planned economy with market economy.

如果实现上述目标，日本将会进入新的社会主义阶段。日共二十八大将这一阶段从“社会主义革命阶段”修改为“社会主义改造阶段”，降低了原方案的激进程度。日共认为，该阶段的首要目标是实行生产资料的社会所有制，将生产资料的所有权和企业的经营管理权移交给社会，但在进行社会主义改造时需要把握两点：一是生产资料的社会化可以采取多种形式的所有权、控制权和管理权，但绝不能偏离以生产者为主要参与者的社会主义原则；二是通过市场经济向社会主义过渡符合日本的社会主义发展规律，应通过计划经济与市场经济相结合的方式有效而灵活地发展经济。

The JCP’s socialist transformation plan points out that after the socialization of the means of production is achieved, conditions for realizing socialism must continue to be created in three areas: first, abolishing the exploitation of man by man, paving the way for eliminating social poverty and shortening working hours; second, economic production activities no longer take profit as their goal, but implement planned economic management to prevent recurring problems such as economic recession, environmental destruction, and the widening gap between rich and poor, thereby creating material conditions for the comprehensive development of the productive forces; third, making the people participants in society in the true sense, so that the concept of “popular sovereignty” becomes a reality in all fields, thereby creating political and legal conditions for the all-round development of the individual.

日共的社会主义改造方案指出，当生产资料实现了社会化后，需要从三个方面继续为实现社会主义创造条件：一是废除人对人的剥削，为消灭社会贫困和缩短工作时间铺平道路；二是经济生产活动不再以盈利为目标，而是实行有计划的经济管理，防止反复出现经济衰退、环境破坏、贫富悬殊等问题，为生产力的全面发展创造物质条件；三是让人民成为真正意义上的社会参与者，使“人民主权”观念在所有领域成为现实，从而为人的全面发展创造政治和法律条件。

The JCP recognizes that carrying out socialist transformation in developed capitalist countries is a task with both special difficulties and enormous potential. The world has not yet experienced a transition from developed capitalism to socialism, and Japan’s road to socialism will be a new process of exploration.

日共意识到，在发达资本主义国家进行社会主义改造是一项既有特殊困难又有巨大潜力的任务，世界尚未经历由发达资本主义向社会主义的转变，日本的社会主义之路将是一个新的探索过程。

V. The Communist Party of Canada’s “Establish a People’s Government—Build Socialism” Plan

五、加拿大共产党的“建立人民政府—建设社会主义”方案

The Communist Party of Canada (CPC), founded in 1921, has actively supported the international communist movement and made important contributions to the world anti-fascist movement during World War II. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, then-General Secretary of the CPC George Hewison advocated abandoning Marxism, which once caused a split within the Party. However, after a fierce line struggle, the CPC ultimately adhered to the Marxist tradition. In 2001, the CPC held its 33rd Congress, adopted a new party program, *The Future of Canada is Socialism*, based on a summary of the Party’s historical experience, and put forward a preliminary plan: first build a coalition of people’s forces, then form a people’s government, and then build socialism. In 2019, the CPC held its 39th Congress, refined and improved the party program, advocated active participation in environmental protection and issues concerning ethnic minorities, women, and gender equality, and made the resurgent populism and fascism targets of the proletariat’s struggle. At the same time, the CPC elevated the opposition to contemporary imperialism to a more important position, arguing that the people of Canada simultaneously suffer from domestic class oppression and foreign imperialist oppression, and that capitalist globalization, led by US imperialism and fully supported by the Canadian ruling class, is threatening Canada’s sovereignty and independence, putting Canada at risk of becoming a vassal of the United States. To escape this danger, the CPC plans to achieve socialism in two stages.

1921年成立的加拿大共产党（Communist Party of Canada，CPC）一直积极支援国际共产主义运动，并在二战期间为世界反法西斯运动做出了重要贡献。苏联解体、东欧剧变后，时任加共总书记乔治·休伊森（George Hewison）曾主张放弃马克思主义，此举一度引起了党内分裂，但经过激烈的路线斗争，加共还是坚持了马克思主义传统。2001年，加共召开三十三大，在总结党的历史经验的基础上通过了新党纲《加拿大的未来是社会主义》，提出了先建立人民力量联盟、再组建人民政府、然后建设社会主义的初步方案。2019年，加共召开三十九大，细化并完善了党纲，主张积极参与环境保护以及少数族裔、妇女和性别平等议题，并将死灰复燃的民粹主义和法西斯主义作为无产阶级的斗争对象。同时，加共将反对当代帝国主义提到更重要的位置，认为本国人民同时承受着国内的阶级压迫和国外的帝国主义压迫，以美帝国主义为首的资本主义全球化在加拿大统治阶级的全力支持下正在威胁着加拿大的主权和独立，致使加拿大有成为美国附庸的危险。为摆脱这一危险，加共计划经过两个阶段实现社会主义。

The first stage is to establish an independent and autonomous people’s government. To this end, the CPC will form an anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist democratic alliance including the Communist Party and other progressive forces. On the one hand, it will conduct unified struggles outside parliament to defend the interests of the working people; on the other hand, it will gain power through elections inside parliament to establish a people’s government. The people’s government will formulate a social transformation plan: first, to confront and limit the power of domestic and international finance capital and expand public ownership in key economic sectors; second, to redistribute wealth and raise the living standards of the vast majority of the people; third, to carry out extensive democratic reforms and strengthen the people’s supervision of governments at all levels.

第一个阶段是建立独立自主的人民政府。为此，加共将组建一个包括共产党和其他进步力量在内的反垄断和反帝国主义民主联盟，一方面在议会外进行统一的斗争，维护劳动人民的利益；另一方面在议会内通过选举获得权力，建立人民政府。人民政府将制定社会转型计划，一是对抗和限制国内外金融资本的权力，并扩大关键经济部门的公有制；二是重新分配财富，提高绝大多数人民的生活水平；三是进行广泛的民主改革，加强人民对各级政府的监督。

As the working class and progressive political forces gain richer experience in struggle and management, Canada’s road to socialism will enter the second stage—the stage of socialist construction—marked by the transfer of power from the bourgeoisie to the working class. The CPC’s plan for building socialism includes the following: politically, establish a socialist multi-party government guaranteeing citizens’ freedoms of speech, press, association, and assembly; economically, implement social ownership in key economic sectors such as finance, industry, land, resources, transportation, and communications, but allow small and medium-sized non-monopoly enterprises to continue to exist in various forms for a period of time, and the personal property ownership rights of the working people will also be guaranteed; socially, after the means of production are taken over by the working people, the bourgeoisie will disappear, and new social relations with socialist characteristics will form, thereby harmonizing the interests of workers, engineers, scientists, and managers; ideologically and morally, the great ideal of liberating all humanity will become the highest pursuit of the working class.

随着工人阶级及进步政治力量的斗争和管理经验更加丰富，加拿大的社会主义之路将进入到第二个阶段——社会主义建设阶段，其标志是权力从资产阶级手中转移到工人阶级手中。加共的建设社会主义方案包括以下内容：在政治方面，建立一个社会主义的多党制政府，保障公民的言论、新闻、结社和集会自由；在经济方面，在金融、工业、土地、资源、运输和通讯等关键的经济领域实行社会所有制，但允许中小型非垄断企业以多种形式继续存在一段时间，劳动人民的个人财产所有权也将得到保证；在社会方面，生产资料收归劳动人民所有后，资产阶级将消失，具有社会主义特征的新型社会关系将形成，从而使工人、工程师、科学家和管理人员的利益得到协调；在思想道德方面，解放全人类的伟大理想将成为工人阶级的最高追求。

VI. The Communist Party of Australia’s “Democratic Stage—Revolutionary Transformation Stage” Plan

六、澳大利亚共产党的“民主阶段—革命性变革阶段”方案

The Communist Party of Australia (CPA), founded in 1920, experienced multiple splits in its development, the most serious of which occurred in 1970, when the CPA at its 22nd Congress announced the abolition of Marxism’s guiding ideological status, causing Party members who adhered to the Marxist stance to leave the CPA and establish the Socialist Party of Australia (SPA) in 1971. After the dissolution of the CPA in 1990, the SPA took up the banner of Marxism and was renamed the Communist Party of Australia in 1996. In 2005, to provide direction for future work, the CPA held its 10th Congress, revised the party program, and proposed a plan to “enter socialist society through an anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly democratic revolution stage and a socialist revolution stage.” In practice, the CPA focused on strengthening unity with other left-wing forces and expanding its influence by forming a “Communist Alliance.” In 2017, to adapt to changes in the domestic and international situation, the CPA revised the party program again at its 13th Congress. The new party program downplayed the color of “revolution,” changing the “democratic revolution stage” to the “democratic stage” and the “socialist revolution stage” to the “revolutionary transformation stage,” thereby making the CPA’s plan for socialist transition more moderate.

澳大利亚共产党（Communist Party of Australia，CPA）成立于1920年，在发展过程中曾多次出现分裂，其中最严重的一次是1970年，当时澳共在二十二大上宣布取消马克思主义的意识形态指导地位，从而导致党内坚持马克思主义立场的党员脱离澳共，于1971年成立了澳大利亚社会主义党（Socialist Party of Australia，SPA）。1990年澳大利亚共产党解散后，社会主义党接过马克思主义的旗帜，于1996年重新更名为澳大利亚共产党。2005年，为了给未来的工作指明方向，澳共召开十大，修订了党纲，提出要“经过反帝反垄断的民主革命阶段和社会主义革命阶段进入社会主义社会”的方案。在实践中，澳共注重与其他左翼力量加强联合，通过组建“共产主义者联盟”的方式扩大影响力。2017年，为了适应国内外形势的变化，澳共在十三大上再次修订党纲，新党纲淡化了“革命”的色彩，将“民主革命阶段”改为“民主阶段”，将“社会主义革命阶段”改为“革命性变革阶段”，从而使澳共的社会主义过渡方案更加温和。

The new party program states that in the democratic stage, the CPA’s task is to combine parliamentary activities with extra-parliamentary struggles, unite the working class and left-wing progressive forces, and carry out anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist struggles. After gaining power, the CPA will lead a left-wing progressive alliance to establish a people’s united government and carry out new democratic transformation. Politically, the united government will be composed of political representatives of all progressive, democratic, and patriotic forces, and will adopt various measures for democratic reform, making the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration accountable to the people rather than to big capital. Economically, the united government will implement a new democratic economic policy, combining central planning with market mechanisms, strengthening the public sector while allowing the private sector to play a role. Environmentally, the united government will emphasize the balance between economic development, social responsibility, and environmental protection, combating the excessive exploitation of monopoly capital to avoid ecological destruction. Diplomatically, the united government will attach importance to the impact of an independent and peaceful foreign policy on the economy, advocate terminating Australia’s subordinate military ties with the United States or military alliances with other countries, dismantling US military bases in Australia, and peacefully coexisting with countries of different systems.

新党纲指出，在民主阶段，澳共的任务是把议会活动与议会外斗争相结合，团结工人阶级和左翼进步力量，进行反垄断和反帝国主义的斗争。取得政权后，澳共将领导左翼进步联盟建立人民联合政府，进行新民主主义改造。在政治方面，联合政府将由所有进步、民主和爱国力量的政治代表组成，采取各种措施进行民主化改革，使立法、司法、行政三大权力机构对人民而不是对大资本负责。在经济方面，联合政府将实施新民主主义经济政策，将中央计划与市场机制结合起来，在加强公共部门的同时发挥私营部门的作用。在环保方面，联合政府将强调经济发展、社会责任和环境保护的平衡，打击垄断资本的过度开发，避免造成生态破坏。在外交方面，联合政府将重视独立、和平的外交政策对经济的影响，主张终止澳大利亚与美国的从属性军事联系或与其他国家的军事联盟，拆除美国在澳大利亚的军事基地，与不同制度的国家和平共处。

After the democratic stage, Australia will move toward a stage of revolutionary transformation. The new party program holds that the democratic stage weakens monopoly power and expands the people's democratic rights and political participation, but it cannot stop there; social change is a continuous process, and the ultimate goal is the realization of socialism. Therefore, in the revolutionary transformation stage, the CPA will strive to replace the power of the bourgeoisie with the power of the working class, achieve control over the state apparatus, ensure that a working-class government can adjust political and economic relations along socialist lines, further abolish capitalist private ownership, and satisfy the interests of the working class. The new party program also emphasizes that this process of transformation will encounter fierce opposition from reactionary forces whose privileged status is challenged; they will use various tricks to counterattack, such as organizing capital flight, launching international sanctions, and carrying out internal sabotage. Under these circumstances, the working class can only achieve socialism by continuously struggling against them and defeating the counterattacks of the reactionary forces.

民主阶段之后，澳大利亚将走向革命性变革阶段。新党纲认为，民主阶段削弱了垄断权力，扩大了人民的民主权利和政治参与，但不能止步于此，社会变革是一个持续的过程，最终目标是实现社会主义。因此，在革命性变革阶段，澳共将致力于用工人阶级的权力取代资产阶级的权力，实现对国家机器的控制，确保工人阶级政府可以按照社会主义路线调整政治和经济关系，进一步废除资本主义私有制，满足工人阶级的利益。新党纲还强调，这一变革进程将遭到那些特权地位受到挑战的反动势力的强烈反对，他们会利用各种伎俩进行反扑，比如组织资本外逃、发起国际制裁、实施内部破坏等活动。在这种情况下，工人阶级只有不断地与之斗争，挫败反动势力的反扑，才能实现社会主义。

VII. The German Communist Party's "Transition to Socialism through Anti-Monopoly" Program

七、德国共产党的“通过反垄断向社会主义过渡”方案

In 1918, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg founded the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). In 1946, the KPD in West Germany was banned, later re-established in 1968; the KPD in East Germany merged with the Social Democratic Party of Germany to form the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED), which governed until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the upheavals in Eastern Europe, and German reunification. In 1989, amidst the tide of the Soviet Union's dissolution and the Eastern European upheavals, the SED abandoned Marxism and renamed itself the "Party of Democratic Socialism" (PDS). After German reunification in 1990, the former West German Communist Party became a nationwide party. In 1993, the DKP held its 12th Party Congress, defining its goal as being guided by Marxism-Leninism, breaking the relations of production of monopoly capitalism through class struggle, and establishing a non-exploitative socialist society, with the main targets of struggle being monopoly capitalism and imperialism.

1918年，卡尔·李卜克内西（Karl Liebknecht）和罗莎·卢森堡（Rosa Luxemburg）创建了德国共产党（Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands，KPD）。1946年，联邦德国的德共被取缔，后于1968年重建；民主德国的德共与德国社会民主党合并为德国统一社会党（Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands，SED），并执政至苏联解体、东欧剧变和两德统一。1989年，在苏联解体、东欧剧变的大潮中，德国统一社会党放弃了马克思主义，改名为“德国民主社会主义党”。1990年德国统一后，原西德的德国共产党成为全国性政党。1993年，德共召开十二大，确定了本党的目标是以马列主义为指导，通过阶级斗争打破垄断资本主义的生产关系，建立非剥削性的社会主义社会，而斗争的主要对象是垄断资本主义和帝国主义。

In 2006, the DKP held its 17th Party Congress. After analyzing Germany's situation since the beginning of the new century, it revised its party program and proposed the "Transition to Socialism through Anti-Monopoly" program. The DKP believes that contemporary monopoly capitalism has undergone tremendous changes; the development of neoliberalism has accelerated the internationalization of monopoly capitalism; the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe have removed the pressure on capitalist countries to carry out economic, social, and democratic reforms; the bourgeoisie has not only lost its capacity for social and political mediation but has also intensified the implementation of policies detrimental to the people's interests, causing serious damage to people's democracy, restricting trade union rights, cutting wages and benefits, dismantling collective bargaining capacity, while the police state has been continuously strengthened. More dangerously, mass media increasingly integrates people's thinking ideologically into capitalist society, no longer posing a threat to the rulers. The DKP points out that under these circumstances, the content of its struggle will increasingly take on an anti-monopoly character; only by breaking the power and property relations of monopoly capitalism can exploitation, war, poverty, ecological degradation, and the alienation of human relations be ultimately eliminated; only in a society based on public ownership of the means of production, in a democratic life where working people hold political power, can basic human rights be guaranteed. Such a society is the first phase of communist society—socialist society. Only socialism is the fundamental alternative to capitalism.

2006年，德共召开十七大，在分析了德国新世纪以来的形势后修订了党纲，提出了“通过反垄断向社会主义过渡”的方案。德共认为，当代垄断资本主义已经发生了巨大变化，新自由主义的发展加速了垄断资本主义的国际化进程，苏联解体、东欧剧变使得资本主义国家进行经济、社会和民主改革的压力丧失，资产阶级不但失去了进行社会和政治调解的能力，还变本加厉地实施不利于人民利益的政策，使人民民主遭到严重破坏，工会权利受到限制，工资福利被削减，集体谈判能力被瓦解，警察国家却得到不断强化。更危险的是，大众媒体日渐将人的思想在意识形态上融入资本主义社会，不再对统治者构成威胁。德共指出，在这种形势下，其斗争的内容将越来越具有反垄断的性质，只有打破垄断资本主义的权力和财产关系，才能最终消除剥削、战争、贫困、生态恶化以及人与人之间关系的疏离；只有在以生产资料公有制为基础的社会中，在由劳动人民掌握政治权力的民主生活中，才能保障基本人权。这样的社会就是共产主义社会的第一阶段——社会主义社会。只有社会主义，才是资本主义的根本替代方案。

In the DKP's view, anti-monopoly is a necessary stage in the transition from capitalism to socialism, and to carry out the anti-monopoly struggle, class struggle is necessary; socialism can only be achieved through the revolutionary transformation of capitalist property and power relations. This requires strengthening the organization and combat capability of trade unions, using the working class as the decisive force to achieve an alliance of various progressive social forces, continuously developing democratic and social movements, and constantly expanding the concept of democratic self-determination in the workplace and society, ultimately achieving two goals: first, enabling the anti-monopoly alliance to have sufficient parliamentary influence to form a government representing common interests, using extra-parliamentary workers' movements and democratic forces to trigger profound political and economic changes, breaking the power advantage of monopoly capital; second, implementing public ownership under proletarian democratic management in strategic economic fields such as banking and insurance, as well as key production sectors, thereby paving the way for socialism.

在德共看来，反垄断是从资本主义向社会主义过渡的必要阶段，而要进行反垄断斗争，就必须进行阶级斗争，社会主义只能通过对资本主义财产和权力关系的革命性变革来实现。这就需要加强工会的组织和战斗能力，以工人阶级为决定力量实现各种社会进步力量的联盟，不断开展民主和社会运动，在工作和社会场所不断扩大民主自决观念，最终实现两个目标：一是使反垄断联盟具有足够的议会影响力，组成代表共同利益的政府，借助议会外的工人运动和民主力量引发深刻的政治和经济变革，打破垄断资本的权力优势；二是在银行和保险以及关键的生产行业等战略性经济领域实行无产阶级民主管理的公有制，从而为社会主义铺平道路。

VIII. Summary and Outlook

八、总结与展望

In summary, the programs for achieving socialism by contemporary communist parties in developed capitalist countries exhibit the following characteristics.

综上所述，当代发达资本主义国家共产党实现社会主义的方案呈现出以下几个特点。

First, all communist parties regard anti-monopoly as a prerequisite for achieving socialism. Contemporary monopoly capitalism has entered a new stage, controlling state power and implementing neo-imperialism and neo-colonialism globally. The parasitic nature of monopoly finance has intensified capitalist crises, magnified the harmfulness of capitalism, and made it the key target of struggle for communist parties in developed countries.

一是各国共产党都将反垄断作为实现社会主义的前提。当代垄断资本主义进入了新阶段，控制着国家政权，在全球实施新帝国主义和新殖民主义。垄断金融的寄生性加剧了资本主义危机，放大了资本主义的危害性，成为各发达国家共产党的重点斗争对象。

Second, all communist parties are exploring ways to peacefully seize power through democratic means. They believe that the democracy practiced in developed capitalist countries is not genuine democracy and needs to be replaced by genuine people's democracy; democracy is not only an important means of achieving socialism but also an essential requirement of socialism.

二是各国共产党都在探索通过民主手段和平取得政权的方式。它们认为，发达资本主义国家实行的并不是真正的民主，需要真正的人民民主取而代之，民主不但是实现社会主义的重要手段，也是社会主义的本质要求。

Third, all communist parties believe that achieving socialism is a long-term and arduous process, and they have all adopted a strategy of continuously accumulating socialist factors in their respective countries, causing qualitative change through quantitative change. Except for the PCF and the DKP, which do not have clear stage divisions, the other parties believe that socialism needs to be achieved through different stages: the CPUSA and the CPB believe three stages are needed, while the JCP, the CPC, and the CPA believe two stages are needed.

三是各国共产党均认为实现社会主义是一个长期的、艰巨的过程，都采取了不断积累各国社会主义因素、通过量变引起质变的策略。除了法共和德共没有明晰的阶段划分外，其他各党均认为社会主义需要经过不同的阶段才能实现，美共和英共认为需要三个阶段，而日共、加共、澳共认为需要两个阶段。

Fourth, all communist parties attach great importance to uniting with other left-wing progressive forces, attempting to combine the socialist movement with other progressive social movements—such as the environmental movement, the feminist movement, the anti-racial discrimination movement, the LGBT rights movement, and other new social movements—in order to expand the contemporary influence of socialism.

四是各国共产党均高度重视与其他左翼进步力量的联合，试图将社会主义运动与其他进步的社会运动——比如环保运动、女权运动、反种族歧视运动、LGBT平权运动等新社会运动——结合起来，以便扩大社会主义的当代影响力。

Fifth, all communist parties particularly emphasize using Marxist theory to analyze the contemporary characteristics of capitalism, exposing and criticizing capitalism's use of new technological means such as automation, intelligence, artificial intelligence, and big data to intensify the exploitation of workers and social control.

五是各国共产党尤其重视运用马克思主义理论分析资本主义的当代特点，对资本主义利用自动化、智能化、人工智能、大数据等新技术手段加剧对工人的剥削和对社会的控制进行了揭露和批判。

Overall, after the long period of downturn since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, most communist parties in developed capitalist countries have accumulated some experience. Their exploration of programs for achieving socialism in their own countries has also broken free from the shackles of dogmatism, advancing the adaptation of Marxism to national conditions and the needs of the times, [1]1 "New social movements" (新社会运动) refers to a range of grassroots political movements that emerged in Western societies from the 1960s onward, such as the environmental, feminist, peace, and anti-globalization movements, which are typically organized around identity, lifestyle, or single-issue concerns rather than around class-based politics. causing the socialist movement to present a situation of "a hundred flowers blooming." [2]2 a hundred flowers blooming: An allusion to Mao Zedong's "Hundred Flowers" campaign of 1956-57, which encouraged open criticism of the Party; used here as a metaphor for diversity and plurality. However, while formulating new programs and new plans to adapt to new situations and address new problems, these communist parties also face new challenges.

整体而言，在经历了苏联解体、东欧剧变以来漫长的低迷期后，发达资本主义国家的共产党大都积累了一定的经验，对实现本国社会主义方案的探索也走出了教条主义的束缚，推进了马克思主义本土化时代化，使社会主义运动呈现出“百花齐放”的局面。但是，各国共产党在制定新纲、领新方案以适应新形势、应对新问题的同时，也面临着新的挑战。

First, there is currently no successful experience in the world of achieving a socialist transition within the framework of the capitalist system through peaceful and democratic means. Communist parties in developed capitalist countries often find themselves in a dilemma: if they engage in radical extra-systemic struggle, it is usually not conducive to uniting the majority in a peaceful environment, they are easily marginalized by mainstream politics, and they are also easily suppressed by the capitalist violent apparatus; but if they engage in intra-systemic struggle within the framework of the capitalist system, their proletarian stance and principles are easily weakened by the absorptive influence of the capitalist system, making it difficult to shake the foundations of capitalism.

一是目前世界上尚无通过民主和平手段在资本主义制度框架下实现社会主义过渡的成功经验。发达资本主义国家的共产党往往会陷入两难境地：如果进行体制外的激进抗争，通常不利于在和平的环境下团结大多数，容易被主流政治边缘化，也容易被资本主义的暴力机器镇压；但如果在资本主义制度框架下进行体制内的抗争，其无产阶级立场原则又容易因资本主义制度的吸纳性影响而弱化，难以撼动资本主义的根基。

Second, the long-term industrial upgrading and hollowing out of the real economy in developed capitalist countries have expanded the number of white-collar middle-class workers while reducing the number of blue-collar workers. Coupled with improvements in material living conditions, this has weakened the appeal of traditional class struggle. In seeking new sources of strength, the communist parties of various developed capitalist countries actively participate in various new social movements [1]1 "New social movements" (新社会运动) refers to a range of grassroots political movements that emerged in Western societies from the 1960s onward, such as the environmental, feminist, peace, and anti-globalization movements, which are typically organized around identity, lifestyle, or single-issue concerns rather than around class-based politics. and expand the left-wing united front. Yet they have not yet acquired the capacity to integrate these new social movements using Marxist theory. As a result, they have not only failed to seize leadership of the movements or expand their own influence, but have instead diluted the appeal of class struggle, leading to a situation where their mass base is diverted by these new social movements.

二是发达资本主义国家长期的产业升级换代和实业空心化，使得白领中产阶级人数扩大，蓝领工人人数减少，加上物质生活条件的改善，使得传统阶级斗争的号召力减弱。为寻求新的力量源泉，各发达资本主义国家的共产党积极参与各种新社会运动，扩大左翼统一战线，但又尚未具备用马克思主义理论整合这些新社会运动的能力，从而导致它们不但没能掌握运动的领导权和扩大自身的影响力，反倒冲淡了阶级斗争的号召力，造成群众基础被这些新社会运动分流的局面。

Over the long term, the communist parties of the entire capitalist world will remain in a depressed state for an extended period. There is no ready-made answer to how to achieve the transition to socialism through democratic and peaceful means. New programs and plans need to be continuously tested and refined in practice. This will become the long-term historical mission of communist parties in developed capitalist countries.

从长远来看，整个资本主义世界的共产党仍将长期处于低迷状态，如何通过民主与和平手段实现社会主义的过渡没有现成的答案，新的纲领和方案需要在实践中不断检验与完善，这将成为发达资本主义国家共产党的长期历史使命。

(Author’s bio: Wang Yuan, School of Marxism, Nankai University)

（作者简介：王元，南开大学马克思主义学院）

(This article is a phased result of the China Postdoctoral Science Foundation General Program (2018M631733))

（本文系中国博士后科学基金面上资助项目（2018M631733）的阶段性成果）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心