The Essence and Transcendence of Climate Capitalism

The problem of global climate warming is a manifestation and representation of the general crisis of capitalism in the climate domain; its essence is a climate crisis. To overcome the constraints and impacts of the climate crisis on the realization of surplus value, “late capitalism” has, on the one hand, reduced its own carbon dependence through means such as carbon markets and carbon technologies, transforming into “climate capitalism”; on the other hand, it has manipulated the global carbon agenda through war and threats, degenerating into “climate imperialism.” Climate capitalism and climate imperialism are two sides of the same coin, collectively highlighting the “climate tension” of late capitalism, harming humanity’s climate ambitions, and delaying the global climate agenda. Therefore, for the socialist cause, especially the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, only by drawing on the experience of climate capitalism while breaking through the encirclement of climate imperialism, striving to achieve carbon peaking and carbon neutrality in the process of building a socialist ecological civilization, and vigorously promoting low-carbon development, can we transcend climate capitalism and promote the harmony between humanity and nature.

全球气候变暖问题是资本主义总体危机在气候领域的表现和表征，实质为气候危机。为了克服气候危机对于实现剩余价值的制约和影响，“晚期资本主义”既通过碳市场和碳技术等手段来降低自身碳依赖，转型成为“气候资本主义”;又通过战争和威胁等手段操纵全球碳议程，蜕变成为“气候帝国主义”。气候资本主义和气候帝国主义互为表里，集中彰显着晚期资本主义的“气候紧张”,伤害了人类的气候雄心，拖延了全球的气候议程。因此，对于社会主义事业尤其是中国特色社会主义事业来说，只有在借鉴气候资本主义经验的基础上突破气候帝国主义的围剿，在建设社会主义生态文明的过程中努力实现碳达峰和碳中和，大力推动低碳发展，才能超越气候资本主义，促进实现人与自然的和谐。

I. The Historical Emergence of Climate Capitalism

一、气候资本主义的历史性出场

The problem of global climate warming has complex causes, including both natural and social factors. From a social perspective, it is primarily caused by “fossil capitalism.” To address the climate crisis resulting from capitalist development, by reducing its own carbon dependence, climate capitalism has “emerged prominently,” becoming an important development trend and a salient feature of late capitalism.

全球气候变暖问题有其复杂的成因，既有自然原因，也有社会原因。从社会原因来看，主要是由“化石资本主义”造成的。为了应对由资本主义发展造成的气候危机，通过降低自身的碳依赖，气候资本主义“脱颖而出”,成为晚期资本主义重要的发展趋势和显著特征。

1. The Energy Base of Capitalist Operation

1.资本主义运行的能源基础

Human society and human civilization are always built upon a certain energy base. Pre-capitalist societies used firewood as their energy base, while capitalist societies are based on fossil fuels. Although both are carbon-based energy sources, firewood is a renewable energy source, whereas fossil fuels are non-renewable. Because firewood could hardly provide the sustained and powerful energy required by the steam engines that underpinned industrialization, from the 17th century onward, Western societies began systematically using coal. With the invention and application of coal-fired steam engines, industrialization accelerated. Simultaneously, coal or coke was used for iron smelting, improving the quality of steel needed for industrialization. Consequently, coal consumption rose sharply. Britain’s coal consumption in 1800 was close to 11 million tons, and by 1830 this figure had doubled. The railway age greatly accelerated coal consumption. By 1870, Britain’s annual coal consumption reached 100 million tons, whereas the total global coal output in 1860 was only 132 million tons. With the invention and application of the internal combustion engine, automobiles, tanks, and aircraft were used for the first time in imperialist warfare during World War I, thereby establishing the military-strategic position of oil. From the 1950s onward, oil replaced coal as the primary energy choice. Today, despite trends toward diversification of energy sources and supply, Western societies still maintain their hegemonic position by acquiring and controlling interests related to fossil fuels such as coal and oil. Thus, capitalism is a mode of production built on the foundation of fossil energy; “fossil fuels become the necessary material basis for the production of surplus value.” Since fossil energy is carbon-based, the above-mentioned new trend of capitalism can be termed “fossil capitalism,” “petro-capitalism,” or “carbon capitalism.” Fossil capitalism refers to the high-carbon nature and high-carbon characteristics of the capitalist mode of production formed by capitalism’s dependence on fossil energy; that is, capitalist society is a “high-carbon society.”

人类社会和人类文明总是建立在一定的能源基础之上。前资本主义社会以薪柴为能源基础，资本主义社会以化石能源为基础。尽管二者都是碳基能源，但是，薪柴是可再生能源，化石能源是不可再生能源。由于薪柴难以提供支撑工业化的蒸汽机所需的持续而强大的能源，因此，从17世纪开始，西方社会开始系统使用煤炭。随着燃煤蒸汽机的发明和应用，工业化加速发展。同时，煤炭或焦炭被用于炼铁，提升了工业化所需的钢铁的品质。于是，煤炭消费量急剧攀升。英国在1800年的煤炭消耗量接近1100万吨，而1830年的数量翻了一倍。铁路时代极大地加速了煤炭的消耗。到1870年，英国每年的煤炭消耗量达到1亿吨，而1860年全世界的煤产量也不过1.32亿吨。随着内燃机的发明和应用，汽车、坦克和飞机在第一次世界大战中首次被用于帝国主义战争，从而确立了石油的军事战略地位。从20世纪50年代开始，石油取代煤炭成为首要的能源选择。今天，尽管出现了能源来源和供应多元化的趋势，但西方社会仍然通过获取和控制与煤炭和石油等化石能源有关的利益来维持其霸权地位。可见，资本主义是建立在化石能源基础上的生产方式，“化石燃料成为生产剩余价值的必要物质基础”。由于化石能源是碳基能源，因此，可将资本主义的上述新动向称为“化石资本主义”(Fossil Capitalism)或“石油资本主义”(Petro-Capitalism)或“碳基资本主义”(Carbon Capitalism)等。化石资本主义是指资本主义依赖化石能源而形成的资本主义生产方式的高碳性质和高碳特征，即资本主义社会是一个“高碳社会”。

2. The Climate Crisis Caused by Capitalism

2.资本主义造成的气候危机

The large-scale development and use of fossil energy by capitalism has, while causing energy shortages, increased greenhouse gas emissions. According to estimates by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the impact of human factors on current climate change far exceeds that of natural factors. According to meteorological research, the main anthropogenic greenhouse gases causing climate warming include carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, and tropospheric ozone. Among greenhouse gases, 80% of carbon dioxide, 40% of methane, and 30% of nitrogen oxides are caused by the use of fossil energy, i.e., carbon-based energy. Greenhouse gas emissions from carbon-based energy have been generated primarily in the process of capitalist industrialization. Thus, “on the one hand, capital accumulation rooted in class, competition, and ever-expanding inequality places increasing demands on the environment. On the other hand, the environment’s capacity to withstand this impact is also declining. Moreover, because the system relies heavily on fossil fuel production as a mature engine for global capital accumulation, coupled with the wealth and power of vested interests that obstruct the transition to renewable energy, the growing pressure on the climate is currently taking on a particularly acute form.” Therefore, it is more accurate to say that climate warming is caused not by industrial civilization but by fossil civilization; not by fossil civilization but by fossil capitalism; not by fossil capitalism but by the logic of capital. Fossil capitalism under the domination of the logic of capital is the root cause of the climate crisis. The climate crisis refers to the destructive consequences of climate warming and their threat to human civilization, concentrating the serious drawbacks of capitalist accumulation in an unprecedented form. The entire ecological crisis is similar. The direct purpose of ecological civilization is to overcome the ecological crisis, not to transcend industrial civilization.

资本主义大规模开发和使用化石能源，结果在造成能源短缺的同时，增加了温室气体的排放。据联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会(IPCC)估计，人为因素对当前气候变化的影响远远大于自然因素。据气象学家的研究，造成气候升温的主要人为温室气体包括二氧化碳、甲烷、氧化亚氮和对流层臭氧等。在温室气体中，80%的二氧化碳、40%的甲烷、30%的氮氧化合物是由使用化石能源即碳基能源造成的。碳基能源造成的温室气体排放主要是在资本主义工业化的过程中产生的。这样，“一方面，根植于阶级、竞争和不平等不断扩大的资本积累，对环境的需求不断增加。另一方面，环境承受这种冲击的能力也日益下降。此外，由于该系统严重依赖化石燃料生产，将其作为全球资本积累的成熟引擎，加上阻碍向可再生能源过渡的既得利益财富和权力，对气候日益增长的压力目前正呈现出特别尖锐的形式”。因此，与其说气候变暖是由工业文明造成的，不如说是由化石文明造成的；与其说是由化石文明造成的，不如说是由化石资本主义造成的；与其说是由化石资本主义造成的，不如说是由资本逻辑造成的。资本逻辑支配下的化石资本主义才是造成气候危机的根源。气候危机是指气候变暖造成的破坏性后果及其对人类文明的威胁，以空前的形式集中展示出资本主义积累的严重弊端。整个生态危机也是如此。生态文明的直接目的是战胜生态危机，而不是超越工业文明。

3. The Climate Pressure Facing Capitalism

3.资本主义面临的气候压力

Because climate warming seriously threatens the continuation of civilization and the existence of the Earth, climate governance has become an important issue in global governance since 1972. First, to stabilize global greenhouse gas concentrations at a stable level, in 1992 the international community adopted the legally binding United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (hereinafter referred to as the Convention). Since it “notes that the largest share of historical and current global emissions of greenhouse gases has originated in developed countries,” the Convention requires developed countries to promote their own emission reductions while fulfilling more international obligations. Fearing damage to their own interests, developed countries, especially the United States, have long held a negative attitude toward the Convention. Second, starting in 2007, the subprime mortgage crisis rapidly swept the globe from the United States. To escape this crisis, in December 2008 the United Nations Climate Change Conference proposed implementing a “Green New Deal.” Reducing carbon dependence is one of the important goals of the Green New Deal. Against this backdrop, developed countries have successively formulated and introduced green new deal strategies and roadmaps with keywords such as “low-carbon transition,” “renewable energy,” and “green growth.” Finally, with the expiration of the Kyoto Protocol, which implements the Convention, in 2015 the international community reached the Paris Agreement (hereinafter referred to as the Agreement). Its direct goal is to limit the increase in global average temperature to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, with a long-term goal of limiting it to 2 degrees Celsius. However, due to the United States’ inconsistency, the Trump administration once withdrew from the Agreement, causing the Agreement to stagnate for five years. Thus, developed countries have obstructed and delayed the effective implementation of international climate conventions on various pretexts, fully exposing their selfish and self-interested true nature in climate governance. Capitalism, pursuing egoism, has delayed the global climate governance process.

由于气候变暖严重威胁到文明延续和地球存在，因此，1972年以来，气候治理成为全球治理的重要议题。首先，为了将全球温室气体浓度控制在一个稳定水平，1992年，国际社会通过了具有法律约束力的《联合国气候变化框架公约》(以下简称《公约》)。由于“注意到历史上和目前全球温室气体排放的最大部分源自发达国家”,因此，《公约》要求发达国家在推动自身减排的同时，履行更多国际义务。由于担心自身利益受损，发达国家尤其是美国长期以来对《公约》持消极态度。其次，从2007年开始，次贷危机由美国开始迅速席卷全球。为了摆脱这场危机，2008年12月，联合国气候变化大会提出了实施“绿色新政”(Green New Deal)的倡议。降低碳依赖是绿色新政的重要目标之一。在这样的背景下，发达国家纷纷制订和出台了以“低碳转换”“可再生能源”“绿色增长”为关键词的绿色新政战略和路线图。最后，随着履行《公约》的《京都议定书》到期，2015年，国际社会达成《巴黎协定》(以下简称《协定》)。其直接目标是将全球平均气温较前工业化时期的上升幅度控制在1.5摄氏度之内，长期目标是控制在2摄氏度之内。但是，由于美国出尔反尔，特朗普政府一度退出《协定》,导致《协定》原地踏步5年。可见，发达国家以各种理由阻碍和拖延国际气候公约的切实履行，充分暴露出其在气候治理上自私自利的真实面目。奉行利己主义的资本主义拖延了全球气候治理进程。

4. The Climate Policy of Late Capitalism

4.晚期资本主义的气候政策

Against the background of pressure from the international community to strengthen climate governance, and in order to further effectively realize surplus value, following the completion of the historical task of industrialization, Western countries have successively introduced their climate policies after reaching peak carbon emissions, forming "climate capitalism." Climate capitalism is a new institutional form of capitalist organization developed on the basis of and within the framework of neoliberal environmentalist policies. Its task is to strive to achieve the unity of "decarbonization" and "green" growth, while simultaneously seeking to minimize disruption to the economic growth model and the global economic expansion model. It is a political attempt to decarbonize the global economy while ensuring sustained economic growth. Based on market mechanisms, using carbon trading and carbon technology as political and economic tools, it hopes to promote necessary technological innovation by pricing the capacity of the atmospheric carbon sink, making low-carbon production technologies and energy production costs market-competitive, thereby steering investment away from commodity production dependent on fossil fuels. In short, climate capitalism attempts to discover new business opportunities in climate governance; it is a system of capital accumulation built on climate-friendly production technologies and improved energy efficiency. In essence, "over the past few decades, the main goal of climate change policy has been the ecological modernization of capitalism, but only within limits favorable to capital accumulation." [1]1 The "new normal" (新常态) refers to a phase of slower but higher-quality economic growth that China entered after 2012, characterized by a shift from rapid expansion to sustainable development driven by innovation and services. Climate capitalism must still be organized through capitalist structural elements such as market mechanisms, private property, and the working class; the pursuit of surplus value remains its central law.

在国际社会加强气候治理的压力背景下，为了进一步有效实现剩余价值，随着工业化历史任务的完成，西方国家在碳达峰之后相继推出了其气候政策，形成了“气候资本主义”(Climate Capitalism)。气候资本主义是在新自由主义环境主义政策的基础上和范围内发展起来的一种资本主义组织的新制度，其任务是力求实现“脱碳”和实现“绿色”增长的统一，同时力求保证对经济增长模式和全球经济扩张模式的破坏最小，是一种在确保经济持续增长的同时对全球经济进行脱碳的政治尝试。它以市场机制为基础，以碳交易和碳技术等为政治经济工具，希望通过对大气碳汇容量的定价来促进必要的技术创新，使低碳生产技术和能源生产成本具有市场竞争力，从而使投资远离依赖化石能源的商品生产。简言之，气候资本主义试图在气候治理中发现新的商机，是建立在气候友好的生产技术和提高能源效率基础上的资本积累制度。从其实质来看，“在过去的几十年里，气候变化政策的主要目标是资本主义的生态现代化，但仅限于有利于资本积累的限度内”。气候资本主义仍然要通过市场机制、私有财产和工人阶级等资本主义结构要素组织起来，追求剩余价值仍然是其中心法则。

In summary, climate capitalism is the green transformation formed by late capitalism (the current form of capitalist development) in the process of responding to the climate crisis. It is the manifestation and representation of "ecological capitalism" (natural capitalism, green capitalism) in the climate field, centrally embodying the tense relationship between climate and capital inherent in late capitalism itself.

总之，气候资本主义是晚期资本主义(资本主义发展的当下形态)在应对气候危机过程中形成的绿色转型，是“生态资本主义”(自然资本主义、绿色资本主义)在气候领域的表现和表征，集中体现着晚期资本主义自身内在的气候和资本的紧张关系。

II. Climate Capitalism is a Manifestation of Neoliberal Environmentalism

二、气候资本主义是新自由主义环境主义的表现

Following neoliberal policies, late capitalism has continuously strengthened climate governance, forming climate capitalism. Because neoliberalism is hostile to the working class and working people, climate capitalism suffers from serious problems of social governance failure, revealing a severe duality.

按照新自由主义的政策，晚期资本主义不断强化气候治理，形成了气候资本主义。由于新自由主义敌视工人阶级和劳动人民，因此，气候资本主义存在严重的社会治理失效的问题，暴露出严重的二重性。

1. A Tool of Western Climate Governance

1.西方气候治理的工具

Climate capitalism is an ecological capitalist paradigm formed on the basis of the commodification and marketization of nature. First, the principles of climate capitalism. There are three main ones: First, the principle of efficiency priority. All resources should be used as efficiently as possible to buy time; this is an effective method for improving cost-effectiveness, otherwise the climate crisis cannot be solved. Second, the principle of the circular economy. A circular economy should be developed by imitating healthy local ecosystems, researching and developing environmentally sensitive products, services, and technologies. Third, the principle of natural capital. Ecosystem services underpin the Earth's ability to sustain life and the economy; if they cannot be incorporated into the balance sheet, the lasting prosperity of capitalism cannot be guaranteed. Second, the methods of climate capitalism. Besides reducing coal-fired power generation for energy conservation and emission reduction, and shifting to renewable and clean energy to reduce carbon emissions from fossil fuels and biomass energy, climate capitalism mainly uses carbon pricing as the primary method of climate governance, attempting to promote climate governance through new technologies. Among these, "just as neoliberalism and climate governance have been parallel and mutually constitutive in history and contemporary practice, the low-carbon economy has the potential for a large-scale transformation towards a 'climate capitalism,' whose successful accumulation strategy can be found in economic decarbonization." [2]2 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and formally introduced the goal of comprehensively deepening reform and building an ecological civilization. In short, climate capitalism attempts to make market mechanisms and technological means serve climate governance through carbon pricing, regarding market mechanisms and technological means as the main policy instruments for climate governance.

气候资本主义是在自然商品化和市场化的基础上形成的生态资本主义范式。第一，气候资本主义原理。主要有三：一是效率优先原理。要尽可能有效地利用一切资源来购买时间，这是有效提升成本效益的方法，否则将无法解决气候危机。二是循环经济原理。应模仿健康的本土的生态系统来发展循环经济，研发对环境敏感的产品、服务和技术。三是自然资本原理。生态系统服务支撑着地球维持生命和经济的能力，若不能将之纳入资产负债表，就不可能保证资本主义的持久繁荣。第二，气候资本主义方法。除了削减燃煤发电量以节能减排、转向可再生能源和清洁能源以减少化石能源和生物质能源的碳排放之外，气候资本主义主要将碳价格作为气候治理的主要方法，试图通过新技术促进气候治理。其中，“与历史上和当代实践中新自由主义与气候管治的并行且相互构成性一样，低碳经济有着向一种‘气候资本主义’大规模转型的潜能，而这一‘气候资本主义’的成功积累战略可以在经济脱碳过程中找到”。总之，气候资本主义试图通过碳定价来让市场机制和技术手段为气候治理服务，并将市场机制和技术手段视为气候治理的主要政策手段。

2. The Social Essence of Western Carbon Sink Markets

2.西方碳汇市场的社会实质

Climate capitalism uses "Market Based Instruments (MBIs)" as its primary climate governance tool, attempting to price carbon through methods such as carbon trading and carbon taxes to incentivize emitters to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The functions of carbon pricing are: first, as an incentive to reduce pollution emissions; second, to make agents pay for damages; third, to provide means to address past damages. This is a negative incentive method. At the same time, it is necessary to develop "carbon finance" to strengthen climate governance investment. However, market-based methods have the following problems: First, carbon pricing aims to assign a complete set of property rights to the atmosphere so that carbon emissions obtain a monetary price. But the atmosphere is a public resource that should be enjoyed by all; therefore, carbon pricing opens the door to the privatization of public goods. Second, the carbon market creates new business opportunities for enterprises and banks, which are welcomed by them, thus providing new opportunities for capital accumulation. Third, carbon finance may establish the position of financial oligarchs in climate governance, allowing petrochemical oligarchs and financial oligarchs to potentially join hands to manipulate the climate agenda. Therefore, "the carbon market can be understood as a successful strategy for creating a new environmental commodity, introducing new mechanisms for the legitimation of capitalism, and playing a key role in creating accumulation opportunities, often through new forms of dispossession." [3]3 The "new nationwide system for mobilizing resources" (新型举国体制) is a Chinese term for a state-led innovation system that combines centralized planning with market mechanisms to achieve strategic technological breakthroughs, particularly in areas like aerospace, semiconductors, and green energy. In fact, carbon market instruments can only measure the exchange value of energy (carbon), but cannot measure the use value and system value of energy and climate as natural wealth. Therefore, a pure carbon market can neither achieve energy conservation and emission reduction nor promote the transition to a low-carbon society.

气候资本主义将“市场化政策工具”(Market Based Instruments, MBIs)作为主要的气候治理工具，试图通过碳交易和碳税等方法给碳定价，以激励排放者减少温室气体的排放。碳定价的功能在于：一是作为减少污染排放的激励，二是让代理人为损害买单，三是提供应对过去损害的手段。这是一种负激励的手段。同时，需要通过发展“碳金融”以加强气候治理投资。但市场化方法存在着以下问题：第一，碳定价就是要为大气分配一套完整的产权以使碳排放获得一个货币价格，但大气是一种公共资源，理应为所有人享用，因此，碳定价打开了将公共产品私有化的大门。第二，碳市场为企业和银行创造了新的商业机遇，受到了它们的欢迎，这样就为资本积累提供了新的机会。第三，碳金融有可能确立金融寡头在气候治理中的地位，这样，石化寡头和金融寡头有可能联起手来操纵气候议程。因此，“碳市场可以被理解为创造一种新的环境商品的成功战略，引入了资本主义合法化的新机制，并在创造积累机会方面发挥了关键作用，通常是通过新的剥夺形式”。其实，碳市场手段只能衡量能源(碳)的交换价值，而不能衡量作为自然财富的能源和气候的使用价值和系统价值，因此，单纯的碳市场既不能达到节能减排的作用，更不能推动向低碳社会的转型。

3. The Social Essence of Western Carbon Sink Technology

3.西方碳汇技术的社会实质

Climate capitalism does not resort to general carbon technologies but points towards "geoengineering." Geoengineering is a general description of a series of technologies to resist the anthropogenic factors of global warming, including two types of technology: "carbon dioxide removal" and "solar radiation management." For example, carbon capture and storage technology involves geoengineering projects developed by companies with huge state subsidies to absorb carbon from the atmosphere or alter the chemical composition of the atmosphere or oceans. Although it can serve as a scientific research topic, geoengineering poses many risks. First, geoengineering incorporates the worship of technology into the capitalist system, believing that technology can solve all problems of capitalism, displaying a clear technological optimism. Second, geoengineering demands the transformation of social life according to market rules, without any consideration for providing public services or changing social systems, displaying a clear character of defending fossil capitalism. Third, geoengineering may be used by Western countries for military purposes as a weapon of war, reflecting the ambition of Western countries to control the earth, energy, and climate, displaying a clear imperialist character. Overall, "as a set of neoliberal technologies, geoengineering aims to transform capitalism with state support, pursuing an increase in capitalist accumulation that is structurally opaque and unaccountable to the public." [4]4 "Photovoltaic poverty alleviation" (光伏扶贫) and "wind power poverty alleviation" (风电扶贫) are Chinese government programs that install solar panels or wind turbines in poor rural areas, providing households with a steady income from selling electricity to the grid. Therefore, geoengineering is a typical ecological capitalist and ecological imperialist scheme. Even from a purely technical perspective, geoengineering fails to see the risk of increased carbon leakage and carbon emissions that the application of those "new" technological means might entail.

气候资本主义不是诉诸一般的碳技术，而是指向了“地球工程”(Geoengineering)。地球工程是一系列抵抗全球变暖人为因素的技术的总体描述，包括“二氧化碳移除”和“太阳辐射管理”两类技术。例如，碳捕获和封存技术，就是拥有巨额国家补贴的公司正在开发从大气中吸收碳或改变大气或海洋化学成分的地球工程项目。尽管其可以作为科研课题，但地球工程会造成诸多风险。第一，地球工程将对技术的崇拜纳入资本主义体系，相信技术能够解决资本主义的一切问题，具有明显的技术乐观主义色彩。第二，地球工程要求按照市场法则改变社会生活，而根本不考虑提供公共服务和改变社会体制，具有明显的维护化石资本主义的色彩。第三，地球工程可能被西方国家用于军事目的以作为战争的武器，体现了西方国家控制地球、能源和气候的野心，具有明显的帝国主义色彩。在总体上，“作为一套新自由主义的技术，地球工程旨在在国家支持下改造资本主义，以追求结构不透明和对公众不负责的资本主义积累的增加”。因此，地球工程是一种典型的生态资本主义和生态帝国主义的方案。即使从单纯的技术层面来看，地球工程没有看到上述那些“新”技术手段应用可能增加的碳泄漏和碳排放的风险。

4. The Social Failure of Western Climate Governance

4.西方气候治理的社会失效

Although some commentators emphasize the "global" and "public" nature of the climate warming issue, climate capitalism has "successfully" linked climate governance with class struggle. In the United Kingdom, although the Thatcher government accepted the ecological capitalist approach and participated in international climate conventions, they used the closure of coal mines as a political means to combat coal miners' strikes. In the 1980s, in order to weaken the British workers' movement, the Thatcher government announced the closure of 20 coal mines and the layoff of 210,000 workers, which triggered a strike movement by British coal miners. Although this had nothing to do with the environmental and climate problems caused by coal, "the Conservative Party was determined to free the British energy industry from its dependence on coal, thereby suppressing the labor force rooted in the miners' union. The mines were closed due to class struggle, but could be legitimized under the pretext of environmental welfare." [1]1 The "new normal" (新常态) refers to a phase of slower but higher-quality economic growth that China entered after 2012, characterized by a shift from rapid expansion to sustainable development driven by innovation and services. In this way, the British government suppressed the coal miners' strike movement in the name of breaking free from coal dependence, resulting in tens of thousands of workers losing their jobs and mining communities being severely damaged. This was the "1984–1985 British coal miners' strike." This was the "victory" of neoliberalism, whose core content was Thatcherism and Reaganomics, which intensified the privatization of British coal mines, led to the continued growth of fossil fuel extraction and consumption, and exacerbated the trend of climate warming. In the United States, because the automobile manufacturing and other industries in which "Rust Belt" blue-collar workers were employed were highly dependent on carbon, implementing the Agreement [2]2 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and formally introduced the goal of comprehensively deepening reform and building an ecological civilization. would severely damage traditional industries such as the US fossil fuel industry. Therefore, in order to gain the support of these blue-collar workers, the Trump administration withdrew from the Agreement. In this way, while the US withdrawal gained support from worker communities, it safeguarded the vested interests of industrial capitalists; at the same time, it further strengthened the dominance of fossil capitalism over workers and delayed the global climate governance agenda. All this shows that climate capitalism is ineffective in social governance and is unsustainable.

尽管一些论者突出气候变暖问题的“全球性”和“公共性”,但气候资本主义将气候治理与阶级斗争“成功”地勾连起来。在英国，尽管撒切尔政府接受生态资本主义方案，参与了国际气候公约，但他们将关闭煤矿作为对付煤矿工人罢工的政治手段。20世纪80年代，为了削弱英国工人运动，撒切尔政府宣布关闭20个煤矿和裁减21万名工人，由此引发了英国煤矿工人的罢工运动。尽管这与煤炭造成的环境问题和气候问题毫无关系，但是，“保守党决心把英国能源工业从对煤的依赖中解脱出来从而压制扎根于矿工工会的劳动力。由于阶级斗争的原因而关闭矿山，但却可以借口环境福利而被合法化”。这样，英国政府以摆脱煤炭依赖为名镇压了煤矿工人的罢工运动，结果造成成千上万的工人失业，采矿社区遭到严重破坏。这即是“1984—1985年英国煤矿工人大罢工”。这是以撒切尔主义和里根经济学为核心内容的新自由主义的“胜利”,加剧了英国煤矿的私有化，致使化石燃料开采和消耗持续增长，加剧了气候变暖趋势。在美国，由于“铁锈带”蓝领工人从事的汽车制造等行业高度依赖碳，执行《协定》会重创美国化石行业等传统产业，因此，为了获得这些蓝领工人的支持，特朗普政府退出了《协定》。这样，美国的退出行为在获得工人社区支持的同时，维护了工业资本家的既得利益；同时，进一步强化了化石资本主义对工人的支配，拖延了全球气候治理议程。凡此种种表明，气候资本主义在社会治理方面是失效的，具有不可持续性。

In short, although climate capitalism has invented climate governance tools such as carbon markets and carbon technologies, these tools are concrete manifestations of neoliberal environmentalist policies and can by no means become the fundamental solution to climate governance. When Western countries link climate governance with class struggle, it further exposes their inherent limitations and class essence.

总之，尽管气候资本主义发明了碳市场和碳技术等气候治理工具，但这些工具都是新自由主义环境主义政策的具体体现，根本不可能成为气候治理的根本之策。当西方国家将气候治理与阶级斗争勾连的时候，进一步暴露出了其内在局限和阶级实质。

III. Climate Imperialism is the Essence of Climate Capitalism

三、气候帝国主义是气候资本主义的实质

Faced with the problem of global climate warming, Western countries handle global climate affairs according to imperialist principles and methods, thereby giving rise to new trends in imperialist development such as "Energy Imperialism," "Carbon Imperialism," and "Climate Colonialism," which can be collectively referred to as "Climate Imperialism." Climate imperialism is the hegemonic position and hegemonic control formed by Western countries through manipulating international climate affairs. It is the climatic manifestation and climatic representation of ecological imperialism, a major obstacle to the international climate agenda, and even the greatest destructive factor in global climate governance.

面对全球气候变暖问题，西方国家按照帝国主义原则和方式处理全球气候事务，由此形成了“能源帝国主义”(Energy Imperialism)、“碳基帝国主义”(Carbon Imperialism)和“气候殖民主义”(Climate Colonialism)等帝国主义发展的新动向，可以将之合称为“气候帝国主义”(Climate Imperialism)。气候帝国主义是西方国家通过操纵国际气候事务形成的霸权地位和霸权控制，是生态帝国主义的气候表现和气候表征，是国际气候议程的重大障碍，甚至成为全球气候治理的最大破坏因素。

1. Barbaric Imperialist Climate Hegemony

1.野蛮的帝国主义气候霸权

After capitalism entered the monopoly stage, although the energy structure has changed, fossil fuels remain an important energy foundation. The United States is a high-consumption country built on automobile tires, highly dependent on gasoline and other fossil energy sources. For a long time, the United States has limited the development and utilization of its own fossil energy resources, maintaining its economic operation and energy consumption through large-scale imports of foreign fossil energy. At present, "as long as Americans continue to borrow $1 billion a day to buy fossil energy from distant and unstable regions around the world," [3]3 The "new nationwide system for mobilizing resources" (新型举国体制) is a Chinese term for a state-led innovation system that combines centralized planning with market mechanisms to achieve strategic technological breakthroughs, particularly in areas like aerospace, semiconductors, and green energy. it is impossible to change this situation. The high dependence on oil and massive consumption are pushing towards peak oil. The peak oil crisis indicates that the world is rapidly moving along the path of climate warming due to the burning of fossil fuels. The rupture of the solar energy budget permitted by hydrocarbons has created a biosphere rift that will threaten civilization and life on Earth in the coming decades. At the same time, in order to maintain its own energy consumption, the United States must control the world energy market. No matter how world oil prices change, the United States resolutely defends this hegemonic position, even at the cost of launching world energy wars. After the end of the Cold War, the Gulf War, the Afghanistan War, and the Iraq War launched by the United States were all oil wars. Clearly, "the new US energy imperialism has led to the expansion of war. This could become a real global war, as Washington attempts to defend the existing capitalist economy and avoid its own hegemonic decline." [4]4 "Photovoltaic poverty alleviation" (光伏扶贫) and "wind power poverty alleviation" (风电扶贫) are Chinese government programs that install solar panels or wind turbines in poor rural areas, providing households with a steady income from selling electricity to the grid. All this is the root cause of climate warming, fully exposing the essence of the imperialist climate hegemony of late capitalism.

资本主义进入垄断阶段以后，尽管能源结构出现了变化，但是，化石燃料仍然是其重要的能源基础。美国是建立在汽车轮胎上的高消费国家，高度依赖汽油等化石能源。长期以来，美国有限制地开发和利用本国化石能源资源，通过大规模进口国外化石能源的方式维持本国的经济运行和能源消费。当下，“只要美国人每天继续借10亿美元从全球遥远和不稳定的地区购买化石能源”,就不可能改变这种状况。对石油的高度依赖和巨量消费推动达到石油峰值。石油峰值危机表明，世界正因燃烧化石能源而迅速沿着气候变暖的道路前行，碳氢化合物所允许的太阳能预算的破裂造成了生物圈裂缝，在往后的几十年内将威胁地球上的文明和生命。同时，为了维持其本国能源消费，美国必须控制世界能源市场。无论世界石油价格如何变化，美国都坚决维护这种霸权地位，为此不惜发动世界能源战争。冷战结束之后，美国发动的海湾战争、阿富汗战争、伊拉克战争莫不是石油战争。显然，“美国的新能源帝国主义已经导致扩大战争。这可能成为真正的全球战争，因为华盛顿试图捍卫现有的资本主义经济，并避免其自身的霸权衰落”。这一切是造成气候变暖的根本原因，充分暴露了晚期资本主义的帝国主义气候霸权的实质。

2. Vacillating Imperialist Climate Diplomacy

2.摇摆的帝国主义气候外交

Formally, international climate conventions are basic norms for global climate governance reached through negotiation, reflecting a global consensus on climate governance. In essence, however, climate conventions have developed in a non-linear and historically specific manner. Currently, climate conventions rely on private financing and market mechanisms. Even so, the United States has not consistently joined international climate conventions, but has constantly vacillated and reversed course. Although the Clinton administration signed the Kyoto Protocol, the George W. Bush administration refused to ratify it, using the excuses that "reducing greenhouse gas emissions would affect US economic development" and "developing countries should also assume obligations to reduce and limit greenhouse gas emissions." Although the Obama administration promoted the international community to reach the Agreement [5]5 Refers to the Paris Agreement. and deposited the instrument of ratification with the United Nations, the Trump administration announced the US withdrawal from the Agreement, using the excuse that it would harm the US economy. Trump harmfully combined climate change denial, racism, and economic nationalism. His domestic aim was to exploit the desperation of workers suffering from unemployment and poverty to gain their votes; his foreign aim was to re-establish US hegemonic control over key international strategic regions such as the Middle East. After Biden was elected US President, he announced the US return to the Agreement. This is conducive to the prompt implementation of the Agreement, but it could also become a means for the US to manipulate the climate agenda and the international order. On the surface, the US attitude towards international climate conventions is capricious; in essence, however, the US position has always been consistent: to safeguard the interests of the US monopoly bourgeoisie, especially petrochemical capitalists. This is the greatest source of uncertainty affecting international climate conventions.

从形式上来看，国际气候公约是通过协商达成的全球气候治理的基本规范，反映了气候治理的全球共识。但从实质来看，气候公约是以一种非线性和历史特定的方式发展起来的。现在，气候公约依赖于私人融资和市场机制。即使如此，美国也没有始终如一地加入国际气候公约，而是不断地摇摆和反复。尽管克林顿政府签署了《京都议定书》,但是，以“减少温室气体排放将会影响美国经济发展”和“发展中国家也应该承担减排和限排温室气体义务”为借口，小布什政府拒绝批准该议定书。尽管奥巴马政府促进国际社会达成《协定》,并将批准文书交存联合国，但是，以伤害美国经济为借口，特朗普政府宣布美国退出该协定。特朗普将否认气候变暖、种族主义和经济民族主义有害地结合在一起，其对内目的是想利用那些遭受失业和贫困打击的工人的绝望情绪以获得其选票，对外目的是重新确立美国对中东等国际关键战略地区的霸权控制。拜登当选美国总统之后，宣布美国重返《协定》。这有利于尽快落实《协定》,但也有可能成为美国操纵气候议程和国际秩序的一种手段。从表面上来看，美国对待国际气候公约的态度出尔反尔；但从实质来看，美国的立场始终如一：维护美国垄断资产阶级尤其是石化资本家的利益。这是影响国际气候公约的最大不确定性。

3. Shirked Imperialist Climate Responsibility

3.推卸的帝国主义气候责任

How to determine the historical responsibility of developed countries for climate change is a "difficult problem" encountered in the negotiation and implementation of international climate conventions. From its origins, large-scale global anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions began with Western industrialization. Therefore, one can assume that part of the atmosphere's greenhouse gas absorption capacity has already been consumed by early emitters. In terms of the duration of emissions and their "contribution," from 1850 to 2002, the emissions of developed countries were more than three times those of developing countries. From a practical perspective, developed countries have reduced their own emissions through emission shifting. For example, in 2012, when fossil fuels were exported from Norway, the carbon dioxide emissions of the Norwegian oil company were approximately 500 million tons, more than 11 times the emissions within Norway's borders. Accordingly, Western countries must not only bear historical responsibility for the climate but should also bear the primary responsibility for global greenhouse gas emissions. However, they refuse to assume historical responsibility. Their reasons are: first, early emitters were unaware of greenhouse gases and the greenhouse effect. Thus, an argument against historical responsibility based on ignorance is formed. Second, the subject bearing historical responsibility for the climate is unclear. The entities now paying the price for carbon dioxide emissions are not always entities like states; they cannot be responsible for most past emissions. This attitude of refusing to assume historical responsibility for the climate is a clear attitude of climate imperialism. On November 13, 2021, although the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Glasgow (COP26) relatively smoothly reached the Glasgow Climate Pact, developed countries did not fully respond to the core concerns of developing countries, such as adaptation, funding, and technological support. Therefore, the outcome of COP26 was unsatisfactory.

如何确定发达国家的气候历史责任，是国际气候公约谈判和履约中遇到的一个“难题”。从其开端来看，全球人为温室气体大规模排放从西方工业化开始。因此，人们可以假设大气层的部分温室气体吸收能力已经被早期排放者消耗掉了。从排放持续的时间和“贡献”来看，从1850年到2002年，发达国家的排放量是发展中国家的3倍多。从现实情况来看，发达国家通过转移排放降低了自身排放。例如，2012年，当化石燃料从挪威出口时，挪威石油公司的二氧化碳排放量约为5亿吨，是挪威境内排放量的11倍多。据此，西方国家不仅必须承担气候历史责任，而且应该承担全球温室气体排放的主要责任。但是，它们拒绝承担历史责任。其理由是：一是早期排放者对温室气体和温室效应一无所知。这样，就形成了一个基于无知的反对历史责任的论点。二是承担气候历史责任的主体不明确。如今为排放二氧化碳付出代价的机构并不总是像国家这样的实体，它们不可能对过去的大多数排放负有责任。这种拒绝承担气候历史责任的态度，就是鲜明的气候帝国主义的态度。2021年11月13日，尽管联合国气候变化格拉斯哥大会(COP26)较为顺利地达成了《格拉斯哥气候协议》,但是，发达国家对适应、资金、技术支持等发展中国家的核心关切并未给予充分回应。因此，COP26的成果不尽人意。

4. Aggressive Imperialist Climate Siege

4.强硬的帝国主义气候围剿

Just as it launched a "trade war" economically, the United States has initiated a "climate siege" against China. In layman's terms, this means "shifting the blame" for global warming onto China. This is difficult to sustain, whether historically or practically. Historically, Western industrialization has lasted over 270 years, while China's industrialization has a history of at most 70 years. It was only from 1953, with the proposal of the general line for the transition period of "one industrialization and three transformations" [1]1 The "new normal" (新常态) refers to a phase of slower but higher-quality economic growth that China entered after 2012, characterized by a shift from rapid expansion to sustainable development driven by innovation and services., that China formally began its historical process of industrialization. From 1751 to 2016, the United States, comprising 4.2% of the world's population, accounted for 29% of cumulative emissions; the United Kingdom, comprising 0.8% of the world's population, accounted for 5% of cumulative emissions; and China, comprising 18% of the world's population, accounted for 13% of cumulative emissions. Clearly, Western countries should bear the primary historical responsibility for global warming, not China. Practically, although China's gross national product has reached the second position in the world, and both its total carbon dioxide emissions and per capita emission levels have risen to high global levels, looking at total GDP in 2020, the United States was approximately $20.93 trillion, while China was $15.7 trillion; looking at per capita GDP levels in 2020, the United States was $63,415, while China was approximately $10,503.2. There remains a significant gap between the two in terms of emission levels and development levels. Since 1978, developed countries have transferred manufacturing industries to China, leading to a sharp rise in China's greenhouse gas emissions. That is, the emissions of developed countries like the United States are export-type emissions, while the emissions of developing countries like China are import-type emissions. Clearly, Western countries should bear the primary practical responsibility for global warming, not China. The climate siege behavior "is related to the decline of US hegemony, the rise of China, and the attempt to maintain imperial rule through the trinity of the US, Europe, and Japan." In short, China, as a developing country, cannot be asked to bear the same climate responsibility as the United States, a developed country.

如同在经济上发动“贸易战”一样，美国发起了对中国的“气候围剿”。通俗地讲，这就是要在气候变暖问题上“甩锅”于中国。无论从历史还是从现实来看，这都难以成立。从历史来看，西方工业化持续了270余年，中国工业化充其量只有70余年的历史。从1953年提出“一化三改”过渡时期的总路线开始，中国才正式开启了工业化的历史进程。从1751年到2016年，占世界人口4.2%的美国占累积排放量的29%,占世界人口0.8%的英国占累积排放量的5%,占世界人口18%的中国占累积排放量的13%。显然，西方国家应该对全球变暖负主要历史责任，而不是中国。从现实来看，尽管中国的国民生产总值已经达到世界第二位，中国的二氧化碳排放总量和人均排放水平均已攀升至世界高位，但从2020年的GDP总量来看，美国约为20.93万亿美元，中国为15.7万亿美元；从2020年人均GDP水平来看，美国为63415美元，中国约为10503.2万美元。二者在排放水平和发展水平上仍然存在很大差距。1978年以来，发达国家将制造业转移到了中国，从而导致中国温室气体排放量急剧上升。即，美国等发达国家的排放是输出型的排放，中国等发展中国家的排放属于输入型的排放。显然，西方国家应该对全球变暖负主要的现实责任，而不是中国。气候围剿行为“与美国霸权的衰落、中国的崛起以及试图通过美、欧、日三位一体维持帝国统治有关”。总之，不能要求作为发展中国家的中国承担与作为发达国家的美国同样的气候责任。

Thus, "the spatial displacements of these ecological and social costs generated by market liberalization and continuous growth imply the global collapse of the potential Earth system" [2]2 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and formally introduced the goal of comprehensively deepening reform and building an ecological civilization.; this is the essence of global warming. Climate imperialism reveals the imperialist essence of global climate governance and is the greatest obstacle to global climate governance.

可见，“由市场的自由化和不断增长而产生的这些生态和社会成本的空间位移(spatial displacements),暗示了潜在的地球系统的全球性崩溃”,这是气候变暖的实质。气候帝国主义呈现的是全球气候治理上的帝国主义本质，是影响全球气候治理的最大阻力。

IV. The Revolutionary Transcendence of Climate Capitalism

四、气候资本主义的革命性超越

Climate capitalism and climate imperialism not only fail to resolve the climate crisis but also exacerbate it. Only by replacing capitalism with socialism, transitioning from a capitalist high-carbon society to a socialist low-carbon society, and moving towards a communist "zero-carbon society" can we ultimately eliminate the climate crisis and achieve harmony between humanity and the climate.

气候资本主义和气候帝国主义不仅难以化解气候危机，而且加剧了气候危机。只有用社会主义取代资本主义，从资本主义高碳社会转向社会主义低碳社会，迈向共产主义“零碳社会”,我们才能最终消除气候危机，实现人与气候的和谐。

1. Eliminate the Capitalist High-Carbon Society

1.消灭资本主义高碳社会

Competitive capitalism and monopoly capitalism, ecological capitalism and ecological imperialism, are all built upon the foundation of fossil capitalism and belong to a high-carbon society. In terms of its causes, the climate crisis appears to be a manifestation of the externalities of the market economy, but in essence, it is the evil consequence of capitalist "externalities." Capitalism separates the climate costs and climate responsibilities of its own economic activities from its financial accounts, maximizing its own benefits, i.e., maximizing surplus value, through carbon emissions and carbon emission shifting. At the same time, capitalism privatizes the climate domain, a public good, turning it into the private preserve of capitalists. Capitalists enjoy the benefits of "climate goods," while domestic workers and the poor, as well as the people of the Third World, become the victims of "climate bads." Clearly, the climate crisis is a product of capitalist "failure." In terms of governance methods, climate capitalism merely uses operational tools like carbon markets and carbon technologies as instruments of climate governance. In fact, "without a higher carbon price reflecting the actual cost of CO2 (including its environmental cost), given the nature of the current social/economic system, disaster is unavoidable. Without methods that consider class and power inequalities and fundamental issues of justice, an effective carbon price cannot be formulated." [3]3 The "new nationwide system for mobilizing resources" (新型举国体制) is a Chinese term for a state-led innovation system that combines centralized planning with market mechanisms to achieve strategic technological breakthroughs, particularly in areas like aerospace, semiconductors, and green energy. Therefore, climate capitalism can only treat the symptoms, not the root cause. Furthermore, through the means of climate imperialism, these commodification processes exacerbate the deprivation of the Third World, uneven global development, and imperialist domination of the Third World. In climate governance, Western countries have no normative or institutional countermeasures or initiatives. Therefore, without eliminating the capitalist high-carbon society, it is fundamentally impossible to eliminate the climate crisis.

自由竞争资本主义和垄断资本主义、生态资本主义和生态帝国主义，都建立在化石资本主义的基础上，都属于高碳社会。从形成原因来看，气候危机似乎是市场经济外部性的表现，但实质上是资本主义“外部性”造成的恶果。资本主义将自身经济活动的气候成本和气候责任从其财务账目中脱离出来，通过碳排放和碳排放转移实现了自身效益的最大化，即剩余价值的最大化。同时，资本主义将作为公共产品的气候领域私有化，使之成为资本家的私人领地。资本家享受“气候善物”的益处，本国工人和穷人以及第三世界的人民却成为“气候恶物”的牺牲品。显然，气候危机是资本主义“失灵”的产物。从治理手段来看，气候资本主义只是将碳市场和碳技术等操作性手段作为气候治理的工具。其实，“如果没有反映二氧化碳实际成本(包括其环境成本)的更高碳价格，鉴于现行社会/经济制度的性质，就不可能避免灾难。如果没有考虑到阶级和权力不平等以及基本正义问题的方法，就不可能制定出有效的碳价格”。因此，气候资本主义只能治标而不能治本。此外，通过气候帝国主义的手段，这些商品化过程又加剧了对第三世界的剥夺、全球性的不平衡发展和帝国主义对第三世界的支配。在气候治理上，西方国家根本没有规范性和制度性的对策和举措。因此，不消灭资本主义高碳社会，根本不可能消除气候危机。

The climate issue must become an important direction for the social movement opposing and eliminating capitalism. Currently, the anti-capitalist climate crisis has become a significant focus of the anti-neoliberal social movement. This movement holds that the development of carbon markets is intrinsically linked to the neoliberalism dominated by financial capital and blindly obsessed with markets. Therefore, it is necessary to oppose carbon emissions trading, the Clean Development Mechanism, and voluntary carbon markets. Broadly speaking, these movements are often linked to environmental justice movements that oppose unjust North-South relations, anti-globalization and anti-poverty efforts, and the unfortunate environmental experiences of communities of color. Furthermore, we must unify climate justice, environmental justice, ecological justice, and social justice, and introduce them into the class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. "Now, class struggle is both an environmental struggle and an economic struggle, already showing signs of an emerging environmental working class" [4]4 "Photovoltaic poverty alleviation" (光伏扶贫) and "wind power poverty alleviation" (风电扶贫) are Chinese government programs that install solar panels or wind turbines in poor rural areas, providing households with a steady income from selling electricity to the grid., "a large section of the working class recognizes that, due to the crisis of its own existence, there is an inseparable link between economic conditions and ecological conditions." From the standpoint of scientific socialism, only by incorporating the climate agenda into the class agenda and incorporating climate struggle into class struggle can the climate crisis caused by the capitalist high-carbon society be eliminated. At the same time, only by enhancing the working class's energy awareness and climate awareness while raising their class consciousness and scientific consciousness, persistently using Marxism, the overall consciousness of the working class, to guide energy awareness and climate awareness, and under the leadership of its vanguard party, can the working class become the conscious vanguard and main force of the climate revolution.

气候议题必须成为反对和消灭资本主义的社会运动的重要方向。现在，反资本主义气候危机已经成为反新自由主义的社会运动的重要焦点。这一运动认为，碳市场的发展和更广泛意义上由金融资本主导、盲目迷恋市场的新自由主义存在着内在关联，因此，必须反对碳排放权交易、清洁发展机制和自愿性碳市场。在广义上，这些运动经常把反对不公正的南北关系、反全球化和反贫困、反对有色人种社区的不幸环境遭遇的环境正义运动联系到一起。进而，我们要把气候正义、环境正义、生态正义和社会正义统一起来，并将之引入无产阶级反对资产阶级的阶级斗争当中。“现在，阶级斗争既是一场环境斗争，也是一场经济斗争，已经显示出一个新兴的环境工人阶级的迹象”,“一大批工人阶级认识到，由于自身存在的危机，经济条件和生态条件之间存在着不可分割的联系”。从科学社会主义立场来看，只有将气候议程纳入阶级议程、将气候斗争纳入阶级斗争，才能消除资本主义高碳社会造成的气候危机。同时，只有在提高其阶级意识和科学意识的同时努力提高工人阶级的能源意识和气候意识，坚持用作为工人阶级总体意识的马克思主义统领能源意识和气候意识，在自己的先锋队的带领下，工人阶级才能成为自觉的气候革命的先遣队和主力军。

2. Build a Socialist Low-Carbon Society

2.建设社会主义低碳社会

From a technological pathway perspective, escaping the climate crisis caused by capitalist high-carbon society must first prioritize "carbon conservation," achieve low-carbon development, and move toward a "low-carbon society." Low-carbon development is a scientific form of development that seeks new growth through energy conservation and emission reduction. A low-carbon society is a social form that promotes high-quality development by reducing the carbon dependency of development and ultimately achieves the unity of development and carbon reduction, and harmony between development and climate—in short, a social form that realizes and promotes low-carbon development. The low-carbon society stands at the same level as the resource-conserving society and the environment-friendly society, together constituting the foundational domain of ecological civilization. "By reducing emissions and building a low-carbon society, we will be able to better ensure that the interests of future generations are protected to a greater extent than under a business-as-usual scenario." This requires placing the principles and demands of low carbon above the mere principle of profit, and establishing a socialist low-carbon society. Socialism is currently the only social system suited to the requirements of building a low-carbon society.

从技术路线上来看，摆脱由资本主义高碳社会造成的气候危机，首先要将“碳节约”摆在首位，实现低碳发展，走向“低碳社会”。低碳发展是通过节能减排谋求新发展的科学发展形式。低碳社会是通过降低发展的碳依赖来促进高质量发展并最终实现发展和降碳相统一、发展和气候相和谐的社会形式，简言之，是实现和促进低碳发展的社会形式。低碳社会与资源节约型社会、环境友好型社会处于同一位阶，共同构成了生态文明的基础领域。“通过减少排放和建设低碳社会，我们将能够更好地确保子孙后代的利益得到比一切照旧情况下更大的保护。”这就是需要将低碳原则和要求置于单纯的赢利原则和要求之上，建立社会主义低碳社会。社会主义是目前唯一适合建设低碳社会要求的社会制度。

In socialist China, the Communist Party of China has creatively put forward the scientific concept of "ecological civilization," incorporating the energy revolution and climate governance into the construction of ecological civilization and into the national planning for economic and social development. On September 22, 2020, at the General Debate of the 75th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, President Xi Jinping, on behalf of China, voluntarily announced that China would strive to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060. He demanded that carbon peak and carbon neutrality be integrated into the overall layout of economic and social development and ecological civilization construction. On September 22, 2021, the "Opinions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council on Completely, Accurately, and Comprehensively Implementing the New Development Concept and Doing a Good Job of Carbon Peak and Carbon Neutrality" was released. On October 24, 2021, the State Council issued the "Action Plan for Carbon Peaking before 2030." Currently, China is vigorously strengthening the research and development of green and low-carbon technologies, vigorously promoting green and low-carbon development, and taking this as an important content and practical means to adapt to and lead the "new normal." [1]1 The "new normal" (新常态) refers to a phase of slower but higher-quality economic growth that China entered after 2012, characterized by a shift from rapid expansion to sustainable development driven by innovation and services. At the same time, China is vigorously promoting the energy revolution and is currently a world leader in investment in non-carbon-based energy sources such as nuclear, wind, and solar energy. Finally, within the framework of the socialist market economy, China uses market instruments as an important means to internalize externalities, focusing on employing market mechanisms to promote carbon governance and climate governance. In this way, China has formed and perfected a national strategy and national action for carbon peak and carbon neutrality.

在社会主义的中国，中国共产党创造性地提出了“生态文明”的科学理念，将能源革命和气候治理纳入生态文明建设，纳入经济社会发展的国家规划。2020年9月22日，在第75届联合国大会一般性辩论上，习近平主席代表中国主动宣布，中国力争于2030年前二氧化碳排放达到峰值，努力争取于2060年前实现碳中和。他要求把碳达峰碳中和纳入经济社会发展和生态文明建设整体布局。2021年9月22日，《中共中央国务院关于完整准确全面贯彻新发展理念做好碳达峰碳中和工作的意见》发布。2021年10月24日，国务院印发《2030年前碳达峰行动方案》。现在，中国大力加强绿色低碳技术的研发，大力推动绿色低碳发展，将之作为适应和引领“新常态”的重要内容和现实手段。同时，中国大力推动能源革命，目前在核能、风能和光能等非碳基能源投资方面处于世界领先地位。最后，在社会主义市场经济框架中，中国将市场手段作为实现外部问题内部化的重要手段，注重运用市场机制促进碳治理和气候治理。这样，中国就形成和完善了碳达峰碳中和的国家战略和国家行动。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, [2]2 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and formally introduced the goal of comprehensively deepening reform and building an ecological civilization. in accordance with the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, China has actively participated in and vigorously promoted global climate governance. On December 12, 2020, at the Climate Ambition Summit, President Xi Jinping put forward constructive initiatives: "open up a new situation of climate governance featuring win-win cooperation," "form a new system of climate governance where each does its best," and "adhere to new thinking on climate governance of green recovery." On April 22, 2021, at the "Leaders Summit on Climate," he proposed adhering to the principles of putting people first, multilateralism, and common but differentiated responsibilities, and providing support to developing countries in terms of finance, technology, and capacity building. Currently, China has stopped building new coal-fired power projects overseas. Notably, China played a constructive role in the negotiations of the Paris Agreement. "The value of the Paris Agreement lies in its provision of a clear and overarching framework for climate action involving all countries. This was achieved, at least in part, through the increasing alignment between China's economic and environmental policy agendas. Despite considerable uncertainty about future emission trajectories, China's shift towards low-carbon development—and its adoption of a more proactive stance in climate negotiations—appears to be both structural and long-term." Following its efforts and dedication at the Katowice Climate Conference in Poland, in November 2021, the Chinese delegation, using Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions, effectively safeguarded the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, the common concerns and common rights and interests of developing countries, and played a constructive role in successfully reaching the Glasgow Climate Pact.

党的十八大以来，按照人类命运共同体的理念，中国积极参与和大力推动全球气候治理。2020年12月12日，习近平主席在气候雄心峰会上提出了“开创合作共赢的气候治理新局面”“形成各尽所能的气候治理新体系”“坚持绿色复苏的气候治理新思路”的建设性倡议。2021年4月22日，他在“领导人气候峰会”上提出，要坚持以人为本、多边主义、共同但有区别的责任原则，为发展中国家提供资金、技术、能力建设等方面支持。现在，中国已经停止在境外新建煤电项目。尤其是，中国在《巴黎协定》谈判中发挥了建设性作用。“《巴黎协定》的价值在于它提供了一个明确和跨所有国家参与的气候行动的母体框架。这至少部分是通过中国经济和环境政策议程之间的日益协调而实现的。尽管未来排放轨迹存在相当大的不确定性，但中国向低碳发展的转变——以及在气候谈判中采取更积极的立场——似乎既是结构性的，也是长期的”。继在波兰卡托维兹气候会议上的努力和奉献之后，2021年11月，中国代表团以中国智慧和中国方案有效维护共同但有区别的责任原则、发展中国家的共同关切和共同权益，为顺利达成《格拉斯哥气候协议》发挥了建设性作用。

China has always insisted on handling climate issues according to socialist principles, essence, and methods. First, China has always focused on leveraging the advantages of the socialist system, insisting on treating a good ecological environment as a public good, insisting on treating climate governance as public governance for providing public goods, and focusing on the anti-corruption struggle in the energy sector and climate governance to safeguard the people's interests. Second, China has always focused on leveraging the role of the new nationwide system for mobilizing resources, [3]3 The "new nationwide system for mobilizing resources" (新型举国体制) is a Chinese term for a state-led innovation system that combines centralized planning with market mechanisms to achieve strategic technological breakthroughs, particularly in areas like aerospace, semiconductors, and green energy. insisting on treating the development of energy technology and climate technology as an important content and task of the green low-carbon technological revolution, insisting on making the development of the green low-carbon technological revolution a major strategy for national scientific and technological development, and insisting on promoting the green low-carbon technological revolution through the organic combination of an effective government and an efficient market. Third, China has always adhered to the people-centered development philosophy, insisting on taking the satisfaction of the people's needs for a better life as the value fulcrum of the energy revolution and climate governance, creating valuable experiences of ecological sharing such as "photovoltaic poverty alleviation" and "wind power poverty alleviation," [4]4 "Photovoltaic poverty alleviation" (光伏扶贫) and "wind power poverty alleviation" (风电扶贫) are Chinese government programs that install solar panels or wind turbines in poor rural areas, providing households with a steady income from selling electricity to the grid. and insisting on letting all the people share the fruits of the energy revolution and climate governance. Fourth, China has always insisted on participating in global climate governance in accordance with the socialist spirit of internationalism, insisting on advocating and practicing the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities, equity, and respective capabilities, insisting on promoting the building of a climate community with a shared future and an energy community with a shared future according to the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, vigorously helping the people of third-world countries escape energy poverty, and vigorously helping the people of third-world countries achieve green and low-carbon development. Therefore, some climate scientists have shifted their gaze from the United States to China, viewing China as "the main hope for leading the fight against climate change." In essence, this means that socialism represents the hope for a low-carbon society.

中国始终坚持按照社会主义本质、原则和方式处理气候议题。一是中国始终注重发挥社会主义制度优势，坚持将良好的生态环境看作公共产品，坚持将气候治理看作提供公共产品的公共治理，注重能源领域和气候治理中的反腐败斗争以维护人民利益。二是中国始终注重发挥新型举国体制的作用，坚持将发展能源科技、气候科技作为绿色低碳科技革命的重要内容和重要任务，坚持将发展绿色低碳科技革命作为国家科技发展的重大战略，坚持通过有为政府和有效市场的有机结合来促进绿色低碳科技革命。三是中国始终坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，坚持将满足人民群众的美好生活需要作为能源革命和气候治理的价值支点，创造了“光伏扶贫”“风电扶贫”等生态共享的宝贵经验，坚持让全体人民共享能源革命和气候治理的成果。四是中国始终坚持按照社会主义的国际主义精神参与全球气候治理，坚持倡导和践行共同但有区别责任的原则、公平原则、各自能力原则，坚持按照人类命运共同体理念来推动构建气候命运共同体和能源命运共同体，大力帮助第三世界国家人民摆脱能源贫困，大力帮助第三世界国家人民实现绿色低碳发展。因此，一些气候科学家将视线从美国转向中国，将中国视为“领导应对气候变化的主要希望”。在实质上，这就意味着社会主义代表着低碳社会的希望。

3. Moving Towards a Communist "Zero-Carbon Society"

3.迈向共产主义“零碳社会”

On the basis of achieving the goals of carbon peak and carbon neutrality, humanity must also achieve the goal of "zero carbon" and build a "zero-carbon society." In a strict scientific sense, it is impossible for humanity to completely achieve zero carbon, let alone negative carbon. Complete zero carbon and negative carbon would mean the Earth entering an ice age, and humanity would encounter other calamities. However, from the perspective of an ideal future vision, we can set the "zero-carbon society" as our goal. From an energy foundation perspective, a zero-carbon society is a social form built on the basis of solar energy. Solar energy is a clean, renewable energy source and a non-carbon-based energy source. Currently, not only environmentalism and ecologism have proposed technological visions for the solar age, but Marxists and socialists have also proposed social visions for a solar revolution. In fact, Marx and Engels had long since viewed the problem of metabolic rift from the perspective of open-system thermodynamics. As Engels observed in 1882, "What man does through labor is conscious, while what plants do is unconscious. Plants are huge absorbers and storers of transformed solar heat, which has been well known for a long time. Since labor can fix solar heat (which is by no means always possible in industry and other sectors), man, through his labor, can combine the natural functions of animals consuming energy and plants storing energy." Therefore, humanity must not "waste" fossil fuels related to "past solar energy," but should make good use of present solar energy.

在实现碳达峰碳中和目标的基础上，人类还必须实现“零碳”的目标，建设一个“零碳社会”。在严格的科学意义上，人类不可能完全实现零碳，更不可能实现负碳。完全零碳和负碳意味着地球将会进入冰期，人类会遭遇另外的灾祸。但从未来理想愿景的角度来说，我们可以将“零碳社会”确定为我们追求的目标。从能源基础来看，零碳社会是建立在太阳能基础上的社会形态。太阳能是清洁的可再生能源，是非碳基能源。现在，不仅环境主义和生态主义提出了太阳能时代的技术设想，而且马克思主义者和社会主义者也提出了太阳能革命的社会设想。其实，马克思恩格斯早已从开放系统热力学的角度来看待物质变换断裂的问题。正如恩格斯在1882年所观察到的那样，“人通过劳动所作的是有意识的，而植物所作的则是无意识的。植物是变换了形式的太阳热的巨大吸收体和贮藏体，这是早已尽人皆知的。既然劳动可以固定太阳热(这在工业和其他部门中绝不是时时都能做到的),所以，人通过自己的劳动能够把动物消耗能和植物贮藏能的天然机能结合起来”。因此，人类不能“浪费”与“过去的太阳能”有关的化石燃料，而且应很好地利用现在的太阳能。

The solar revolution requires not only new technologies but also new “social forms beyond capitalism,” achieving a fundamental transformation in production and consumption, life and work, gender relations, and the spatiotemporal organizational patterns of social life. First, public ownership must be established and perfected. In the climate game, there is a broad consensus on “market-based” approaches and the privatization of technology to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. In reality, aside from various biases, protecting commodified knowledge through private property rights leads to the underutilization of knowledge, reduces system operational efficiency, and slows the pace of innovation. In particular, “the atmosphere itself does not belong to emitters, but to all of humanity.” Solar energy even more so belongs to all of humanity. Marx pointed out that no one has the right to monopolize or exclusively enjoy the land. The same applies to the atmosphere and solar energy. Only on the basis of public ownership can the public domain nature of the atmosphere be guaranteed, and can solar energy become the common wealth of all humanity. Clearly, advancing the solar revolution inherently requires the abolition of private ownership, the realization of public ownership, and the march toward communism. Second, a people-centered value orientation must be upheld. In current Western societies, carbon policies lead to unemployment for workers in carbon-intensive industries, and the Green New Deal has yet to provide precise details on how to justly transition to jobs with equal pay. At the same time, there is no necessary connection between carbon pricing and energy; a shift from “emission rights” to “energy rights” is needed to safeguard the people’s energy rights and interests. Only by adhering to the unity of being for the people and relying on the people can imperialist rule be ended, a system of substantive equality for all and a classless society be established, the planet be protected, and future generations be benefited. Of course, only under the leadership of the Communist Party, with the historical subject role of the proletariat possessing highly scientific class consciousness and ecological civilization awareness, can we achieve this goal. In Volume III of *Capital*, Marx pointed out that associated producers will rationally regulate their metabolic interaction with nature. This should include the rational regulation of the relationship between humans and energy, and between humans and climate. Therefore, only by combining communism with solar energy and building a communist “zero-carbon society” can humanity achieve harmony between humans and climate. Of course, what is discussed here is the principle of social revolution for moving toward a “zero-carbon society,” not the technical pathway.

太阳能革命不仅需要新技术，而且还需要新的“超越资本主义的社会形态”(social forms beyond capitalism),实现生产和消费、生活和工作、性别关系以及社会生活的时空组织模式的根本转变。首先，必须建立和完善公有制。在气候博弈中，人们对“以市场为基础”和技术方法的私有化达成了很大程度的共识，以便减少全球温室气体的排放。其实，除了各种偏见之外，通过私有产权来保护商品化了的知识，会导致不能充分利用知识，降低系统的运行效率，减缓创新步伐。尤其是，“大气层本身并不属于排放者，而是属于整个人类”。太阳能更是属于全人类。马克思指出，谁都没有权利独占和独享土地。对待大气层和太阳能同样如此。只有在公有制的基础上，才能保证大气层的公共领域性质，才能保证太阳能成为全人类的共同财富。显然，推进太阳能革命内在地要求消灭私有制、实现公有制，走向共产主义。其次，必须坚持以人民为中心的价值取向。在目前的西方社会，碳政策会导致碳密集型行业的工人失业，绿色新政还没有提供如何公正地过渡到同等报酬工作的确切细节。同时，碳定价与能源之间并没有必然的联系，需要从“排放权”转向“能源权”,保障人民的能源权益。只有坚持为了人民和依靠人民的统一，才能结束帝国主义的统治，建立一种人人享有实质性平等的制度、一个无阶级社会，保护地球，造福子孙后代。当然，只有在共产党的领导下，发挥具有高度科学的阶级意识和生态文明意识的无产阶级的历史主体作用，我们才能实现这一目标。马克思在《资本论》第三卷中指出，联合起来的生产者将合理地调节他们与自然之间的物质变换。这应该包括合理调控人与能源、人与气候的关系。因此，只有将共产主义和太阳能结合起来，建设一个共产主义“零碳社会”,人类才能实现人与气候的和谐。当然，这里谈论的是迈向“零碳社会”的社会革命原则问题，而非技术路径问题。

In summary, only through the revolutionary transformation of the social form to establish a socialist low-carbon society and move toward a communist “zero-carbon society” can the climate crisis be eliminated and climate harmony be achieved. One cannot rely solely on tools such as carbon markets and carbon technologies, nor place hope in climate capitalism and climate imperialism. Today, the carbon peak and carbon neutrality proposed by socialist China serve as a bridge connecting reality and ideals. (Notes and references omitted)

总之，只有通过社会形态的革命转变来建立社会主义低碳社会和迈向共产主义“零碳社会”,才能消除气候危机、走向气候和谐，而不能单纯依赖碳市场和碳技术等工具，更不能将希望寄托在气候资本主义和气候帝国主义身上。今天，社会主义中国提出的碳达峰碳中和，是联结现实和理想的桥梁。（注释、参考文献略）

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑