A Review of China Studies in Spanish-Speaking Countries in 2021

On 1 July 2021,

2021年7月1日，习近平总书记庄严宣告：“经过全党全国各族人民持续奋斗，我们实现了第一个百年奋斗目标，在中华大地上全面建成了小康社会，历史性地解决了绝对贫困问题，正在意气风发向着全面建成社会主义现代化强国的第二个百年奋斗目标迈进。”这引发了拉美国家和西班牙社会各界对中国共产党百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的热议。在学术研究领域，关于中国问题的研究成果大量涌现，除了一直以来备受关注的传统汉学研究以及双边经贸关系的研究之外，关于中国内政外交政策的研究日益增多。从中可见，西语学者当前更倾向于探究中国经济奇迹背后的制度因素、思想因素和战略因素，以及中国推动的国际秩序变革为他们带来的机遇和挑战。本文立足一手西语文献，通过对2021年中国研究学者在主流西班牙语媒体上发表的评论文章、拉美国家智库和西班牙智库发布的中国研究报告以及伊比利亚美洲书刊网络（REDIB）中收录的中国研究相关主题的学术论文和著作进行整理和分析，总结了2021年西语国家关于中国研究的热点议题和主流观点，力求勾勒出西语学者关于中国研究的脉络。

I. Hot Topics and Main Perspectives in China Studies in Spanish-Language Countries

一、西语国家中国研究关注的热点议题及主要观点

In 2021, the themes of China studies in Spanish-language countries were relatively diverse. Overall, research was relatively concentrated on topics such as Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the major achievements and historical experience of the centenary struggle of the Communist Party of China, China’s global strategy, and China’s experience in epidemic prevention and control.

2021年，西语国家中国研究关注的主题较为多元。整体来看，关于习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想、中国共产党百年奋斗的重大成就和历史经验、中国的全球战略、中国的抗疫经验等主题的研究相对较为集中。

(I) Research on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era

（一）关于习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的研究

Many Spanish-language scholars use expressions such as “the third leap” and “the third period of history” to summarize the New Era opened by Xi Jinping. Former Cuban diplomat José Luis Robaina believes that the Xi Jinping era

不少西语学者用“第三次飞跃”、“第三段历史”等表述来概括习近平开启的中国新时代。前古巴驻华外交官何塞·路易斯·罗瓦伊纳（José Luis Robaina）认为，习近平时代是中国在继毛泽东时代和邓小平时代之后实现的第三次飞跃。无独有偶，西班牙中国政策观察网主任胡里奥·里奥斯（Xulio Ríos）、阿根廷萨尔瓦多大学中国研究系主任马豪恩(Jorge Malena)等也将新中国历史分为三个时期。他们认为，新中国的第一段历史是由毛泽东开启的，他领导了社会主义革命和建设；第二段历史是由邓小平开启的，他开启了改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，引导中国迈出了走向经济强国的第一步；第三段历史由习近平开启，他打击腐败、刺激国内消费、引领技术创新，领导中国发展成为具有重要国际影响力的大国。

Some Spanish-language scholars are very attentive to the inheritance and development of the excellent traditional Chinese culture within Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Ruvislei González Saez, director of the Asia-Oceania Department of the Cuban International Political Research Center, believes that the proposal of "remaining true to our original aspiration" (不忘初心) is closely related to the desire to redefine Chinese identity. A century after introducing Marxism-Leninism to seek modernization, the CPC leadership considers it necessary to re-protect its traditions, culture, philosophy, customs, and the values that have defined Chinese identity for centuries. Ríos, for his part, highly praises China's integration and balance of Eastern and Western cultures — Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era deeply excavates the essence of excellent traditional Chinese culture and highlights the importance of Chinese national elements. However, the initiative of "remaining true to our original aspiration" does not fall into the trap of narrow, isolated, or conservative nationalism; it both emphasizes the importance of classical thought, reaffirms Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, and takes into account the dominant concepts of Western theory. To a certain extent, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era achieves better results by embodying a Chinese-style interpretation through the integration of historical tradition and contemporary ideology.

一些西语学者非常关注习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想对中华优秀传统文化的继承和发扬。古巴国际政治研究中心亚洲大洋洲室主任卢维斯雷·冈萨雷斯·塞斯（Ruvislei González Saez)认为，“不忘初心”的提出与重新定义中国人身份的愿望密切相关。在引入马克思列宁主义来寻求现代化的一个世纪后，中共领导层认为需要重新保护其传统、文化、哲学、习俗，以及几个世纪以来确立中国人身份的价值观。里奥斯则对中国的东西文化融合和平衡给予很高评价——习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想深入挖掘了中华优秀传统文化精髓，突出了中华民族要素的重要性。但是“不忘初心”的倡议并没有跌入狭隘、孤立、保守的民族主义窠臼，它既强调古典思想的重要性，重申马克思主义和毛泽东思想，又兼顾西方理论中的主导概念。在一定程度上，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是通过历史传统与当代意识形态的融合体现中国式的解读，从而取得了更好的效果。

(II) Research on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the CPC's Century-Long Struggle

（二）关于中国共产党百年奋斗的重大成就和历史经验的研究

In 2021, the CPC celebrated its centenary. Major Latin American newspapers such as Cuba's *Granma*, Argentina's *Tiempo Argentino*, and Chile's *La Tercera* planned and published special articles on the CPC's century of glorious history. Think tanks and scholars in Spanish-speaking countries dedicated to Chinese studies published numerous commentary articles and monographs on related themes. Among the more influential and representative works are: Ríos's book *La Metamorfosis del Comunismo en China. Una Historia del PCCh: 1921-2021* (The Metamorphosis of Communism in China: A History of the CPC: 1921-2021) and his series of articles such as "The CPC: A Century of Constant Adaptation" and "The Century of the CPC"; the book *El Centenario del PCCh 1921-2021* (The Centenary of the CPC 1921-2021) published by the Venezuelan China Studies Association of the University of the Andes; the article "The Great Centenary Undertaking of China" published by the International Political Research Center of the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the book *China: Democracia, Representación Política y Legitimidad Social. Balance a 100 años de la Fundación del PCCh* (China: Democracy, Political Representation and Social Legitimacy: An Assessment at 100 Years of the Founding of the CPC) edited by Juan Cruz Campagna, a scholar from the Department of International Studies at the National University of Argentina; and the book *La Apertura del Futuro con la Historia como Espejo. Un Siglo del Partido Comunista de China* (Opening the Future with History as a Mirror: A Century of the Communist Party of China) edited by Marcelo Fabián Rodríguez, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Argentina and editor-in-chief of the Argentine journal *Marxist Studies*.

2021年，中国共产党迎来百年华诞。古巴《格拉玛报》、阿根廷《时代报》、智利《三点钟报》等拉美主流报纸纷纷策划刊发关于中国共产党百年辉煌历程的专题文章。致力于中国研究的西语国家智库和学者发表了大量相关主题的评论文章和专著，其中比较有影响力和代表性的作品包括：里奥斯的《共产主义在中国的巨变：中国共产党历史1921—2021》（La Metamorfosis del Comunismo en China. Una Historia del PCCh: 1921-2021）一书以及《中国共产党：不断适应的一个世纪》、《中国共产党的世纪》等系列文章；安第斯大学委内瑞拉中国研究会出版的《中国共产党百年（1921—2021）》（El Centenario del PCCh 1921-2021）一书；古巴外交部国际政治研究中心发表的文章《中华百年大业》；阿根廷国会大学国际研究系学者胡安·克鲁斯·坎帕格纳（Juan Cruz Campagna）主编的《中国：民主、政治代表和社会合法性——中国共产党百年历程研究》(China:Democracia, Representación Política y Legitimidad Social. Balance a 100 a?os de la Fundación del PCCh)一书；阿根廷共产党中央政治局委员、阿根廷《马克思主义研究》期刊主编马塞洛·法比安·罗德里格斯(Marcelo Fabián Rodríguez)主编的《面向未来以史为鉴：中国共产党的百年历程》(La Apertura del Futuro con la Historia como Espejo. Un Siglo del Partido Comunista de China)一书等。

Ríos concluded that the Chinese Communist Party is the sum of a series of additions. The Chinese Communist Party has never abandoned its original aspiration and founding mission. He believes that the history of the Chinese Communist Party is, to a large extent, the history of China over the past century. Without studying the history of the Chinese Communist Party, it is impossible to understand and comprehend today’s China. Adrián Foncillas, a correspondent in China for the Catalan daily newspaper focused on reporting on China, believes that the hundred-year history of the Chinese Communist Party exceeds the general understanding of Westerners. In the view of such people, Marxism originating from Germany seems difficult to take root on China’s agriculturalized land. Yet over the past century, the Chinese Communist Party has withstood various major challenges, grown increasingly strong through long and arduous struggle, and remains vibrant to this day. Felix Valdivieso, director of the China Center at IE University in Spain, likened the history of the Chinese Communist Party to an epic, arguing that under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, China has become a completely renewed China, having completed its self-remodeling. Gustavo Ng, editor-in-chief of the Argentine magazine *Contemporary* and a researcher at the University of the Congress, believes that the most important governing foundation of the Chinese Communist Party is to have reunited the Chinese people, overcome the long-term crisis since the mid-19th century, and led China to develop into a powerful country respected by the international community. Over the past century, the Chinese Communist Party has led three liberation struggles: through the anti-imperialist struggle, it liberated the Chinese people from the hands of European powers and Japan, enhancing the Chinese people’s national pride; through land reform, it liberated the Chinese people from the hands of feudal forces; and now, liberating the Chinese people from poverty is the third liberation led by the Chinese Communist Party.

里奥斯总结道，中国共产党是一系列加法的总和。一直以来，中国共产党都没有放弃自己的初心。他认为，中国共产党的历史在很大程度上就是中国近百年来的历史。不研究中国共产党的历史，就不可能认识和理解今天的中国。专注于中国问题报道的加泰罗尼亚日报驻华记者阿德里安·丰西亚斯（Adrián Foncillas）认为，中国共产党的百年历史超出了西方人的一般认知。在这部分人看来，源自德国的马克思主义似乎很难在农业化的中国大地上扎根。然而百年来，中国共产党经受住了各种重大挑战，在长期艰苦的斗争中变得日益强大，至今依然生机勃勃。西班牙IE大学中国研究中心主任唐梦龙（Felix Valdivieso）则将中国共产党的历史比喻为一段史诗，认为在中国共产党的领导下，中国已成为一个焕然一新的中国，完成了自我重塑。阿根廷《当代》杂志主编、国会大学研究员伍志伟（Gustavo Ng）认为，中国共产党最重要的执政基础就是让中国人民重新团结起来，战胜了19世纪中叶以来的长时段危机，并领导中国发展成为受到国际社会尊重的强国。百年来，中国共产党领导了三次解放斗争：通过反帝斗争，将中国人民从欧洲列强和日本的手中解放出来，增强了中国人民的民族自豪感；通过土地改革，将中国人民从封建势力手中解放出来；如今，将中国人民从贫困中解放出来，是中国共产党领导的第三次解放。

In his speech at the ceremony marking the centenary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping stated: “The era in which the Chinese nation

习近平在庆祝中国共产党成立100周年大会上的讲话中提到：“中华民族任人宰割、饱受欺凌的时代一去不复返了”。这句话在曾经长期遭受殖民的拉美国家中产生了强烈共鸣。一些西语国家的学者对中西方进行了对比研究。阿根廷国会大学国际研究系学者坎帕格纳强调，中国是唯一一个没有通过侵略、殖民、发动对外战争而成为世界强国的国家。阿根廷地缘政治研究所所长鲁文·达里奥·古塞蒂（Rubén Darío Guzzetti）指出，放眼世界，西方大国陷入一片混乱，中国却如嘈杂中的清音，示人以希望与美好。在当前的国际形势下，以发达国家为主的反人类行为与中国共产党领导中国所取得的巨大成就形成了鲜明的对比。阿根廷拉普拉塔国立大学国际关系学院中国研究中心主任司芙兰（María Francesca Staiano）也分析了中国的现实与西方世界的鲜明对比。她指出，中国共产党牢记中国人民曾经历的苦难，不断地工作、学习、进步，永不停息，努力实现崇高目标和国际社会普遍认可的共同价值观——平等、消除贫困、完善社会权利、小康国家、环境保护、社会可达性和流动性。相反，当今西方沉迷于单极或双极的静态体系中，病态地理解新自由主义、财富的过度积累、财富的金融化、工作剥削、长期失业等概念，以解释西方国家国内、国际政治面临的问题，包括公民受自由秩序主义势力的奴役、公民仅仅是消费者、公民变成政治的旁观者、傀儡民主、人民在思想窒息的情况下缺乏任何改革的动力等。

Many Spanish-language scholars, while fully affirming the centennial brilliant achievements of the Communist Party of China, also attempt to analyze the experience behind the CPC’s success. Their views can be summarized mainly in the following points.

许多西语学者在充分肯定中国共产党百年辉煌成就的同时，还试图分析中国共产党取得成功的经验，他们的观点主要可以归纳为以下几点。

First, the CPC continuously advances the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context, carrying out theoretical innovation on the basis of maintaining ideological continuity. Given that Latin American politics often falls into “pendulum-like” fluctuations, Latin American scholars highly commend the continuity of China’s ideology. Patricio Giusto, Executive Director of the Argentina-China Strategic Cooperation Observation Network, proposes that Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era are all achievements that CPC leaders have made by faithfully defending the legacy inherited from their predecessors while continuously progressing through their own contributions and experience. Ríos likens the CPC’s century-long journey to a clear continuous line, through which the ideal of leading the Chinese nation runs, providing the main driving force for China’s development. Raúl Ramírez, Professor of Contemporary History at King Juan Carlos University in Spain, emphasizes that the CPC strives to continuously adapt Marxism to China’s national conditions, promoting the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context so that Marxist theory fits China’s realities. Sáez also highly affirms the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, which is based on Marxism.

第一，中国共产党不断推动马克思主义中国化，在保持意识形态连续性的基础上进行理论创新。鉴于拉美国家政治常常陷入“钟摆式”波动，拉美学者对中国意识形态的连续性给予高度评价。阿根廷中阿战略合作观察网执行主任帕特里西奥·朱斯托（Patricio Giusto）提出，毛泽东思想、邓小平理论以及习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想都是中国共产党领导人在忠实捍卫从前人那里获得的遗产的基础上，通过自己的贡献和经验不断进步取得的成果。里奥斯将中国共产党走过的百年比喻成一条清晰的连续线，它引领中华民族的理想贯穿其中，为中国发展提供了主要推动力。西班牙胡安卡洛斯国王大学当代史教授劳尔·拉米雷斯（Raúl Ramírez）强调，中国共产党努力让马克思主义不断适应中国国情，推动马克思主义中国化，使马克思主义理论适应中国国情。塞斯也高度肯定了基于马克思主义的中国特色社会主义理论。

Second, the CPC possesses a strong capacity for adaptation. In the 1960s, when Spanish-language scholars studied Mao Zedong Thought, they attempted to explore its origins through the lens of “utopianism.” Romer Cornejo, Professor of Contemporary Chinese History at the Center for Asian and African Studies of El Colegio de México, once pointed out in his article “China’s Utopia and Its Boundaries” that the CPC absorbed the Marxist concept of a communist utopia. However, history has proven that it is precisely the CPC’s pragmatism and adaptability that have turned the “utopia” once doubted by Latin American scholars into reality. As Ramírez states, the CPC has transformed into a managerial political party centered on the well-being of the people, rather than merely an ideological party with utopian ideals. Sáez believes that throughout its century-long history, the CPC has continuously adapted to the historical realities of each moment, knowing how to make necessary transformations and adjust its direction in a timely manner. This requires both a change in mindset and concrete actions. In this process, CPC members have faced no shortage of enormous challenges, but they have always striven toward the direction of medium- and long-term visionary planning. This reflects both the strategic focus of the CPC leadership and their confidence in firmly embracing opportunities despite challenges and contradictions. The CPC repeatedly emphasizes that the socio-economic development model of any country should not remain unchanged but must be adjusted according to the actual conditions of the historical moment in which it finds itself. Therefore, through the formulation and implementation of a series of policies, the CPC resolutely develops the productive forces, promotes the establishment of a modern industrial system, and optimizes the economic model. Focusing on the contemporary period, Ríos believes that today, a century after the Party’s founding, the CPC is still driving major transformations: on the one hand, under the influence of introspective thinking, it reintegrates the spirit of the rule of law into political life, promoting the continuous renewal and improvement of institutions; on the other hand, it highlights the importance of Marxist ideology, emphasizing the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission.

第二，中国共产党具有很强的调适能力。1960年代，西语学者研究毛泽东思想时，试图从“乌托邦主义论”来探索毛泽东思想的起源。墨西哥学院亚非研究中心中国当代史教授罗梅尔·科尔内霍（Romer Cornejo）曾在《中国的乌托邦及其边界》一文中指出，中国共产党吸收了马克思主义中关于共产主义乌托邦的观念。然而，历史证明，正是中国共产党的务实性和调适性使得拉美学者曾经怀疑的“乌托邦”变成了现实。正如拉米雷斯所言，中国共产党已经变成一个以人民福祉为中心的管理型政党，而不是仅有乌托邦理想的意识形态政党。塞斯认为，在其百年历史中，中国共产党一直在适应每一刻的历史现实，知道如何进行必要的转变，适时调整方向，这既需要改变心态，还必须付诸具体行动。在此过程中，中国共产党人不乏面临巨大挑战，但是始终向着中长期远景规划的方向努力。这既体现了中国共产党领导层的战略聚焦，也展现了他们不畏挑战和矛盾，坚定拥抱机遇的信心。中国共产党反复强调，任何国家的社会经济发展模式不应一成不变，而须根据其所处的历史时刻的实际情况进行调整。因此，中国共产党通过制定和实施一系列政策，坚定发展生产力，推动建立现代产业体系，优化经济模式。聚焦于当代，里奥斯则认为，在建党百年后的今天，中国共产党依然在推动重大转变：一方面，在内省思维的影响下，将法治精神重新融入政治生活中，推动制度的不断更新和完善；另一方面，突出马克思主义意识形态的重要性，强调建党的初心和使命。

Third, the Communist Party of China has a rigorous system for selecting the worthy. The CPC draws on the essence of the ancient imperial examination system to promote the formation of a merit-based civil service system that meets the demands of the times. Ramírez speaks highly of China’s civil service system. He points out that China is not an aristocracy but has established an examination system that recruits the most capable people through competitive exams. Campagna, for his part, argues that CPC members are subject to a series of selection criteria that may be the most exacting conditions in the world. The “ladder” of promotion for Party leaders is also very strict: they must possess rich managerial experience, have participated in a series of training programs, and demonstrate strong personal ability, combining theoretical competence with practical experience, as well as formidable adaptability and responsiveness. Giusto emphasizes that in China, people place great value on performance and collective effort, something Westerners find hard to understand. When task targets cannot be met within the stipulated time frame, the responsible officials are punished; officials with outstanding work performance often stand out and are given important posts. Isidre Ambrós, former China correspondent for the Spanish newspaper *La Vanguardia*, concluded from his observations that in the New Era, when Chinese youth see their country’s global influence steadily rising, they develop a strong sense of national pride and more actively seek to join the CPC, the political organization that makes the nation great.

第三，中国共产党拥有标准严格的选贤制度。中国共产党汲取古代科举制度中的精华，推动形成了符合时代要求的精英公务员制度。拉米雷斯高度评价中国的公务员制度。他指出，中国不是贵族治国，而是建立了一套考试制度，通过竞争性考试招募最有能力的人。坎帕格纳则认为，中国共产党党员有一系列选拔标准，可能是世界上最苛刻的条件。党的领导人的晋升“阶梯”同样非常严格，需要拥有丰富的管理经验，参与过一系列培训，还要具备很强的个人能力，既要有理论水平也要有实操经验，更要有强大的适应能力和应对能力。朱斯托强调，在中国，人民很看重绩效和集体努力，这是西方人难以理解的。当无法在规定期限内完成任务目标时，负责的官员会受到惩罚；而工作业绩突出的官员往往会脱颖而出，得到重用。曾任西班牙《先锋报》驻华记者的伊西德雷·安布罗斯（Isidre Ambrós）经过观察得出结论，在新时代，中国青年看到自己国家的全球影响力不断提升时，会产生强烈的民族自豪感，更加积极地争取加入中国共产党这个让国家变得伟大的政治团体。

Fourth, the CPC possesses exceptionally high governance efficiency. Giusto believes that the CPC methodically formulates rigorous five-year plans, including feasible concrete targets and very detailed timelines, and generally enforces them strictly—this is the fundamental guarantee of the CPC’s governance efficiency. Ríos argues that since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [n2], the CPC has further strengthened Party leadership in all areas, especially the economy. Taking digital governance as an example, the CPC has punished abuses of power and corruption by companies that monopolize markets and control user data, achieving positive results. The problem of corporate monopoly is a common challenge for governments worldwide; some Western governments have also attempted to address it—for instance, the United States and the European Union have both expressed willingness to punish giants like Google, Amazon, and Facebook, but without success. By contrast, China has once again demonstrated its exceptionally high governance efficiency.

第四，中国共产党具有超高的治理效率。朱斯托认为，中国共产党有条不紊地制定严谨的五年规划，包括具有可行性的具体目标以及非常详细的期限，并且通常会严格执行，这是中国共产党实现治理效率的根本保障。里奥斯提出，中共十八大以来，中国共产党进一步加强了党对各个领域的领导，特别是经济领域。以数字治理为例，中国共产党处罚了垄断市场并掌控用户数据的公司的滥用职权和腐败行为，取得了积极成效。企业垄断问题是世界各国政府面临的共同问题，一些西方政府也曾尝试进行整治，比如美国和欧盟都曾表现出惩戒谷歌、亚马逊、脸书等巨头的意愿，但都没有成功。相比之下，中国再一次展示了其超高的治理效率。

Fifth, the CPC implements development-oriented social cohesion policies, constructing an intangible but solid triangular relationship among the Party, the state, and the people. Sáez argues that although not all Chinese people are CPC members, the CPC is the dominant force in Chinese society and is capable of integrating society at both the economic and cultural levels. Except for hostile elements and saboteurs, uniting all forces that can be united is a glorious tradition of the CPC. The Party is not only the maker of state policies but also the backbone that maintains social cohesion and the leading force that unites all forces that can be united at home and abroad in the struggle to build a great socialist China. Tang Menglong believes that it is precisely the power inherent in traditional Chinese culture that enables the CPC to continuously reconcile the interests of all parties, combine market interests with the public interest, and transform this into centripetal force to accelerate the pace of development. This social policy that combines public and individual interests is in turn coordinated with the state’s long-term planning and goals, enabling the country to advance in a single direction.

第五，中国共产党以发展为导向实施社会凝聚政策，建构无形但牢固的党、国家与人民的三角关系。塞斯认为，虽然并非所有中国人都是中国共产党党员，但是中国共产党是中国社会的主导力量，有能力在经济和文化层面整合社会。除敌对分子和破坏分子外，团结一切可以团结的力量是中国共产党的光荣传统。党不仅仅是国家政策的制定者，更是维系社会团结的中坚力量，是团结国内外一切可以团结的力量、为建设伟大的社会主义中国而奋斗的领导力量。唐梦龙认为，正是中国传统文化蕴含的力量，使得中国共产党不断调和各方利益，将市场利益与公共利益结合起来，并将其转化为向心力，加快发展步伐。这种公共利益与个人利益相结合的社会政策反过来又与国家长期规划和目标相协调，使国家能够朝着一个方向前进。

(III) Research on China’s Experience in Fighting the Epidemic

（三）关于中国抗疫经验的研究

In 2021, Latin American scholars paid greater attention to and more positively affirmed China’s performance in fighting the epidemic. As Rodríguez puts it, at a time when the world was caught in the public health crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was precisely the moment when socialist values were fully demonstrated. China’s outstanding epidemic-fighting work made it a model of rapid response, strong organization, and united cooperation. The effectiveness of China’s epidemic control and its concern for and attention to the people demonstrated humanitarian spirit and socialist values to the world.

2021年，拉美学者更加关注和肯定中国的抗疫表现。正如罗德里格斯所说，当全球陷入新冠肺炎疫情公共卫生危机之际，正是社会主义价值观得到充分彰显之时。中国出色的抗疫工作使其成为反应迅速、组织有力和团结协作的典范。中国取得的抗疫成效以及对人民群众的关心和重视，向全世界展示了人道主义精神和社会主义价值观。

Many Spanish-language scholars believe that after the outbreak of the epidemic, China’s assistance of vaccines to many developing countries fully reflected its sense of responsibility and further consolidated and expanded China’s international influence. Carla Oliva, professor at the Center for International Political and Economic Studies of the National University of Rosario in Spain and coordinator of the Argentina China Study Group, stated that China is one of the few countries in the world with advanced laboratory capabilities, and its vaccine assistance fully demonstrated China’s scientific research capacity in the field of biomedical technology. China thereby also successfully expanded its influence over countries outside the reach of American and European aid. When Mexican President López Obrador sought vaccine support from the U.S. government to promote health stability and security in North America, the United States refused to share vaccines with Mexico or other neighboring countries. However, when Mexico turned to the Chinese government for help, the Chinese government quickly agreed and delivered vaccines to the Mexican government in a timely manner. At the same time, as unaccompanied Mexican minors arrived at the U.S. border and the immigration crisis reached new heights, the United States had to approve the shipment of AstraZeneca vaccines to Mexico. In addition, China donated medical equipment, cash, and vaccines to the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, and other countries, which contributed to Latin American countries’ identification of China as a responsible actor. Daniel Lemus-Delgado, professor at the Monterrey Institute of Technology in Mexico, analyzed that although the outbreak of the epidemic pushed China’s foreign policy toward a more assertive direction, China’s vaccine assistance was not aimed at dominating the world. At present, China’s foreign policy has a broader dimension, focusing more on consolidating the vision of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

不少西语学者认为，在疫情发生后，中国向许多发展中国家援助疫苗，充分体现了中国的责任担当意识，也进一步巩固和扩大了中国的国际影响力。西班牙国立罗萨里奥大学国际政治和经济研究中心教授、阿根廷中国研究小组协调员卡拉·奥利瓦（Carla Oliva）表示，中国是世界上为数不多的具有先进实验室水平的国家，疫苗援助充分展现了中国在生物医药技术领域的科研能力。中国也由此成功地扩大了其对处于美国和欧洲援助范围之外的国家的影响力。墨西哥总统洛佩斯向美国政府寻求疫苗支持，以促进北美地区健康稳定和安全时，美国拒绝与墨西哥或其他邻国共享疫苗。然而，当墨西哥向中国政府求助时，中国政府迅速答应，并及时将疫苗交付墨西哥政府。与此同时，随着无人陪伴的墨西哥未成年人抵达美国边境，移民危机达到了新高度，美国不得不批准向墨西哥运送阿斯利康疫苗。此外，中国还向多米尼加共和国、萨尔瓦多等国捐赠了医疗设备、现金和疫苗，这促成了拉美各国对中国负责任行为体的身份认定。墨西哥蒙特雷理工学院教授丹尼尔·莱穆斯-德尔加多（Daniel Lemus-Delgado）分析指出，虽然疫情的暴发推动了中国外交政策向更为积极进取的方向转变，但是中国的疫苗援助并不是出于称霸世界的目的。当前，中国的外交政策具有更广泛的维度，更侧重于巩固中华民族伟大复兴的愿景。

(IV) Research on Sino-U.S. Relations and the International Landscape

（四）关于中美关系与国际格局的研究

The changes in Sino-U.S. relations and the international landscape are undoubtedly a focus of global attention and have also received widespread attention from Spanish-language scholars. Scholars in Spanish-language countries generally believe that China and the United States have entered an era of comprehensive strategic competition. Overall, they argue that the United States and China are the main players in today’s global geostrategic landscape, possessing the strongest comprehensive national power, capable of exercising power across borders and altering the geopolitical status quo; therefore, the direction of Sino-U.S. relations will directly affect the direction of change in the international order.

中美关系与国际格局的变化无疑是当今世界关注的焦点，也受到西语学者的广泛关注。西语国家的学者普遍认为中美进入了全面战略竞争的时代。整体而言，他们认为美国和中国是当今全球地缘战略的主要参与者，拥有最强大的综合实力，可以超越国界行使权力并改变地缘政治的现状，因此中美关系的走向将直接影响国际秩序的变化方向。

Some scholars explain the restructuring of the international landscape from the perspective of culture and institutions. For example, Carlos Rafael Britto Londoño, professor at the War College of Colombia, states that unlike in the past, the current transformation of the international system reflects a crisis of civilization in the Western path. Fabián Bosoer, professor at the National University of Tres de Febrero in Argentina, argues that after the third wave of democratization defined by Huntington (1974–1990) and the fourth wave of democratization (the first two decades of the 21st century) marked by social mobilization for rights, many indicators show that Western democracy has entered a cycle of regression or decline. This trend is reflected not only in mature democracies but also affects newly established democratic systems in emerging countries. The liberal-dominated international order is falling into an irreversible deep crisis. China has become a force seeking to reshape the world. China’s positioning as a world power is reflected not only in economic and geopolitical terms but also in ideology, soft power, and culture.

一些学者从文化和制度的层面阐释国际格局的重构问题。例如，哥伦比亚战争高级学院教授卡洛斯·拉斐尔·布里托·隆多尼奥（Carlos Rafael Britto Londo?o）表示，同以往不同，当前国际体系的转型是西方道路遭遇文明危机的体现。阿根廷二月三日国立大学教授法比安·博索尔（Fabián Bosoer）认为，在由亨廷顿定义的第三波民主化浪潮（1974—1990年）以及以争取权利的社会动员为标志的第四波民主化浪潮（21 世纪前20年）之后，很多指标显示西方民主已经进入倒退或衰退的周期，这种趋势不仅反映在成熟的民主国家，也影响到初建民主体制的新兴国家。以自由主义为主导的国际秩序正在陷入不可逆转的深刻危机之中。中国已成为寻求重塑世界的力量。中国作为世界强国的定位不仅体现在经济和地缘政治方面，在意识形态、软实力和文化方面也是如此。

Many scholars have explored the extent to which China can play a role in the restructuring of the international格局, and their opinions are not uniform. Eugenio Anguiano Roch, a Mexican expert on China studies and former ambassador to China, argued from a geopolitical perspective that the world格局 is being reshaped under the respective impetus of China and the United States. The United States, besides seeking to reclaim its influence in Latin America, East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Africa, will also strengthen its leadership of NATO. China, based on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, may strengthen ties with Russia and Central Asian countries. If these centripetal forces are consolidated, the world economic and political order will enter a new bipolar era. Pablo Pareja Alcaraz, a professor at Pompeu Fabra University in Spain, holds a different view, arguing that due to the influence of uncertain factors, future development trends remain unclear. He points out that it is premature to draw conclusions about the evolutionary trend of the liberal international order. Like other international actors, China is also navigating this sea of uncertainty. However, unlike many countries, China must decide whether to take the helm or, conversely, whether it prefers to postpone this decision to some future moment, waiting for more favorable winds to blow.

不少学者探讨中国在国际格局重构过程中发挥的作用能够达到何种程度，他们的意见并不统一。墨西哥中国问题研究专家、前驻华大使欧亨尼奥·安吉亚诺·罗奇（Eugenio Anguiano Roch）从地缘政治的角度出发，提出在中国和美国的分别推动下，世界格局正在重组。美国除了想要重新夺回在拉美、东亚、东南亚以及非洲的影响力之外，还会加强对北约的领导。中国则以上海合作组织为基础，有可能与俄罗斯和中亚国家加强联系。如果这些向心力得到巩固，世界经济和政治秩序将进入一个新的两极时代。西班牙庞贝法布拉大学教授巴布洛·帕雷哈·阿尔卡拉斯（Pablo Pareja Alcaraz）则持不同观点，认为受不确定因素的影响，未来的发展趋势尚不明确。他指出，现在为自由主义国际秩序的演变趋势下论断为时过早。同其他国际行为体一样，中国也在这片不确定的海洋中航行。然而，同许多国家不同的是，中国必须决定是否要掌舵，或者相反，是否更愿意将这个决定推迟到未来的某个时刻，等待更多顺风吹来。

Although there are differences of opinion on certain judgments, many scholars believe that competition and friction between China and the United States will be difficult to end in the short term. As Osvaldo Rosales, Director of the International Trade and Integration Division of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, stated, Biden's industrial policy legislation is comparable to a "moonshot," dubbed the "China Project" by the US media, and represents the largest investment in US history in decades. It will do everything possible to prevent China's progress in high technologies such as 5G networks, artificial intelligence, and robotics. China has responded by "creating a new development pattern with domestic circulation as the mainstay and domestic and international circulations reinforcing each other," further emphasizing domestic innovation and development. Mariano Treacy, a professor at the National University of General Sarmiento in Argentina, believes that the five-year plan is a long-term plan with coherence and continuity led by the Communist Party of China, and China will continue to maintain policy stability as always, continue its pragmatic economic policy of opening up to the outside world, and play an increasingly important role on the international stage.

尽管对某些方面的判断存在意见分歧，但是许多学者都认为，中美之间的竞争和摩擦短期内很难结束。正如联合国拉丁美洲经济委员会国际贸易和一体化部主任奥斯瓦尔多·罗萨莱斯(Osvaldo Rosales)所述，拜登的产业政策立法堪比“登月之旅”，被美国媒体称为“中国工程”，是数几十年来美国历史上最大的投入。它将千方百计阻止中国在5G 网络、人工智能、机器人技术等高技术方面的进步。中国以“构建以国内大循环为主体、国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局”作为回应，进一步强调国内的创新发展。阿根廷萨米恩托将军国立大学教授马里亚诺·特里西（Mariano Treacy）认为，五年规划是由中国共产党领导的具有连贯性和延续性的长期规划，中国还将一如既往地保持政策的稳定性，继续保持对外开放的务实经济政策，在国际舞台上发挥越来越大的作用。

Faced with the new situation of changes in Sino-US relations and the restructuring of the international格局, some scholars have seen more of the opportunities China brings to developing countries. Seth [n] believes that the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank established by China differs from traditional international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, providing a new choice for building new financial relations. The Chinese approach differs from the traditional financial and economic policies implemented by Western powers, focusing on cooperation that shares advantages, which will benefit all parties. Javier Vadell, a professor of international relations at the Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais in Brazil, also believes that for more and more developing countries, China has become their largest trading partner, debt holder, and investor. China can become an unprecedented, long-term, and inclusive strategic development partner for Latin America and the Caribbean.

面对中美关系变化与国际格局重构的新形势，部分学者更多地看到了中国为发展中国家带来的机遇。塞斯认为，中国创建的亚洲基础设施投资银行不同于世界银行、国际货币基金组织等传统国际金融机构，为构建新型金融关系提供了新选择。中国方案不同于西方大国实行的传统金融和经济政策，专注于优势共享的合作，这会令各方从中受益。巴西米纳斯吉拉斯天主教大学国际关系教授雅维耶·巴德利(Javier Vadell)也认为，对越来越多的发展中国家而言，中国已经成为他们最大的贸易伙伴、债务持有者和投资者。中国可以成为拉美和加勒比地区的一个前所未有的、长期性的、包容性的发展战略合作伙伴。

II. Characteristics and Causal Analysis of China Studies in Spanish-Speaking Countries

二、西语国家中国研究的特点和成因分析

By reviewing the topics and viewpoints of China studies by Spanish-speaking scholars in 2021, it can be seen that Spanish-speaking scholars generally hold a relatively positive attitude towards China's governance concepts and policy practices, showing great interest and enthusiasm for the Chinese path and the Chinese approach. This research characteristic is particularly evident among left-wing progressive scholars in Latin America. The reasons for this can mainly be analyzed from the following aspects.

通过对2021年西语学者的中国研究议题和观点的梳理可以看出，西语学者整体对中国的执政理念和政策实践持相对积极的态度，对中国道路和中国方案表现出极大兴趣和热情，这一研究特点在拉丁美洲左翼进步学者的身上体现得尤其明显。究其原因，主要可以从以下几个方面进行分析。

(I) Some Spanish-speaking countries have fallen into a crisis of democratic politics

（一）一些西语国家陷入了民主政治危机

Before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, many Latin American countries had already experienced large-scale social unrest and a deterioration of the political ecosystem. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the combined effects of changes unseen in a century and the pandemic of the century have had a comprehensive impact on Latin American countries. The democratic systems of Latin American countries lack the capacity to resolve political and social difficulties, leading to party fragmentation, vicious competition, and highly polarized parliaments, making it difficult to reach consensus and implement national governance policies. Consequently, public dissatisfaction with the current democratic system has increased, and a crisis of distrust has spread. According to the 2021 Latinobarómetro survey, only 25% of Latin American citizens are satisfied with the current democratic system. From 2010 to 2020, the proportion of people supporting the current democratic system decreased by 14 percentage points. Among them, 60% of Argentine citizens believe that their country's democratic system has huge problems, and this statistic also exceeds 50% in Peru, Ecuador, Chile, and Colombia. It can be said that Latin America has become one of the regions most dissatisfied with the current democratic system. Therefore, Latin American scholars have begun to explore the possibility of a "non-Western path." They urgently need to study the successful experience of the Communist Party of China in governance to find the key to China's system and path, in order to reflect on the crisis facing Western representative democracy and seek solutions to the current crisis.

在新冠肺炎疫情暴发之前，拉美多国已经发生了大规模的社会动荡，政治生态恶化。新冠肺炎疫情暴发之后，百年变局与世纪疫情效应叠加，更是对拉美国家形成了全方位的冲击和影响。拉美国家的民主体制缺乏化解政治和社会难题的能力，导致政党碎片化、恶性竞争、议会高度极化，难以达成共识推行国家治理政策。因此，民众对当前民主体制的不满增加，不信任危机蔓延。根据2021年拉美晴雨表的调查，只有25%的拉美民众对现行民主制度感到满意。从2010年到2020年，支持现行民主制度的人数比例减少了14个百分点。其中，60%的阿根廷国民认为本国民主体制存在巨大问题，秘鲁、厄瓜多尔、智利和哥伦比亚等国的这一统计数据也超过了50%。可以说，拉美已成为民众对现行民主制度最不满意的地区之一。因此，拉美学者开始探讨“非西方道路”的可能性，他们急迫需要通过研究中国共产党执政的成功经验，寻找中国制度和道路的密钥以反思西方代议制民主制度面临的危机，寻找解决当下危机的方案。

(II) Left-wing Spanish-speaking scholars have long engaged in deep reflection on alternatives to the international order

（二）西语左翼学者长期深入思考国际秩序的替代方案

Socialist thought has a long history in Latin America, is one of the main political currents in the region, and has also had a radiating influence on other Spanish-speaking countries. Latin American countries have long suffered from unequal distribution of wealth and income, with relatively sharp social contradictions. As a value concept and policy choice, the social equity propositions advocated by socialism have considerable appeal and influence among the broad middle and lower social strata, and have a deep social foundation in Latin America. For Latin American socialists and Marxists who have long been committed to criticizing capitalism, the successful experience of socialist China provides them with powerful arguments. The Chinese approach has received widespread attention from progressive scholars and the public in Latin America.

社会主义思想在拉美地区源远流长，是拉美的主要政治思潮之一，也对其他西班牙语国家产生了辐射性影响。拉美国家长期财富收入分配不均，社会矛盾比较尖锐。作为一种价值理念和政策选择，社会主义所倡导的社会公平主张对广大中下社会阶层有较大的号召力和影响力，在拉美有深厚的社会基础。对一直致力于批判资本主义的拉美社会主义者和马克思主义者来说，社会主义中国的成功经验恰好为他们提供了有力论据。中国方案受到了拉美进步学者和民众的广泛关注。

Furthermore, Latin American countries have long been subject to deterrence and interference from the United States, deeply influenced by the Monroe Doctrine. Latin American scholars have developed theories such as dependency theory and center-periphery theory, profoundly exposing the injustice and illegitimacy of the Western-dominated international order, and seeking theoretical and practical solutions for establishing a new international order to replace the "law of the jungle." Therefore, in response to China's concept of "a community with a shared future for mankind" and the Belt and Road Initiative, Latin American scholars have given a positive response, viewing them as a beneficial exploration by Southern countries of new models of international cooperation. As María José Haro Sly, currently working in Argentina's Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, stated, both China and Latin America are developing countries or regions, both seeking to make their voices heard in the current world system. Currently, international relations theory is basically dominated by the United States, with "vulgar" Western knowledge becoming the absolute benchmark for global academia. The basic premises provided by this knowledge are Western worldviews. Often, these concepts are considered ahistorical and universal, and the dominant countries have misappropriated the connotations of concepts such as democracy and development, discriminating against and demonizing alternatives that can counter universalist concepts, aiming to justify privileged status and interference in the internal affairs of neighboring countries. For a long time, developing countries have been forced to accept theories proposed by Western developed countries. Now, it is necessary to think about the specific experiences of developing countries, deconstruct and reform the post-Westphalian order, and adopt a new perspective of a future-oriented cosmology to build a more just and harmonious world. At the practical level, China's growing influence in Latin America is seen as a positive development trend, and China-Latin America cooperation helps alleviate the region's vulnerability to US interference.

此外，拉美国家长期受到美国的威慑和干涉，深受门罗主义的影响。拉美学者发展了依附论、中心—外围理论等，深刻揭露西方主导的国际秩序的不公正和非正义性，为建立替代“弱肉强食”的国际新秩序寻求理论和实践方案。因此，面对中国提出的“命运共同体”理念和“一带一路”倡议，拉美学者给予了积极响应，将其视为南方国家对国际合作新模式的有益探索。正如现任职于阿根廷科技与创新部的玛利亚·何塞·哈罗·斯莱（María José Haro Sly）所述，中国和拉丁美洲都属于发展中国家或地区，都寻求在当前的世界体系中发出自己的声音。目前，国际关系理论基本是由美国主导的，“庸俗”的西方知识成为全球学术界的绝对标杆，这些知识提供的基本前提是西方的世界观。很多时候，这些概念被认为是非历史性和普世性的，占主导地位的国家盗用了民主、发展等概念的内涵，歧视和妖魔化可以对抗普世主义概念的替代选择，旨在为特权地位和干涉周边国家内政的行为辩护。长期以来，发展中国家被迫接受西方发达国家提出的理论。现在，必须思考发展中国家的具体经验，解构并改革后威斯特伐利亚秩序，采用面向未来的宇宙观的新视角来构建更加公正和谐的世界。在实践层面，中国在拉美地区日益增长的影响力则被视为一种积极的发展趋势，中拉合作有助于缓解该地区面对美国干涉的脆弱性。

(III) Chinese policies resonate with Spanish-speaking scholars from a comparative perspective

（三）中国政策在比较视野中得到西语学者的共鸣

At the level of specific policies, China’s policy experience has resonated with scholars in Spanish-speaking countries. Combining the practical problems facing their own countries, Spanish-speaking scholars analyze China’s approach to solving similar problems and attempt to provide reference policy recommendations for their own countries. For example, because large numbers of Cuban emigrants have settled and live in the United States, Cuban scholars pay relatively close attention to the Chinese Communist Party’s policy of uniting overseas Chinese and Chinese nationals abroad. Seset specifically noted that the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership of the state and society, which promotes the social cohesion of all ethnic groups including overseas Chinese, is of great significance, and this provides a model for Cuba, which has a large emigrant population abroad. The lack of a mass base is one of the decisive factors restricting the development of communist parties in Latin America, while the Chinese Communist Party regards the Party-mass relationship as a fish-water relationship [4]4 The “fish-water relationship” is a classic Chinese Communist Party metaphor, originating from Mao Zedong’s 1942 “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art,” which describes the Party’s relationship with the masses as inseparable as fish in water.; this has attracted the attention and study of Latin American communist parties. In addition, because China has successfully achieved the goal of poverty alleviation, China’s social policies have thus become a focus of attention for Spanish-speaking scholars. As Giusto stated, the Chinese government formulates social policies focused on expanding and improving public services, giving all citizens access to high-quality public services. In China, it is difficult to imagine a private company or private organization acting as an intermediary in negotiations between the state and the poor; however, this frequently occurs in many Latin American countries. An article published in Argentina’s *Página/12*, titled “China, Ending Extreme Poverty and Promoting Entrepreneurship,” sparked heated discussion among Argentine readers. Some have drawn analogies between China’s current poverty alleviation policies and the Peronist policies implemented between 1945 and 1955, believing there are certain similarities between the two.

在具体政策层面，中国的政策经验得到了西语国家学者的共鸣。西语学者结合本国所面临的实际问题，对中国解决相似问题的做法进行分析，尝试为本国提供可借鉴的对策建议。例如，由于大量古巴裔移民在美国定居生活，古巴学者比较关注中国共产党团结海外华人华侨的政策。塞斯特别提到，中国共产党对国家和社会的领导，推动包括华侨在内的各族人民的社会凝聚力具有重要意义，这一点为在海外拥有大量移民群体的古巴提供了典范。缺乏群众基础是制约拉美共产党发展的决定性因素之一，而中国共产党则视党群关系为鱼水关系，这一点引起了拉美共产党的关注和学习。此外，由于中国成功实现了脱贫攻坚的目标，中国的社会政策因此成为西语学者关注的焦点。正如朱斯托所述，中国政府制定社会政策，专注于扩大和改善公共服务，让所有公民都有获得高质量公共服务的机会。在中国，很难想象一家私人公司或私人组织可以充当国家与穷人之间谈判的中介，然而不少拉美国家却经常发生这种情况。阿根廷《十二页报》（Página/12）发表的一篇文章《中国，终结极端贫困和促进创业》引起了阿根廷读者的热议。有人将中国当前的扶贫政策与1945—1955年间实行的庇隆主义政策进行类比，认为二者有一定的相似性。

(4) China-Friendly Individuals Have Become the Backbone of Spanish-Language China Studies Scholars

（四）友华人士成为西语中国研究学者的中坚力量

A group portrait analysis of China studies researchers in Spanish-speaking countries reveals that many scholars who study Chinese issues have experience studying or working in China, possess some Chinese language ability, and have a certain understanding of China’s political system. Consequently, they are highly sensitive to new formulations, new measures, and new changes in the Chinese Communist Party’s governance, enabling them to grasp current political hot topics and expand into new research fields. A few years ago, China studies in Spanish-speaking countries, especially in Latin America, faced numerous constraints in terms of institutional development, research resources, and talent cultivation. However, in recent years, this situation has greatly improved, with an increasing number of Latin American and Spanish scholars gaining opportunities to conduct fieldwork, academic exchanges, and study or work in China. After returning to their home countries, they have become the backbone of local China studies, promoting the gradual institutionalization of China studies think tanks, producing more structured, academic, and standardized research outputs, and continuously expanding their influence in the academic field. For example, Andrés Bórquez, coordinator of the China Studies Program at the Institute of International Studies of the University of Chile, earned a PhD in International Politics from Fudan University; Giusto, Executive Director of the China-Argentina Strategic Cooperation Observation Network, earned a master’s degree in China Studies from Zhejiang University; and Sergio M. Cesarín, Director of the Center for Asia-Pacific and India Studies at the National University of Tres de Febrero in Argentina, earned a master’s degree from Peking University. Furthermore, several contributors to the book *China: Democracy, Political Representation, and Social Legitimacy – A Study of the Centenary of the Chinese Communist Party* also have study experience in China. Former ambassadors to China have also become an important force in China studies; for instance, former Chilean Ambassador to China Fernando Reyes Matta is currently Director of the China Studies Center at Andrés Bello University in Chile. After leaving their posts, they have moved into universities and think tanks to write books and establish theories, provide government consultation and media interviews, or be invited for public speeches, becoming China studies experts within the “Track 1.5 diplomatic circle” [5]5 “Track 1.5 diplomacy” refers to unofficial dialogue and exchange involving former government officials, academics, and other non-official actors, positioned between official (Track 1) and purely unofficial (Track 2) diplomacy.. Driven by them, the “China and the World Power Map” research group of the Latin American Council of Social Sciences has been publishing regular research reports since 2020. In 2021, they released their third report, *China and the Post-Pandemic Outlook*.

通过对西语国家的中国研究者的群体画像分析可以发现，许多研究中国问题的学者都拥有曾在中国留学或工作的经历，具备一定的中文能力，对中国的政治制度有一定了解，因此他们对中国共产党治国理政中的新提法、新举措、新变化敏锐度较高，能够把握时政热点议题并拓展新的研究领域。几年前，西语国家特别是拉美的中国研究，在机构发展、研究资源和人才建设等方面还面临重重限制。但是近年来，这种情况有了极大的改善，越来越多的拉美和西班牙学者获得进入中国开展田野调查、学术交流和留学工作的机会。他们回国之后成为当地中国研究的中坚力量，推动中国研究智库逐渐走向机制化，推出更多结构化、学术化、规范化的研究成果，在学术领域的影响力不断扩大。例如，智利大学国际问题研究所中国研究项目的协调员安德莱斯·博尔克斯（Andrés Bórquez）曾获复旦大学国际政治专业博士学位，中阿战略合作观察网的执行主任朱斯托曾经在浙江大学获得中国研究硕士学位，阿根廷二月三日国立大学亚太和印度研究中心主任塞尔吉奥·M.塞萨林（Sergio M.Cesarín）曾获得北京大学硕士学位。此外，《中国：民主、政治代表和社会合法性——中国共产党百年历程研究》一书的多名撰稿人也有中国留学经历。离任的驻华大使也成为中国研究的重要力量，如前智利驻华大使费尔南多·雷耶斯·马塔（Fernando Reyes Matta）目前为智利安德烈斯·贝略大学的中国研究中心主任。他们在离任之后，转入高校和智库著书立论，接受政府咨询和媒体采访或受邀进行公共演讲，成为“1.5轨外交圈”中的中国研究专家。在他们的推动下，拉丁美洲社会科学理事会的“中国与世界权力版图”研究小组从2020年起定期发布研究报告。2021年，他们发布了第三份报告——《中国和后疫情展望》。

III. Conclusion

三、结语

In summary, many Spanish-speaking scholars have realized that the success of China’s economic development and the substantial enhancement of its comprehensive national power are due to its consistent adherence to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Faced with the crisis of Western democratic systems, many Spanish-speaking scholars have begun to reflect on the various shortcomings of the capitalist system and explore alternatives to the Western model. However, some Spanish-speaking scholars, particularly China researchers in Spain, remain constrained by Western theoretical methods and democratic values, inevitably leading to distortions, misjudgments, and even ignorance when viewing Chinese issues. Ríos once stated that the understanding of China within Spanish academia and media is still very weak, which is the reason for repeated serious errors on basic issues. In the future, we should continue to deepen people-to-people academic exchanges, enabling Spanish-speaking scholars to gain a deeper understanding of China’s national conditions at both the conceptual and institutional levels. At the same time, we should actively engage in candid dialogue and communication with Spanish-speaking scholars on issues they are concerned about, in order to help them eliminate misunderstandings about China.

综上所述，许多西语学者已经意识到，中国经济发展取得的成功与综合国力的大幅提升得益于始终坚持中国特色社会主义道路和中国共产党的领导。不少西语学者面对西方民主制度危机，开始反思资本主义制度的种种弊端，探索西方模式的替代方案。然而，一些西语学者特别是西班牙的中国问题研究者，仍然受到西方理论方法和民主价值观的禁锢，在看待中国问题时难免有曲解、误判甚至无知的遗憾。里奥斯曾经说过，西班牙学界和媒体对中国的了解还很薄弱，这是在基本问题上屡屡出现严重错误的原因。在未来，我们应该继续深入开展学术领域的人文交流，让西语学者从观念和制度层面更深入地了解中国的国情，同时，积极与西语学者在他们关切的问题上进行坦诚的对话和沟通，以帮助他们消除对中国的误解。

(Authors: Chen Lan, Institute of Latin American Studies, Zhejiang International Studies University, and Research Base of the Zhejiang Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era (Zhejiang International Studies University); Jin Chengwei, First Research Department, Institute of Party History and Literature of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China)

（作者：陈岚，浙江外国语学院拉丁美洲研究所、浙江省习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究中心（浙江外国语学院）基地研究院；靳呈伟，中央党史和文献研究院第一研究部）

(This article is a phased result of the 2022 Zhejiang Provincial Philosophy and Social Sciences Planning Project “Research on the Dissemination and Reception of the Chinese Communist Party’s Governance Concepts in Latin America”)

（本文系2022年度浙江省哲学社会科学规划课题“中国共产党治国理政理念在拉丁美洲的传播与接受研究”的阶段性成果）

Online Editor: Tongxin

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