New Explorations in the Construction of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries

The united front has always been a magic weapon of the communist parties. Classical writers such as Marx, Engels, and Lenin all advocated the construction of united fronts and put forward many theories of far-reaching significance. These include both theories of the international united front and theories of the domestic united front, the latter being of great importance for communist parties in various countries to stabilize and strengthen their domestic social and political foundations. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the challenges and crises of global capitalism have become increasingly prominent. The relatively favorable international situation, along with complex and changing domestic social and political ecologies, has prompted many communist parties in capitalist countries to strengthen theoretical and practical innovation based on their current conditions. One important aspect of this is advancing the construction of domestic united fronts during non-revolutionary periods, in order to strive for a favorable political struggle situation.

统一战线历来是共产党的法宝。马克思、恩格斯、列宁等经典作家都倡导统一战线建设并提出了许多具有深远意义的理论。这其中既有国际统一战线理论，也有国内统一战线理论，后者则对各国共产党稳固和增强国内社会政治基础具有重要意义。进入21世纪以来，全球资本主义挑战与危机日益凸显。相对有利的国际形势以及复杂变化的国内社会政治生态变化，推动不少资本主义国家共产党立足现状，加强理论与实践创新，其中一个重要方面就是推进非革命时期的国内统一战线建设，以争取有利的政治斗争形势。

I. The Complex Situation Facing the Construction of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries

一、资本主义国家共产党国内统一战线建设面临复杂局势

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the social and political ecology of capitalist countries has undergone profound evolution, producing complex and diverse impacts on communist parties in capitalist countries. On the one hand, the capitalist crisis has brought a relatively favorable political and public opinion environment for some communist parties in capitalist countries. On the other hand, changes in the internal social and political situation have intensified the challenges for some communist parties in capitalist countries. These complex factors have led to a situation where, despite increasing questioning of capitalism, some communist parties in capitalist countries have performed unsatisfactorily, prompting sustained commentary from the forces of world socialism.

21世纪以来，资本主义国家社会政治生态经历深刻演变，对资本主义国家共产党产生复杂多元影响。一方面，资本主义危机为一些资本主义国家共产党带来相对有利的政治和舆论环境。另一方面，内部社会政治形势的变化加重了一些资本主义国家共产党的挑战。上述复杂因素导致在资本主义受到越来越多质疑的情况下，一些资本主义国家共产党却表现不尽如人意，引发世界社会主义力量的持续发声。

(1) The spread of social discontent and the negative impact of changes in class and stratum

（一）社会不满情绪延烧，阶级阶层变化负面影响显现

Since the beginning of the 21st century, especially since the 2008 international financial crisis, capitalist countries have suffered successive blows, social crises have erupted from time to time, and social discontent has continued to rise. This has provided some convenience for communist parties to mobilize social forces and carry out political struggles. At the same time, along with the continuous changes in social classes and strata in capitalist countries, especially the reduction in the number of low-skilled workers, the traditional social base of communist parties faces the problem of weakening. Affected by the 2008 international financial crisis, the manufacturing industries of many developing countries faced certain crises, and the working class was impacted to varying degrees. The global COVID-19 pandemic further impacted the capitalist world, resulting in a sharp increase in the wealth of billionaires, some loss of the middle class, and a rise in the unemployment rate of workers. According to statistics from the International Labour Organization, "due to unemployment, global workers' income decreased by 8.3%, approximately 3.7 trillion US dollars, equivalent to 4.4% of global GDP." [1]1 The Workers' Party of Belgium (Parti du Travail de Belgique / PVDA) is a Marxist political party in Belgium. Although the working class and some former "middle class" members who lost their status were mostly dissatisfied with this, judging from the actual situation, the actual benefits gained by communist parties in capitalist countries were relatively limited. Among them, the working class in some countries either abstained from voting or turned to populist parties; the working class in other countries tended towards centrist parties to seek new ways out. A January 2022 poll by the French magazine *Challenges* showed that "Macron is expected to defeat all competitors in the first round of this year's presidential election with 24% support." [2]2 The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) is a Marxist-Leninist party. The Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) is a left-wing political party in Greece that formed a government in 2015. At the same time, although some communist parties in developing countries have developed during difficult times, and some have even achieved electoral victories at certain levels, they have been far less successful than populist, nationalist, and conservative parties. The above undoubtedly creates difficulties for the efforts of communist parties in capitalist countries to consolidate and expand their social base.

21世纪以来尤其是2008年国际金融危机以来，资本主义国家连续遭受打击，社会危机不时爆发，社会不满情绪持续高涨。这为共产党动员社会力量、开展政治斗争提供了一定便利。同时伴随着资本主义国家社会阶级阶层的持续变化，尤其是低技能工人数量的减少，共产党传统社会基础面临弱化的难题。受2008年国际金融危机影响，不少发展中国家制造业面临一定危机，工人阶级不同程度遭到冲击。全球新冠肺炎疫情进一步冲击资本主义世界，带来的结果是亿万富翁财富急剧增加，中产阶级队伍有所流失，以及工人失业率有所上升。根据国际劳工组织统计数据，“疫情下全球工人由于失业而导致收入减少8.3%，约为3.7万亿美元，相当于4.4%的全球GDP”。虽然工人阶级以及丧失身份的部分原“中产阶级”大多对此不满，但从实际情况来看，资本主义共产党的实际获益相对有限。其中，部分国家工人阶级在选举中要么弃权，要么倒向民粹主义政党；部分国家工人阶级则倾向中间主义政党，以寻求新的出路。2022年1月的法国《挑战》杂志民调显示，“马克龙在今年的总统选举第一轮投票中有望以24%的支持率击败所有竞争对手。”同时部分发展中国家共产党尽管在艰难时期有所发展，有些还获得一定层次的选举胜利，但是相比民粹主义、民族主义以及保守主义政党等要逊色不少。上述无疑给资本主义国家共产党巩固和扩大社会基础的努力带来困难。

(2) The continuous transformation of traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties in capitalist countries increases the difficulty of policy competition

（二）资本主义国家传统左右翼主流政党持续转型，加大政策竞争难度

In the 1990s, traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties in developed countries generally, based on changes in social structure, focused on building "catch-all parties" that appealed to both left- and right-wing demands. Many national democratic parties in developing countries also began to transform into "catch-all parties," seeking to transcend differences in class, ethnicity, race, culture, religion, etc., to expand their representativeness. These aspects have, to some extent, eroded the traditional social base of communist parties. With the continuous development of the capitalist crisis since the 2008 international financial crisis and the adjustment of welfare systems, many "catch-all parties" have encountered numerous challenges, especially becoming increasingly distant from their core voters. In Nordic and Western European countries, the policy propositions of socialist parties face strong competition from Green parties, with more middle-class voters turning to the Greens. Mainstream conservative parties in developed countries, due to their relatively moderate policy propositions, also face a certain identity crisis, finding it difficult to manage relations with angry and polarized voters. Currently, based on the needs of political struggle, many socialist and conservative parties in developed countries engage in pragmatism, partially returning to tradition. Although the overall effect is relatively ineffective, most can barely maintain the situation. Faced with the transformation of traditional left- and right-wing mainstream parties, many communist parties in capitalist countries have also innovated their thinking to varying degrees, proposing many left-wing alternative policies that have received some response, but overall, they have yet to achieve significant political effects.

20世纪90年代，发达国家传统左右翼主流政党普遍基于社会结构变化，着力打造“全民党”，兼顾左右翼诉求。不少发展中国家民族民主政党等也开始向“全民党”转型，谋求超越阶级、民族、种族、文化、宗教等差异，扩大代表性。这些都在一定方面对共产党的传统社会基础造成侵蚀。随着2008年国际金融危机以来资本主义危机的持续发展、福利制度的调整，不少“全民党”遭遇较多挑战，尤其是与核心选民越来越远。在北欧、西欧国家，社会党的政策主张面临绿党的强烈竞争，更多的中产阶级倒向绿党。发达国家主流保守派也因为相对温和的政策主张，面临一定的身份危机，难以处理好与愤怒的、两极分化的选民关系。当前，基于政治斗争需要，不少发达国家社会党、保守党大搞实用主义，部分向传统回归，虽然总体效果相对不彰，但大多能勉力维持局面。面对传统左右翼主流政党的转型，不少资本主义国家共产党也不同程度创新思想，提出不少左翼替代政策并获得一些反响，但总体上还难以起到明显的政治效果。

(3) The rapid development of populist parties, to a certain extent, squeezes the development space of communist parties

（三）民粹主义政党快速发展，在一定程度上挤压共产党发展空间

Since the beginning of the 21st century, capitalist countries have entered a new period of party development, with new political parties constantly emerging, especially the sudden rise of populist parties. The support rate for populist parties in capitalist countries has reached its highest level since the early 1930s. Among them, populist parties in Europe have developed relatively quickly. The Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) in Greece was born in the late 1980s, and in the January 2015 parliamentary elections, it defeated New Democracy, becoming the largest party in the Greek parliament and leading the formation of a coalition government. The Five Star Movement in Italy was founded in October 2009, and in the March 2018 parliamentary elections, it won 32.7% of the vote, becoming the largest party in Italy and participating in the formation of a coalition government. The Alternative for Germany (AfD), founded in 2013, gained considerable social support in the short term but subsequently saw its strength decline; it currently maintains around 10% support. After the 2019 European Parliament elections, the newly formed "Identity and Democracy" group in the European Parliament held 73 seats, an increase of 37 seats compared to its predecessor, the "Europe of Nations and Freedom" group. Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Rally in France, also stated that although the "Identity and Democracy" group accounts for about 10% of the seats in the European Parliament, it is actually part of a broader informal "sovereigntist bloc" composed of approximately 200 European Parliament members with populist, conservative, and Eurosceptic tendencies. [3]3 The French Communist Party (PCF) held its 37th Congress in 2016. Although populist parties in developing countries have achieved some development, their radicalism and influence are generally limited. Facing the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, many populist parties in opposition in capitalist countries fiercely criticized the ruling parties and governments, demanding they introduce more active policies on minimum wages, unemployment benefits, medical insurance, low-income family security, and support for small and medium-sized enterprises. These policy propositions are often unrealistic, and their effects remain to be further tested, but they undoubtedly cater to the rebellious voting mentality of some angry voters, exerting a certain appeal to various social strata, including the working class.

21世纪以来，资本主义国家迎来新的政党发展期，新兴政党不断涌现，尤其是民粹主义政党异军突起。资本主义国家民粹主义政党支持率达到20世纪30年代初以来的最高水平。其中欧洲民粹主义政党发展较快。希腊激进左翼联盟诞生于20世纪80年代末，在2015年1月议会选举中战胜新民主党，成为希腊议会最大政党并牵头组建联合政府。意大利五星运动党成立于2009年10月，在2018年3月议会选举中赢得32.7%得票率，成为意大利第一大政党并参与组建联合政府。德国“另择党”2013年成立，短期内获得较大社会支持但随后实力有所下降，目前仍保持10%左右支持。在2019年欧洲议会选举后，新成立的欧洲议会“身份与民主”党团占据73个席位，较之其前身欧洲“民族与自由”党团增加37个席位。法国国民联盟领导人玛丽娜·勒庞还表示，尽管“身份与民主”党团在欧洲议会席位中占比10%左右，但它实际上属于一个更为广泛的非正式“主权主义集团”的一部分，该集团大约由200名具有民粹主义、保守主义及疑欧主义色彩的欧洲议会议员组成。发展中国家民粹主义政党虽获得一些发展，但激进程度及影响力总体有限。面对新冠肺炎疫情冲击，不少资本主义国家在野民粹主义政党猛烈批判执政党和政府，要求其出台更为积极的最低工资、失业救济、医疗保险以及低收入家庭保障、中小企业扶持等政策。这些政策主张往往不切实际，效果也有待进一步检验，但无疑满足部分愤怒选民的逆反投票心态，对包括工人阶级在内的各个社会阶层都产生一定的诱惑力。

(4) The complex evolution of alliances and counter-alliances among bourgeois parties, with some progressive forces like communist parties facing certain constraints

（四）资产阶级政党合纵连横复杂演进，共产党等部分进步力量受到一定挤压

With the complex evolution of the social and political ecology in capitalist countries, especially the general weakening of traditional mainstream parties and the vigorous development of emerging parties, the competitive landscape of parties in some countries has become increasingly volatile, the rise and fall of parties has accelerated, and the differentiation and recombination of parties has developed to some extent. Many small and medium-sized parties in capitalist countries, in order to survive and develop, choose to ally with large parties or form small-party alliances for self-preservation. Political fragmentation has also made it difficult for a single party to dominate the political landscape in many countries, especially developed ones, forcing various political forces to seek to form coalition governments through compromise and transaction. In the capitalist world, coalition governments are increasingly becoming the norm, and minority governments are also on the rise. Judging from the actual situation, although parties across the political spectrum may cooperate to form coalition governments, many communist parties in capitalist countries are often publicly excluded due to ideological and other factors. This has, to some extent, weakened the influence and sustainable development space of some communist parties in capitalist countries.

随着资本主义国家社会政治生态的复杂演变，尤其是传统主流政党的普遍弱化以及新兴政党的蓬勃发展，一些国家政党竞争态势日益多变，政党兴衰沉浮加速演进，政党分化组合有所发展。不少资本主义国家中小政党为求生存、谋发展，选择与大党联合，或组建小党联盟自保。政治碎片化也使得不少国家尤其是发达国家难以出现一党独大的政治局面，各类政治力量不得不寻求通过妥协与交易来组建联合政府。在资本主义世界，联合政府越来越成为常态，少数派政府也有所增多。从实际情况来看，虽然各种光谱的政党都有可能合作组建联合政府，但不少资本主义国家共产党经常因为意识形态等因素受到公开排斥。这在一定程度上削弱了部分资本主义国家共产党的影响力及其可持续发展空间。

II. New Understandings and Characteristics of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries

二、资本主义国家共产党对国内统一战线的新认识及其特点

Faced with complex and severe domestic social and political situations, how to seize opportunities and resolve challenges has become a practical issue for communist parties in capitalist countries. In view of this, many communist parties in capitalist countries, focusing on current difficulties and future development, seek to expand social and political alliances by adopting an open and inclusive attitude, thereby consolidating and enhancing their political strength, and in turn accumulating political energy for the socialist development of their own countries.

面对复杂严峻的国内社会政治形势，如何把握机遇、化解挑战，成为资本主义国家共产党的现实问题。鉴此，不少资本主义国家共产党着眼当前难题及未来发展，谋求通过采取开放与包容的态度，扩大社会政治联合，以巩固和提升政治实力，进而为本国社会主义发展累积政治能量。

(I) Most agree on expanding the composition of political forces in the domestic united front to reflect inclusiveness

（一）多数认同扩大国内统一战线的政治力量组成，以体现包容性

With the in-depth development of the times and the evolution of the social and political ecology of capitalist countries, the understanding of the domestic united front by communist parties in capitalist countries is deepening day by day. In particular, the forms and names of the domestic united front have developed, giving rise to various forms such as the united front, left front, left alliance, center-left alliance, people's front, and people's democratic alliance. Many communist parties in capitalist countries believe that in the new historical period, the political significance of the domestic united front is more prominent, and its form and name need to serve the content, with the key being to enhance the party's influence, appeal, and capacity for action. The form and name of the domestic united front should be determined according to the tasks of the era and specific circumstances, rather than clinging to fixed views. It is also unlikely that there will be only one domestic united front; the construction ideas and progress need to be determined based on strategic tasks and tactical needs. For example, after the outbreak of the domestic debt crisis, the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy issued a call to all left-wing political forces in the country to establish an alternative left, suggesting that center-left forces inside and outside the party unite to build a broad "left alliance" against neoliberalism, respecting each other's development experiences. The Workers' Party of Belgium points out that "the party is a Marxist party, full of confidence in socialism and has no intention of adapting to capitalism. It is necessary to explore with all genuine left-wing forces how to confront capitalism and imperialism, combat racism, and organize the working class." [1]1 The Workers' Party of Belgium (Parti du Travail de Belgique / PVDA) is a Marxist political party in Belgium. In addition, some traditional communist parties in capitalist countries have doubts about expanding the scope of left-wing cooperation. For instance, the Communist Party of Greece flatly opposes joining the united front organized by the Coalition of the Radical Left, and is unwilling to even discuss this possibility. [2]2 The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) is a Marxist-Leninist party. The Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) is a left-wing political party in Greece that formed a government in 2015.

随着时代的深入发展以及资本主义国家社会政治生态的演变，资本主义国家共产党对国内统一战线的认知日益加深。尤其是对国内统一战线的形式和名义都有所发展，形成了统一战线、左翼阵线、左翼联盟、中左联盟、人民阵线、人民民主联盟等多种形态。不少资本主义国家共产党认为，在新的历史时期国内统一战线的政治意义更为突出，形式和名义需要服务于内容，以增强党的影响力、号召力和行动力为要。要根据时代任务以及具体形势来确定国内统一战线的形式和名义，而不能固守成见。国内统一战线也不大可能只有一个，需要根据战略任务和战术需要来确定建设思路及进度，如意大利重建共在本国债务危机发生后向国内所有左翼政治力量发出了建立替代左翼的呼吁，建议党内外的中左翼力量团结起来，在尊重各自发展经历基础上构建一个反新自由主义的、广泛的“左翼联盟”。比利时工人党指出，“该党是一个马克思主义政党，对社会主义充满信心并无意去适应资本主义。有必要与所有真正的左派力量探讨如何应对资本主义和帝国主义、打击种族主义以及组织工人阶级。”此外，也有一些资本主义国家传统共产党对扩大左翼合作范畴存在疑虑，如希腊共产党直截了当地反对加入激进左翼联盟组织的统一战线，甚至都不愿意讨论这种可能性。

(II) Most agree on expanding the social representativeness of the domestic united front to broaden the social base

（二）多数认同扩大国内统一战线的社会代表性，以扩大社会基础

Most communist parties in capitalist countries are also quite sensitive to specific changes in social classes and strata, seeking to adapt to changes to a certain extent. On the one hand, they propose countermeasures targeting changes in the working class and other oppressed groups. For example, the Communist Party of Australia states that it is a party of the working class, recognizing the leading role of the working class in social change. The working class needs to establish connections with other strata of society exploited by big business, which requires the communist party to win substantial influence among the working masses, while actively building alliances with other left-wing and progressive political forces. At the 37th Congress of the French Communist Party, the party's National Committee President, Pierre Laurent, urged communists to set aside differences with other left-wing forces and mass organizations, and must gradually build a popular left front and form alliances with those willing to cooperate with us in the process of social change. He told PCF members not to fear disagreements with potential allies, nor to "abandon" right-wing workers. [3]3 The French Communist Party (PCF) held its 37th Congress in 2016. The Communist Party of Brazil calls on Brazilian progressive forces to unite at the forefront of opposing capitalism and imperialism, jointly safeguarding workers' rights to wages, education, health, and housing; it emphasizes that the party prioritizes participation in trade unions, mass movements, and activities carried out in workplaces, housing areas, and places of study. On the other hand, they gradually break through class and stratum boundaries, treating all working people, including the middle class, as targets of their work, seeking to further expand work among the middle class to establish a broader united front. For example, some progressive forces in the United States have publicly stated that "in the post-industrial era, what is decisive for egalitarian politics is the active middle-class policy of the left," and "our task is to convince the middle class—or at least a large part of the middle class." The Workers' Party of Belgium points out that "since the 2008 party congress, while adhering to the basic principles of Marxism, the party has also proposed to strive to truly become a party of all working people, and for this purpose, adopt flexible strategies to strengthen communication and organizational work."

对于社会阶级阶层的具体变化，多数资本主义国家共产党也比较敏感，谋求一定程度的以变应变。一方面，针对工人阶级变化以及其他被压迫群体提出应对之策。如澳大利亚共产党表示，该党是工人阶级政党，承认工人阶级在社会变革中的领导作用。工人阶级需要与被大企业剥削的社会其他阶层建立联系，这就要求共产党在劳动群众中赢得实质性的影响力，同时积极与其他左翼和进步政治力量建立联盟。在法国共产党37大上，该党全国委员会主席皮埃尔·洛朗敦促共产党人抛开与其他左翼势力和群众组织的分歧，必须逐步建立一个受欢迎的左翼阵线，并与那些愿意在社会变革过程中与我们合作的人建立联盟。他告诉法共党员不要害怕与潜在盟友的分歧，也不要“抛弃”右翼工人。巴西共产党呼吁巴西进步力量团结起来站在反对资本主义和帝国主义的前沿，共同维护工人的工资、教育、健康和住房权益；强调该党优先考虑参加工会、大众运动以及在工作、住房及学习等场所开展的活动。另一方面，逐步突破阶级阶层界限，将包括中产阶级在内的劳动人民都作为工作对象，谋求进一步扩大对中产阶级的工作，以建立更为广泛的统一战线。如美国部分进步力量公开称，“就后工业时代而言，对平等主义政治起决定性作用的是左翼积极的中产阶级政策”，“我们的任务是说服中产阶级——或者说是中产阶级的大部分人”。比利时工人党指出，“自2008年党代会之后，该党在坚持马克思主义基本原则的同时，也提出要努力真正成为一个全体劳动人民的党，并为此采取灵活策略，加强沟通和组织工作。”

(III) Many agree on balancing the principle and flexibility of leadership over the domestic united front, striving to achieve short-term and long-term goals in a balanced manner

（三）不少认同兼顾国内统一战线领导权的原则性和灵活性，力争平衡实现短期和长期目标

Compared with the middle and late periods of the Cold War, the attitudes of some current communist parties in capitalist countries towards building a domestic united front have undergone many changes. Terms such as "vanguard" and "leading party" are mentioned relatively less frequently, while they place more emphasis on the political reality of their own countries, seeking to enhance their political struggle capabilities by building broad left-wing alliances. In particular, some communist parties in capitalist countries, given the domestic political situation and their own influence, tend to be pragmatic, not unilaterally pursuing leadership over the domestic united front in the short term, but seeking to play a unique role. For example, the Communist Party of Britain believes that in the initial stage of the socialist struggle, it is necessary to promote a sustained leftward turn of the workers' movement and seize state power. A new left-wing government needs to be based on a majority in parliament consisting of the Labour Party, the Socialist Party, and the Communist Party, while being supported by broad mass movements outside parliament. However, many socialist theorists and scholars believe that the communist party needs to adhere to leadership over the domestic united front, emphasizing that the working-class party must hold the leadership of the revolution and struggle; otherwise, there can be no genuine revolutionary struggle. For instance, the well-known left-wing theorist Tyler James argues that the distinctive feature of the united front is that revolutionaries must cooperate with reformists to win current objectives, but should not be relegated to a passive second-class citizen status and abandon all leadership. Revolutionaries can only win specific objectives when they are united and take action. Of course, temporarily not emphasizing leadership does not mean that the aforementioned communist parties are content to play a supporting role or have abandoned their socialist goals; striving to participate in governance remains a practical demand for many communist parties. For example, on the eve of the 24th House of Councillors election in July 2016, the Japanese Communist Party, together with opposition parties such as the Democratic Party, the Social Democratic Party, and the Party of Life, reached a consensus on establishing an electoral domestic united front and jointly recommending candidates. The JCP particularly emphasized the importance of "yato kyōtō" (joint struggle by opposition parties). [4]4 "Yato kyōtō" (野党共斗) is a Japanese term meaning "joint struggle by opposition parties," referring to electoral cooperation among opposition parties against the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party. The four parties agreed that after the election, they would cooperate and struggle together in other areas such as the Diet. This marked the entry of the domestic united front promoted by the JCP into a period of stability and development. In recent years, the JCP has further required party members to actively participate in and lead the ever-changing national movements, social movements, and movements of new social strata; it has focused on promoting the construction of the domestic united front, expanding exchanges and dialogue with citizens and opposition parties, striving to promote the establishment of a coalition government of opposition parties, and thereby working towards the realization of the party's goals.

与冷战中后期相比，当前一些资本主义国家共产党对构建国内统一战线的态度出现不少变化，对“先锋队”“领导党”等提法相对较少提及，而更看重本国政治现实，谋求通过建设广泛左翼联盟增强政治斗争能力。尤其是部分资本主义国家共产党鉴于国内政治形势及自身影响力，趋向务实，短期内不片面追求对国内统一战线的领导权，而谋求发挥独特作用。如英共认为，在社会主义斗争初始阶段，需要推动工人运动持续性地左转并且掌握国家政权。新的左翼政府需要以议会中的工党、社会党以及共产党的大多数为基础，同时以议会外广泛的群众运动作为支持。但是也有不少社会主义理论家和学者认为，共产党需要坚持对国内统一战线的领导权，强调工人阶级政党必须掌握革命和斗争的领导权，否则就不可能有真正的革命斗争。如知名左翼理论家泰勒·詹姆斯（Tyler James）认为，统一战线的显著特点是，革命者必须与改革派合作，以赢得当前的目标，但不应处于被动的二等公民地位并放弃所有领导权。革命者只有在团结一致并开展行动时，才能赢得具体的目标。当然，暂不强调领导权并不表明上述共产党甘当配角或放弃了社会主义目标，争取参与执政仍是很多共产党的现实诉求。如日本共产党在2016年7月第24届参议院选举前夕，联合民进党、社民党、生活党等在野党最终就建立选举国内统一战线、共同推荐候选人达成共识，日共还特别强调了“野党共斗”（在野党共同斗争）的重要性。四方一致同意选举结束后，各方将在国会等其他领域协同斗争。这标志着日共推进的国内统一战线进入了稳定与发展时期。近年来，日本共产党进一步要求党员积极参与和领导不断变化的国民运动、社会运动、新的社会阶层运动；着力推进国内统一战线建设，扩大与市民和在野党的交流对话，努力推动建立在野党联合政府，进而为实现党的奋斗目标而努力。

(IV) Many agree on strengthening the exchange and mutual learning of united front theory and practice to promote common development and progress

（四）不少认同加强统一战线理论与实践的交流互鉴，促进共同发展和进步

Most communist parties in capitalist countries participate in electoral competition and parliamentary struggle, and attach importance to exchanges and dialogues on major theoretical and practical issues. The domestic united front is undoubtedly an important topic among these. At the regional level, communist parties in Europe, Asia, and Latin America have respectively formed their own regional exchange mechanisms for communist parties, conducting regular exchanges and dialogues. At the international level, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties also provides an important platform for communist parties to exchange and assess the situation, strengthen theoretical dialogue, and promote mutual solidarity and international coordination among communist and workers' parties. In this process, some communist parties in capitalist countries also value using various bilateral and multilateral platforms to conduct exchanges and cooperation with the Communist Party of China and other ruling parties in socialist countries, exploring ways to build a domestic united front. For example, in 1998, the well-known leader of the Nepalese communist movement, Prachanda, pointed out, "The success of the democratic revolution is clearly inseparable from a broad revolutionary united front led by the proletariat, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist, encompassing different classes and strata. The foundation of the above-mentioned revolutionary united front is clearly and should be the unity of workers and peasants, but the construction and development of the revolutionary united front depend on the specific national conditions of different countries." Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, regional and international dialogues among communist parties in capitalist countries on building domestic united fronts have become more active, deepening the exchange of their respective struggle experiences and enhancing their political struggle capabilities.

资本主义国家共产党大多参与选举竞争和议会斗争，重视就重大理论与实践问题进行交流对话，国内统一战线无疑是其中的一个重要议题。就地区层面而言，欧洲、亚洲和拉美等地区共产党分别形成各自的地区共产党交流机制，开展经常性交流对话。在国际层面，共产党和工人党国际会议也为各国共产党交流和研判形势、加强理论对话提供了重要平台，促进了共产党、工人党的相互声援与国际协作。在此过程中，一些资本主义国家共产党还重视利用各种双多边平台同中国共产党等社会主义国家执政党进行交流合作，探讨国内统一战线建设之道。如尼泊尔共产主义运动知名领导人普拉昌达1998年指出，“民主革命的成功显然离不开无产阶级领导的反封建反帝且包含不同阶级、阶层的广泛革命统一战线。上述革命统一战线的基础显然是而且应该是工农团结，但是革命统一战线的构建和发展取决于不同国家的具体国情”。2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，资本主义国家共产党围绕构建国内统一战线的地区和国际对话更为积极，深化了各自斗争经验交流，增进了各自政治斗争能力。

III. New Practical Explorations of Domestic United Fronts by Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries

三、资本主义国家共产党国内统一战线的实践新探索

Although their political strength, domestic influence, and stage-specific goals differ, the intention of communist parties in capitalist countries to build a domestic united front is broadly consistent: to unite as many political forces as possible, win as much social support as possible, expand socialist influence, consolidate the foundation of the socialist cause in their own country, and make political preparations for future struggles. In practice, most communist parties in capitalist countries emphasize highlighting their characteristics, safeguarding the interests of the people, and promoting the development of the party, forming some similar or analogous features.

尽管政治实力、国内影响力和阶段性目标不同，但资本主义国家共产党构建国内统一战线的意图大体一致，即团结尽可能多的政治力量，争取尽可能多的社会支持，以扩大社会主义影响力，夯实本国社会主义事业基础并为未来的斗争做好政治准备。在实践中，资本主义国家共产党大多重视体现特色、维护人民利益以及促进党的发展，形成一些相近或相似的特点。

(I) Leveraging Structural Party Alliances to Promote the Party's Own Development

（一）借力结构性政党联盟，推进党的自身发展

The structural party alliances in which communist parties in capitalist countries participate are basically left-wing party alliances, which hold significant political status and influence in the relevant countries and can even sway the direction of the political situation. As important members of party alliances, communist parties often provide crucial ideological and value support and contribute important talent resources. In the new historical period, some communist parties in capitalist countries have seen new changes in their perception and utilization of structural party alliances. For instance, in 1989, the South African Communist Party (SACP) formed a political alliance with the African National Congress (ANC) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) (referred to as the Tripartite Alliance). In 1994, the Tripartite Alliance participated in the first non-racial general election under the name of the ANC and won. The SACP believes that within the Tripartite Alliance, although it is not the leader, it can act as a vanguard force, providing ideological support and participating in national governance. In recent years, the SACP has emphasized the need, based on changes in the situation, to promote the formation of a broader patriotic front, especially to establish and consolidate a left-wing mass front. In the process of establishing the left-wing mass front, it highlights that the left-wing mass front has a certain degree of independence, rather than being a natural appendage of the Tripartite Alliance. In 2017, the SACP released a document titled "The SACP Needs More Than Ever to Assume the Leading Role in the National Democratic Revolution," emphasizing that although the ANC has made important contributions to the national liberation movement, the ANC does not permanently hold the leadership of the revolution. At the same time, based on problems emerging within the Tripartite Alliance, the SACP and COSATU issued a joint statement in March 2021, stating, "The SACP and COSATU reaffirm their commitment to restructuring the Tripartite Alliance, believing that if it is not properly restructured, it will not be able to effectively respond to the upcoming local elections." After the Broad Front in Uruguay lost its ruling position in recent years, the Communist Party of Uruguay, leveraging the strength and influence of the alliance, has continuously developed and strengthened itself. In the "Uruguayan local elections held in September 2020, Carolina Cosse, a member of the Broad Front and a communist, was elected mayor of the capital city, Montevideo."

资本主义国家共产党参加的结构性政党联盟基本系左翼政党联盟，其在相关国家具有重要的政治地位和影响力，乃至可以左右政局走向。共产党作为政党联盟重要成员，往往提供重要的思想、价值支持并输送重要人才资源。在新的历史时期，一些资本主义国家共产党对结构性政党联盟的认知和借力出现新的变化。如1989年，南非共产党与非国大及南非工会大会结成政治联盟（简称三方联盟）。1994年，三方联盟以非国大名义参加首次不分种族大选并赢得胜利。南非共认为，在三方联盟中该党虽然不是领导者，但是可以作为先锋力量，提供思想支持和参与国家治理。近年来，南非共强调要根据形势发展变化，推动成立更广泛的爱国阵线尤其是建立和巩固左翼群众阵线。在左翼群众阵线建立过程中，突出左翼群众阵线具有一定的独立性，而不是三方联盟的自然附属。2017年，南非共发布《南非共比任何时候都需要承担民族民主革命的领导责任》文件，强调非国大虽然对民族解放运动作出重要贡献，但非国大并非一劳永逸占据革命的领导权。同时基于三方联盟内部出现的问题，南非共与南非工会大会于2021年3月发表联合声明，指出“南非共和南非工会大会重申对重组三方联盟的承诺，认为如果不能很好地进行重组，就不能有效应对接下来的地方选举”。乌拉圭共产党在广泛阵线近年来丧失执政地位后，借助联盟力量和影响，持续发展壮大自己，在“2020年9月举行的乌拉圭地方选举中，广泛阵线成员、共产党人卡罗琳娜·科塞当选首都蒙得维的亚市市长”。

(II) Seizing Opportunities to Continuously Develop Looser Political Alliances

（二）把握时机，持续发展较为松散的政治联盟

Given the rapid shifts in the balance of power among political parties in some capitalist countries and the increasingly complex and acute nature of party struggles, many communist parties flexibly advance the construction of domestic united fronts based on the needs of the situation. This type of political alliance often manifests as short-term loose party alliances or electoral alliances. For example, since the 21st century, major communist forces in India, after encountering setbacks, have explored strengthening electoral alliance building. In the Bihar Legislative Assembly elections at the end of 2020, the electoral alliance formed by the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), and the Rashtriya Janata Dal won 16 of the 29 seats in the state assembly, with the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) winning 12 seats. In 2008, the French Communist Party chose to form an electoral alliance with small left-wing parties such as the Left Party—the Left Front—and supported Mélenchon's presidential candidacy. At the same time, to curb the offensive of the French right wing and far right, the French Communist Party also began to seek limited cooperation with the Socialist Party and others. For instance, in the March 2020 municipal elections in Marseille, France's second-largest city, the Communist Party, La France Insoumise, the Socialist Party, and others joined hands, proposing the slogan "Marseille Spring" and jointly fielding a single candidate, seeking to achieve left-wing governance in Marseille. To prepare for the 2021 Constituent Assembly and presidential elections, the Communist Party of Chile formed a left-wing electoral alliance called "Apruebo Dignidad" with multiple anti-neoliberal parties. The left-wing electoral alliance won both the Constituent Assembly and presidential elections, and the alliance's presidential candidate, Gabriel Boric, was elected as the new president of Chile. Regarding alliance partners, some communist parties also adhere to their principles, believing that what should be criticized must be criticized, and what should be struggled against must be struggled against, without unprincipled compromise. For example, although the Communist Party of Venezuela joined the large left-wing alliance formed by the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela, based on the needs of the situation, it also took the lead in August 2020 to form a revolutionary left-wing "Popular Revolutionary Alternative" primarily composed of its own party, seeking to provide a new left-wing alternative for the Venezuelan masses and continuously exposing and criticizing the Venezuelan capitalist crisis and the pro-bourgeoisie nature of government policies. Recently, the Venezuelan government's attacks on the "Popular Revolutionary Alternative" have escalated, especially "President Maduro and National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez have severely criticized it, even claiming that the latter colludes with US imperialism, undermining the country's peaceful development and stability."

鉴于一些资本主义国家政党力量的此消彼长快速演进以及政党斗争日益复杂尖锐，不少共产党根据形势发展需要，灵活地推进建设国内统一战线。这种政治联盟往往表现为短期的松散政党联盟或选举联盟。如21世纪以来，印度主要共产主义力量在遭遇挫折后，探索加强选举联盟建设。在2020年底比哈尔邦议会选举中，印共、印共（马）、印度革命社会党（马列）与全国人民党组成的选举联盟获得邦议会29席中的16席，其中印度革命社会党（马列）获得12席。法国共产党在2008年选择同左翼党等左派小党组成选举联盟——左翼阵线并支持梅朗雄参选总统。同时为遏制法国右翼和极右翼的进攻，法共也开始寻求与社会党等实施有限的合作。如在2020年3月法国第二大城市马赛市政选举中，共产党、不屈法国、社会党等携手合作，提出“马赛之春”的口号并共同推选唯一候选人，谋求实现左翼在马赛的执政。智利共产党为应对2021年制宪会议及总统选举，智共与多个反新自由主义政党组成名为“我赞同尊严”的左翼竞选联盟。左翼竞选联盟赢得制宪会议和总统选举两场选举的胜利，联盟总统候选人博里奇还当选智利新一届总统。对于联盟合作伙伴，一些国家共产党还坚持立场，认为该批评的要批评，该斗争的要斗争，而不能无原则妥协。如尽管委内瑞拉共产党加入执政党统一社会主义党组建的大左翼联盟，但是基于形势发展需要也牵头于2020年8月以本党为主组建革命左翼的“大众革命替代”，谋求为委内瑞拉社会大众提供新的左翼替代，并持续揭批委内瑞拉资本主义危机以及政府政策的亲资产阶级性质。近期，委内瑞拉政府对“大众革命替代”的攻击有所升级，尤其是“马杜罗总统和国民议会议长豪尔赫·罗德里格斯予以严厉批评，乃至声称后者与美帝国主义勾结，破坏国家和平发展与稳定”。

(III) Forming Dynamic Temporary Political Alliances with the Ruling Party or Ruling Coalition by Providing Extra-Parliamentary Support

（三）通过提供议会外支持，与执政党、执政联盟结成动态的临时政治联盟

Some communist parties in capitalist countries, in order to demonstrate their independence and own characteristics, maintain a certain distance from bourgeois parties, but do not rule out providing extra-parliamentary support to left-wing or somewhat left-leaning ruling parties or ruling coalitions. Their main method is to appropriately strengthen communication and coordination with the ruling party and government during parliamentary votes, helping government budget proposals and other important bills pass smoothly. In countries where the ruling party or ruling coalition does not hold a majority of seats in parliament, an opposition communist party holding a certain number of key seats can undoubtedly play an important political balancing role. For example, at the 19th Congress of the Portuguese Communist Party in 2012, the PCP emphasized shaping Portugal with the values and spirit of the April Revolution [5]5 The April Revolution refers to the Carnation Revolution of April 25, 1974, in Portugal, which overthrew the Estado Novo dictatorship and led to the establishment of a democratic regime. and proposed a patriotic left-wing alternative to win the support of workers, peasants, and small and medium-sized enterprises. At the same time, although the PCP has a profound understanding of the dangers of social democracy, out of the need to resist neoliberalism and fight for the interests of workers and peasants, it selectively supported the Socialist Party government outside parliament, together with the Left Bloc. Of course, once the Socialist Party's policies endanger the interests of the grassroots, the communist party may withdraw its political support. In recent years, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, by supporting the minority government led by the ANO 2011 party outside parliament, twice helped the government survive no-confidence votes initiated by the opposition, thereby securing government concessions on issues such as the reform of state-owned enterprises.

一些资本主义国家共产党为体现独立性和自身色彩，既与资产阶级政党保持一定距离，但也不排斥在议会外对左翼或具有一定左翼色彩的执政党、执政联盟予以支持。其主要方式是在议会投票时，适当与执政党和政府加强沟通和配合，帮助政府预算方案及其他重要议案顺利过关。在那些执政党或执政联盟未获议会半数以上席位的国家，获得一定关键席位的在野共产党无疑可以发挥重要的政治平衡作用。如在2012年葡共十九大上，葡共强调用四月革命的价值观和精神来塑造葡萄牙并提出爱国的左翼替代主张，以争取工人、农民和中小企业的支持。同时，葡共尽管对社会民主主义危害有着深刻的认识，但是出于抵制新自由主义以及为工人和农民争取利益的需要，与左翼集团一道在议会外选择性支持社会党执政。当然，一旦社会党政策危及基层民众利益，共产党就可能收回对其的政治支持。捷克和摩拉维亚共产党近年来通过在议会外支持“AN02011”党领导的少数派政府，两次协助政府安然度过反对党推动的议会不信任投票，进而争取政府在国有企业改革等方面做出让步。

(IV) In resisting foreign invasion and interference, supporting the government in building a temporary patriotic united front

（四）在反抗外来侵略和干涉中，支持政府构建临时的爱国统一战线

This situation is relatively common in developing countries subject to greater Western interference. Communist parties out of power in these countries often have considerable criticism of their own governments’ economic and social policies, but in opposing foreign interference, most choose to offer the government a degree of moral support and solidarity, thereby demonstrating the communist party’s patriotism and national sentiment, as well as its defense of national sovereignty, security, and development interests. For example, the Iraqi Communist Party strongly condemns the government’s suppression of popular protests over livelihood issues, but also cooperates with the government in opposing external forces attacking the country’s territory or creating military conflicts. The Communist Party of Armenia resolutely opposed Azerbaijan’s 2020 invasion of its country, “calling on all progressive forces, patriotic forces and individuals in the country to resist all forms of aggression and give full support to the state and its armed forces; calling on all peace-loving peoples of the world and global left-wing and progressive forces to jointly uphold peace and condemn Azerbaijan’s military aggression; also calling on communists around the world to jointly demand an end to the war and seek a resolution of all outstanding disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia based on the UN Charter and other instruments.”

这种情况在受西方干涉较多的发展中国家较为普遍。上述国家在野共产党对本国政府经济社会等政策往往颇有微词，但是在反对外来干涉方面大多选择给予政府一定道义支持和声援，以展现共产党的爱国主义和民族情怀以及对国家主权、安全和发展等利益的维护。如伊拉克共产党对本国政府镇压民众围绕民生问题发起的抗议予以强烈指责，但也配合政府反对外部力量袭击本国领土或制造军事冲突。亚美尼亚共产党对阿塞拜疆2020年入侵本国予以坚决反对，“呼吁所有本国进步人士、爱国力量和个人抵抗一切形式的侵略，充分支持国家及其武装部队；呼吁全世界所有爱好和平的人民以及全球左翼和进步力量，共同维护和平、谴责阿塞拜疆的军事侵略；还呼吁世界各地共产主义者一道要求结束战争，谋求基于《联合国宪章》等解决阿塞拜疆和亚美尼亚之间所有悬而未决的争端”。

IV. Assessment and Prospects for the Domestic United Fronts of Communist Parties in Capitalist Countries under the New Situation

四、对新形势下资本主义国家共产党国内统一战线的评估和展望

For most communist parties in capitalist countries, the domestic united front is both a strategy and a tactic, both a current necessity and a long-term requirement. Against the complex international backdrop of changes unseen in a century compounded by the pandemic, strengthening the construction of domestic united fronts by communist parties in capitalist countries is of great significance.

对多数资本主义国家共产党而言，国内统一战线既是战略也是策略，既是当前需要也是长远需求。在百年变局叠加世纪疫情的复杂国际背景下，资本主义国家共产党加强国内统一战线建设的意义重大。

(I) Demonstrating the conceptual innovation and ideological strength of some communist parties in capitalist countries

（一）展示一些资本主义国家共产党的理念创新和思想力量

As social structures and political ecosystems change, the contest over development concepts in capitalist countries is increasingly manifesting itself, with various social and political ideologies clashing fiercely. From the perspective of ideological concepts and policy demands, the left-wing alternative proposals of some communist parties in capitalist countries often reflect a high degree of contemporaneity, demonstrating a high level of justice and fairness—precisely what the proposals of other political forces lack. However, the forward-looking and radical nature of these ideological policies requires extensive dissemination and promotion to win greater ideological recognition and political support. To this end, some communist parties in capitalist countries actively carry out work such as public opinion propaganda, ideological education, and theoretical communication, integrating these efforts into the construction of the domestic united front, thereby generating greater ideological dissemination and influence. The targets of the above ideological work include the general public, like-minded left-wing parties, social movements, and civil organizations, as well as other potential political forces that may share some basis of consensus. In terms of practical results, sustained ideological innovation and its propaganda influence have, to a certain extent, laid a more favorable ideological foundation for strengthening the unity of left-wing forces and building a broader domestic united front.

随着社会结构、政治生态的变化，资本主义国家的发展理念之争日益显化，各种社会政治思想激烈交锋。从思想理念和政策诉求来看，一些资本主义国家共产党的左翼替代方案往往体现较高的时代性，展现了高度的正义性和公平性，而这正是其他政治力量的主张所缺乏的。但是这种思想政策的超前性和激进性，还需要进行广泛的传播和推广，以争取更大的思想认同和政治支持。为此，一些资本主义国家共产党积极开展舆论宣传、思想教育、理论沟通等工作，并将上述努力融入到国内统一战线构建工作中去，进而形成更大的思想传播力和影响力。上述思想工作的对象既包括一般的社会大众，也包括志同道合的左翼政党、社会运动和民间团体等，还涵盖其他可能存有一定共识基础的潜在政治力量。从实践效果来看，持续不断的思想创新及其宣传影响，一定程度上为加强左翼力量的团结以及组建更大范围的国内统一战线奠定了更为有利的思想基础。

(II) Manifesting the political cooperation culture of some communist parties in capitalist countries

（二）彰显一些资本主义国家共产党的政治合作文化

In the past, some communist parties in capitalist countries were considered relatively “conservative,” often adopting a critical and combative attitude toward various other political forces, and engaging in political struggles of varying degrees. This provided “rhetoric” for bourgeois parties in some capitalist countries to criticize and marginalize the communist party, and also aroused doubts among some voters in capitalist countries. The above situation has continuously prompted reflection by communist parties in capitalist countries, leading some to strive to grasp the situation, maintaining a certain degree of criticism while also displaying more gestures of communication and dialogue, in order to win over more social and political forces to participate in the struggle against neoliberalism and against bourgeois governments. On the one hand, some communist parties in capitalist countries strengthen communication and dialogue with opposition parties, social movements, and civil organizations, jointly conducting parliamentary or street struggles to counter right-wing or extremist government policies, and even promote regime change. On the other hand, some communist parties in capitalist countries take advantage of relatively favorable political situations to communicate and dialogue with left-wing governments about to take office or currently in power, offering conditional support, thereby projecting an image of a responsible party. This shows that many communist parties in capitalist countries have moved toward greater openness and inclusiveness, intending to further break down political boundaries or barriers, promote political communication and collaboration, and thereby better embody the new political culture of the communist party. The formation and strengthening of the above political culture is conducive to some communist parties in capitalist countries gaining more political support and accumulating more political energy in their efforts to achieve socialism in their own countries.

以往部分资本主义国家共产党被认为相对“保守”，对其他各类政治力量多持批判和攻击态度，还进行了不同程度的政治斗争。这为一些资本主义国家资产阶级政党非议和排挤共产党提供了“说辞”，也引发了一些资本主义国家选民的疑虑。上述情况持续推动资本主义国家共产党的反思，促使一些国家共产党努力把握形势，在保持一定批判性的同时，也努力显示更多的沟通和对话姿态，以争取更多的社会政治力量参与到反对新自由主义以及针对资产阶级政府的斗争中去。一方面，部分资本主义国家共产党加强与在野党、社会运动及民间团体等的沟通与对话，联合开展议会斗争或街头斗争，以反制右翼或极端主义政府政策，乃至促进实现政权的更替；另一方面，部分资本主义国家共产党利用相对有利的政治形势，通过与即将执政或正在执政的左翼政府进行沟通和对话并提供有条件的支持，进而展现负责任的政党形象。这表明不少资本主义国家共产党走向了更大程度地开放和包容，意图通过进一步打破政治界限或壁垒，促进政治沟通与协作，进而更多体现共产党的新政治文化。上述政治文化的形成和强化有利于一些资本主义国家共产党在本国争取实现社会主义过程中获得更多的政治支持并积累更多的政治能量。

(III) Helping some communist parties in capitalist countries achieve electoral victories within a certain scope

（三）帮助一些资本主义国家共产党实现一定范围的选举胜利

The core of the capitalist political system lies in elections; only by winning as many elections as possible can one obtain more political resources and possess corresponding political competitive advantages. The realistic goal of the theoretical and practical innovations in the domestic united front by some communist parties in capitalist countries is to win victories in various types of elections, thereby gaining a certain political voice, especially the qualification to participate in or hold government office, and to seek a more favorable political environment for their own development. The construction of the domestic united front helps some communist parties in capitalist countries gain more support in areas such as nominating candidates, joint propaganda, winning voter support, and countering political attacks, thereby achieving greater political gains. From a global perspective, some communist parties in capitalist countries, such as the Communist Party of Spain and the Communist Party of Chile, have achieved participation in coalition governments or sent party cadres to serve as senior officials in central governments. Some communist parties in capitalist countries, such as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Workers’ Party of Belgium, the Communist Party of Brazil, and the Communist Party of Uruguay, have performed well in local parliamentary elections and hold executive power in some important cities or provinces. These emerging bright spots not only inspire left-wing forces and progressive people in the relevant countries but also promote new developments in world socialism.

资本主义政治体制的核心在于选举，只有赢得尽可能多的选举才可能获得更多政治资源并拥有相应的政治竞争优势。一些资本主义国家共产党的国内统一战线理论与实践创新，其现实目标是通过获得各类选举的胜利，进而赢得一定的政治话语权尤其是参政或执政的资格并为自身发展谋求更有利的政治环境。国内统一战线建设有助于一些资本主义国家共产党在提名候选人、联合宣传、争取选民支持以及反制政治攻击等方面获得更多支持，进而实现更多的政治收益。从全球范围来看，西班牙共产党、智利共产党等部分资本主义国家共产党实现了参与联合执政或派遣党员干部担任中央政府高官；俄罗斯联邦共产党、比利时工人党、巴西共产党、乌拉圭共产党等一些资本主义国家共产党在地方议会选举中表现出色并占据一些重要城市或省份的执政权。这些不断出现的亮点不仅鼓舞了相关国家左翼力量和进步民众，而且促进了世界社会主义的新发展。

(IV) Promoting the successful transformation of policy proposals of some communist parties in capitalist countries into national laws or government policies

（四）推动一些资本主义国家共产党的政策主张成功转化为国家法律或政府政策

Communist parties in capitalist countries do not lack the courage for ideological innovation and political struggle, but due to their status as opposition parties, they often exhibit the problem of more policy criticism and less policy practice. Only by transforming party policies into laws and policies that affect the daily lives of voters can they attract more attention, concern, and even support from voters. Therefore, most communist parties in capitalist countries that participate in coalition governments or provide extra-parliamentary support pay close attention to the formulation or improvement of government policies. For example, Alberto Garzón, leader of the Communist Party of Spain, stated, “After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government’s response focused on the ‘social shield,’ aimed at introducing a package of measures to protect the working class and the majority of society from the impact of the pandemic,” and “the above response clearly focused on social protection, which is in stark contrast to the crisis response in 2010, thanks to our presence in the government.”

资本主义国家共产党不缺乏思想创新和政治斗争的勇气，但是受在野地位影响，往往呈现政策批判多而政策实践少的问题。只有将政党政策转为影响民众日常生活的法律和政策，才能引起选民的更多关注和重视乃至支持。因而，多数参与联合政府或提供议会外支持的资本主义国家共产党都非常关注政府政策的制定或完善。如西班牙共产党领导人阿尔贝托·加尔松表示，“在新冠肺炎疫情发生后，政府的反应集中在‘社会盾牌’上，旨在推出保护工人阶级和社会大多数人免受疫情大流行影响的一揽子措施”，“上述反应明确侧重于社会保护，其与2010年的危机应对方式形成了鲜明的对比，这得益于我们在政府中的存在”。

Of course, some communist parties in capitalist countries also have a relatively clear understanding of the importance and role of the domestic united front. That is, the current domestic united front is not yet sufficient to fundamentally change the overall situation of communist parties in capitalist countries, but it is also indispensable. Therefore, most communist parties in capitalist countries value the domestic united front but do not overly fetishize or rely on it, focusing instead on strengthening their own construction to build a stronger party. For example, the Communist Party USA recently argued, “During the Trump presidency, the need for a people’s front within the United States did not cease, but its form is changing. During the transition period, new coalitions are constantly emerging, which should not surprise anyone. Around specific issues and goals, new coalitions are often born and die, rising and falling unpredictably. In fact, the broader the front and the broader the basis of unity, the more fragile the coalition; once the main goal is achieved, the various parts that make up the coalition may fall apart.”

当然，对于国内统一战线的重要性和作用，一些资本主义国家共产党也有着相对清醒地认识。即当前国内统一战线尚不足以从根本上改变资本主义国家共产党的整体处境，但是也不可或缺。因而，多数资本主义国家共产党既看重国内统一战线，但也不过分迷信和依赖国内统一战线，并重点加强自身建设，以打造更为强大的党。如美共近期认为，“在特朗普总统执政期间，美国内部对人民阵线的需求没有停止，但其形式正在发生变化。在过渡期间，新的联盟正在不断出现，这不让任何人感到惊讶。围绕着特定的问题和目标，新的联盟经常会产生并消亡，可谓兴衰起伏无常。事实上，战线越广、团结的基础越广，联盟就越脆弱，一旦实现主要目标，组成联盟的各个部分就可能分崩离析。”

Looking to the future, under the international environment of “capitalism being strong and socialism being weak,” which is difficult to change in the short term, and given that capitalism still possesses a certain resilience, communist parties in capitalist countries are generally in a relatively unfavorable political situation, and their explorations of socialism in their respective countries still have a long way to go. Especially in the theoretical and practical exploration of domestic united front construction, any new progress or new achievements made by communist parties in capitalist countries are undoubtedly very precious. This is both an experience of world socialism and an internal need for the sustainable development of communist parties in capitalist countries. Considering that the drawbacks of the political systems in capitalist countries are increasingly exposed, especially the growing fragmentation of political parties, the increasingly obvious political polarization, and the increasing questioning of electoral democracy, as long as communist parties in capitalist countries deeply grasp the world situation, national conditions, and party conditions, properly utilize domestic social and political contradictions, and continuously explore political alliances and cooperation while maintaining their own independence, they may achieve new development in domestic united front construction. This gradual quantitative development may lay a good political foundation for a few communist parties in capitalist countries to achieve qualitative development. Of course, affected by factors such as the uncertainty of capitalist world development and the intervention of international anti-communist forces, the domestic united front explorations of some communist parties in capitalist countries may face some new internal and external disturbances, and thus face a difficult situation. This requires the relevant communist parties in capitalist countries to scientifically assess the situation and produce effective coping strategies.

展望未来，在“资强社弱”的国际大环境短期内难以改变以及资本主义仍具有一定韧劲的情况下，资本主义国家共产党普遍处于相对不利的政治处境，对各自社会主义的探索任重道远。尤其是在国内统一战线建设理论与实践探索方面，资本主义国家共产党取得的任何新进展、新成就无疑都是十分宝贵的。这既是世界社会主义的经验，也是资本主义国家共产党可持续发展的内在需求。考虑到资本主义国家政治体制弊端日益暴露，尤其是政党碎片化日益突出、政治极化日益明显以及选举民主遭受更多质疑，资本主义国家共产党只要深刻把握世情、国情以及党情，妥善利用国内社会政治矛盾，在维护自身独立性的同时不断探索政治联合与合作，就可能实现国内统一战线建设的新发展。这种渐进的量的发展有可能为少数资本主义国家共产党实现质的发展奠定良好的政治基础。当然，受资本主义世界发展的不确定性以及国际反共力量干预等因素影响，部分资本主义国家共产党的国内统一战线探索可能面临一些新的内外干扰，进而面临艰难的局面。这就需要有关资本主义国家共产党科学研判形势并拿出有效的应对策略。

V. Conclusion

五、总结

Given the current situation where multiple crises of capitalism persist unabated and vicious party struggles in capitalist countries continue, socialism, as a thought and value, is receiving increasing attention and esteem. In particular, the recognition of socialism among young people in some Western countries has increased to some extent, becoming a bright spot in world socialism. According to a relevant poll in 2019, “61% of American youth (aged 18 to 24) expressed a positive view of socialism.” [6]6 This refers to a 2019 Gallup poll, though the exact figure cited here may come from a specific survey variant; the poll found that 61% of U.S. adults aged 18–24 viewed socialism positively. This shows, to a certain extent, that the influence of socialism has increased globally, that socialism remains a viable institutional choice, and that the future of socialism is still bright. However, it must also be seen that the pursuit of socialist-colored concepts such as justice and fairness by grassroots people in capitalist countries does not equate to natural support for socialism, nor does it mean that socialism will inevitably advance triumphantly. The exploration of socialism by communist parties in capitalist countries is still ongoing, and they need to grasp the world situation, national conditions, and party conditions to further intensify their exploration of the path. They must not only continue to courageously participate in ideological struggles in the social sphere and intensify their criticism of the cruelty and indifference of capitalism, but also grasp the actual conditions of their own countries to propose left-wing alternative plans that are more in line with public opinion and more competitive, and strive to elevate these into political practice through various means, thereby enhancing the attractiveness of the communist parties’ ideological values and policy propositions.

鉴于当前资本主义多重危机高烧不退以及资本主义国家政党恶斗不断的现状，社会主义作为一种思想和价值受到越来越多的重视和推崇。尤其是部分西方国家青年对社会主义的认可有所增多，成为世界社会主义的一个亮点。根据2019年有关民调显示，“61%的美国青年（18至24岁）表示对社会主义持积极看法”。这在一定程度上表明，社会主义影响力在全球范围内有所提升，社会主义仍是一种可行的制度选择，社会主义的未来依然光明。但是也要看到，资本主义国家基层民众对公正、公平等具有社会主义色彩理念的追求，不等于对社会主义的自然支持，也不等于社会主义的必然高歌猛进。资本主义国家共产党对社会主义的探索仍在路上，需要把握世情、国情、党情进一步加大道路探索力度。其不仅要继续勇于参与社会思想领域的交锋，加大对资本主义残酷与冷漠的批判，还要把握本国实际提出更符合民意、更有竞争力的左翼替代方案，并努力通过各种方式将其上升为政治实践，进而提升共产党思想价值和政策主张的吸引力。

Communist parties in capitalist countries have different views on the path to achieving socialism, and their strategies and tactics for struggle also differ. But undoubtedly, they need to keep pace with the times and innovate in promoting domestic united front construction according to actual conditions. This is both a need for struggle and a need for cooperation, reflecting the innovative and transformative capabilities of communist parties. In the process of building and developing domestic united fronts, communist parties in capitalist countries need to moderately emancipate their thinking, fully recognizing both the necessity of cooperation and the complexity and sensitivity of cooperation, insisting on both the principled nature of their stance and the flexibility of their tactics, and highlighting both serving current goals and taking into account long-term development, striving to achieve something. At the same time, in response to the continuous evolution of domestic social structures, they should deeply grasp the changes in the mentality of the masses, strive to win the understanding, recognition, and support of the middle and lower social strata, and continuously expand the social foundation of the domestic united front. Of course, we must also see that the communist parties in capitalist countries and their domestic united front construction are affected by complex domestic and international factors, and are unlikely to be smooth sailing; theoretical innovation and practical development are sometimes difficult to synchronize, and their future direction and effectiveness require further observation.

资本主义国家共产党对实现社会主义的路径看法不一，斗争的战略和策略也有所不同。但无疑需要根据实际情况，在推进国内统一战线建设方面与时俱进、有所创新。这既是斗争的需要也是合作的需要，体现了共产党的创新变革能力。在构建和发展国内统一战线过程中，资本主义国家共产党需要适度解放思想，既充分认识合作的必要性也把握合作的复杂性敏感性，既坚持立场的原则性又突出策略的灵活性，既突出服务当前目标也兼顾长远发展，争取有所作为。同时针对国内社会结构的持续演变，深入把握社会大众的心态变化，努力争取社会中下阶层的理解、认同和支持，不断扩大国内统一战线的社会基础。当然，我们也要看到资本主义国家共产党及其国内统一战线建设受到复杂国内外因素的影响，不大可能会一帆风顺，理论创新与实践发展有时难以同步，其未来走向及成效需要进一步观察。

(Author’s bio: Shi Xiaohu, Executive Dean and Researcher of the Institute of Party Politics and Party Diplomacy, Beijing International Studies University)

（作者简介：石晓虎，北京第二外国语学院政党政治与政党外交研究院执行院长，研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心