New Explorations of the French Communist Party’s Alliance Strategy since the Upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

I. The Course of the French Communist Party’s Alliance Proposals and Actions since the Upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

一、苏东剧变以来法共的联合主张与行动的探索历程

Since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the French Communist Party (PCF), while undergoing a transition in leadership, has gradually innovated its party theory. In 1994, the PCF held its 28th Congress, where Robert Hue was elected National Secretary and put forward the basic proposition of “New Communism.” At the 29th Congress in 1996, the theory of “New Communism” was established as the guiding ideology of the PCF, and was subsequently enriched and developed by successive National Secretaries Marie-George Buffet, Pierre Laurent, and Fabien Roussel. Correspondingly, the PCF has also put forward new proposals and actions on the issue of alliances.

苏东剧变以来，法共在进行领导权交替的同时也逐渐对党的理论进行了革新。1994年法共召开了第二十八次代表大会，罗贝尔·于当选为法共总书记，提出了“新共产主义”的基本主张。1996年法共二十九大上，“新共产主义”理论被确立为法共的指导思想，此后由玛丽-乔治·比费、皮埃尔·洛朗和法比安·鲁塞尔几任全国书记不断丰富与发展。相应地，法共在联合问题上也有新的主张与行动。

(A) The Robert Hue Period: Left-Wing Alliance Based on “Citizen Intervention” and a “Plural Left Government”

（一）罗贝尔·于时期:“公民干预”基础上的左翼联合与“多元左翼政府”

The 28th Congress of the PCF adjusted the party’s alliance policy, “shifting from the long-standing advocacy of a left-wing alliance to an alliance of left-wing progressive forces based on citizen intervention.” [1]1 “Citizen intervention” (公民干预) refers to the PCF’s concept of mobilizing ordinary citizens in political and social struggles outside of traditional party structures, as a basis for left-wing alliances. The PCF believed that, due to changes in the class structure of the state and the balance of class forces, the form of violent revolution had become outdated in France; revolution could only be “peaceful, legal, and gradual.” However, this democratic form of revolution “does not belong to the reformist path”; it “is consistent with the role of violent revolution, both opposing the rule of capitalism.” Under the new conditions of class struggle, the PCF sought to unite all forces opposed to capitalism, carry out various forms of intervention, and wage effective struggles in all fields. It aimed both to pursue political cooperation with left-wing parties, establishing a parliament and government favorable to the working class to create conditions for a democratic transition to socialism, and to unite the broad working masses through an alliance of left-wing progressive forces to participate in the struggle to transform the regime, striving for rights in all areas, and ultimately achieving the communist goal.

法共二十八大对党的联合政策进行了调整，“从过去长期主张的左翼联盟转变为在公民干预基础上实行左翼进步力量联盟”。法共认为，由于国家阶级结构和阶级力量对比发生了变化，暴力革命的形式在法国已经过时，革命只能是“和平的、合法的和渐进的”，但这种民主形式的革命“并不属于改良道路”，它“同暴力革命的作用相一致，都是反对资本主义的统治”。在新的阶级斗争条件下，法共力求联合一切反对资本主义的力量，进行多种形式的干预活动和在各领域开展有效的斗争。既要与左翼政党开展政治合作，建立有利于工人阶级的议会和政府，为民主地走向社会主义创造条件；又要团结广大劳动群众通过左翼进步力量联盟参与到变革政权的斗争中来，争取各方面权利，最终实现共产主义目标。

First, the PCF successfully entered government through a plural left-wing alliance. Before the 1997 National Assembly elections, the PCF and the French Socialist Party (hereinafter “the Socialist Party”) issued a “Common Declaration” on issues such as the 35-hour workweek, tax reform, and halting privatization. The Greens, the Citizens’ Movement, and others also joined to form a left-wing electoral alliance. Ultimately, the left-wing electoral alliance won a total of 320 seats, of which the PCF won 37, becoming the parliamentary majority by an absolute margin. Socialist Party leader Lionel Jospin included all parties in the left-wing electoral alliance in his cabinet, forming a “Plural Left Government,” in which the PCF had four members who “served as Minister of Equipment, Minister of Youth and Sports, and Secretary of State for Tourism.” [2]2 The “Plural Left Government” (多元左翼政府) was the coalition cabinet led by Socialist Lionel Jospin from 1997 to 2002, which included the PCF, the Greens, and other left-wing parties. Through this governing cooperation, the PCF set goals of promoting progressive reform policies by the left-wing government that aligned with the interests of the broad working people, strengthening its own political position, and expanding room for development. Second, the PCF strengthened its ties with mass organizations and supported mass struggles. At its 30th Congress in 2000, the PCF elected a number of trade union officials and social movement leaders to the party’s leading executive bodies. The PCF also actively supported the work of the French Young Communist Movement, the Women’s Union of France, the Association of Veterans for the Defense of the Republic, the French Union of Elderly Workers, and others, and led and participated in strikes and demonstrations against the dismissal law, the law restricting foreigners, and the privatization of Renault. Facing increasingly severe environmental problems, the PCF also began to advocate working with various green movements to address the environmental crisis caused by capitalism. Third, the PCF engaged in left-wing alliances at the European and international levels. The PCF first became a member of the New European Left Forum, joined the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group in the European Parliament in 1994, and participated multiple times in organizing international Marxist academic seminars to promote exchange and cooperation among socialists worldwide.

首先，法共通过多元左翼联盟成功参政。1997年国民议会选举前，法共与法国社会党（以下简称“社会党”）就35小时工作制、税制改革、停止私有化等问题发表了《共同声明》，绿党、公民运动等也加入其中共同结成了左翼选举联盟。最终，左翼选举联盟共获得了320个席位，其中法共37席，以绝对优势成为议会多数。社会党领袖利昂内尔·若斯潘吸收了左翼选举联盟中的所有政党入阁，组成“多元左翼政府”，法共先后共4人参加政府并“担任装备部长、青年和体育部长及旅游国务秘书”。此次执政合作，法共提出了促进左翼政府实行符合广大劳动者利益的进步变革政策、加强自身政治地位和开拓发展空间的目标。其次，法共密切与群众组织的联系，支持群众斗争活动。2000年法共三十大选举了一批工会负责人和社会运动领导人进入党的领导执行机构，法共还积极支持法国青年共产主义运动、法兰西妇女联盟、退伍军人维护共和协会、法国老年劳动者联盟等的工作，领导和参与了反对解雇法、限制外籍人法、雷诺公司私有化等罢工和游行活动。面对日益严峻的环境问题，法共也开始倡导与各种绿色运动一道努力应对资本主义造成的环境危机。再次，法共投身于欧洲和国际范围的左翼联合。法共先是成为了新欧洲左翼论坛的成员，1994年又加入了共产党欧洲议会党团，还多次参与组织了国际马克思主义学术研讨会，促进世界各国社会主义者的交流与合作。

(B) The Buffet Period: “People’s Movement as the Center” and Different Attempts at Party Alliances

（二）比费时期:“以人民运动为中心”与政党联合的不同尝试

In the context of new problems arising from the implementation of the “New Communism” theory and the left’s defeat in the 2002 presidential election, the PCF held its 32nd Congress in 2003. The congress re-elected Buffet as National Secretary, succeeding Robert Hue to take full charge of the party’s work. It developed the “New Communism” theory and put forward the alliance proposition of “taking the people’s movement as the center.” [3]3 “People’s movement as the center” (以人民运动为中心) denotes the PCF’s strategic shift under Buffet to prioritize grassroots social movements over electoral alliances with other parties. The experience of participating in the “Plural Left Government” allowed the PCF to play a certain role in promoting social reforms, but overall the results were not significant. In the process of participating in the actions of the left-wing government, the PCF was constrained by the Socialist Party’s leading position and was unable to put its own policy proposals into practice, even struggling to maintain the party’s autonomy. The PCF’s alliance strategy remained within the old framework, “overly focused on the relationship with the Socialist Party, which hindered the development of the people’s movement needed to promote change and the establishment of new relationships with certain social actors (associations, trade unions, citizens…).” [4]4 This is a quotation from a PCF internal document or resolution, reflecting the party’s self-critique of its earlier alliance strategy. After reflection, the PCF decided to abandon “the illusion of state-centered social change,” to “bring the people’s movement into inter-party relations,” and to choose to “put the people’s movement first in all circumstances.” [5]5 These phrases are drawn from PCF congress resolutions, indicating a deliberate move away from state-focused reformism toward movement-based politics.

在“新共产主义”理论实施面临新问题和左翼在2002年总统选举中失败的形势下，法共于2003年召开了第三十二次代表大会，大会选举比费连任全国书记并接替罗贝尔·于全面主持党的工作，对“新共产主义”理论进行了发展，并提出了“以人民运动为中心”的联合主张。“多元左翼政府”的参政经历使法共在促进社会改革方面发挥了一定作用，但总体而言效果并不明显。在左翼政府行动的参与过程中，法共受制于社会党的领导地位而无法将自己的政策主张付诸实践，甚至难以保持党的自主性。法共的联合策略仍停留在过去的框架内，“过于确定与社会党的关系，却妨碍了推动变革的人民运动发展的需要以及与一些社会行为主体(协会、工会、公民……)的新关系的建立”，法共经过反思后决定放弃“以国家为中心的社会变革的幻想”，要“使人民运动介入政党关系”，并选择“在任何情况下都把人民运动放在首位”。

To this end, on the one hand, the PCF opposed the Socialist Party’s long-term monopoly on left-wing leadership and actively cooperated with other left-wing parties. In the 2007 National Assembly elections, the PCF won 18 seats (including sympathizers), falling short of the 20 seats required to form a parliamentary group, but ultimately formed a joint parliamentary group with the Greens. In the 2009 European Parliament elections, the PCF, together with the Left Party and the “Unitary Left,” established a Left Front opposing “the Europe of the Lisbon Treaty,” winning 6.47% of the vote and 5 seats. On the other hand, the PCF insisted on paying attention to and responding to the demands of the masses, placing particular emphasis on collaboration with social movements. In 2006, the PCF held its 33rd Congress, “raising high the banner of anti-neoliberalism,” and put forward a platform for the 2007 general election that included commitments to promote economic growth, full employment, strengthen public services, renationalize large enterprises, and implement tax reform. On the opening day of the congress, Buffet and all attending delegates participated in a demonstration against the “First Employment Contract” law, which ultimately led to its withdrawal. At the 34th Congress in 2008, Buffet called for the establishment of a “progressive front for the defense of freedom and democracy” with broad participation from left-wing political forces, trade unions, associations, and citizens. Under her leadership, the PCF attempted, under the label of “People’s and Citizen’s Left,” to draw closer to various participants in social movements such as “Citizen Alternative” and the “Republican Left Association,” and promoted cooperation with gender equality movements, green movements, anti-globalization movements, and others. Furthermore, after years of initiatives and consultations, some communist parties and other left-wing parties from European countries established a unified party organization in 2004—the Party of the European Left. The PCF became one of its founding members, committed to advancing the overall unity of the European left and the realization of common left-wing goals.

为此，法共一方面反对社会党对左翼领导地位的长期垄断，积极与其他左翼政党开展合作。2007年国民议会选举中法共获得18席（包括同情者），没有达到组成议会党团所必需的20个席位，但最终与绿党组成了联合议会党团。2009年欧洲议会选举时，法共与左翼党、“团结左翼”共同建立起反对“里斯本条约的欧洲”的左翼阵线，并获得了6.47%的选票和5个议席。另一方面，法共坚持对群众诉求的关注与回应，特别重视同社会运动的协作。2006年法共召开三十三大，“高举反新自由主义旗帜”，提出了包括促进经济增长、充分就业、加强公共服务、大企业重新国有化、实行税制改革等承诺作为2007年大选的纲领。比费和三十三大全体与会代表还在大会开幕当天参加了反对“首次雇佣法”的游行，使该法案最终被撤销。2008年法共三十四大上，比费呼吁建立一个左翼政治力量、工会、协会和公民广泛参与的“捍卫自由和民主的进步阵线”。在她的领导下，法共试图在“人民和公民左派”的标签下拉近与社会运动的各种参与者“公民替代”“共和左翼协会”等的距离，并促进了与性别平权运动、绿色运动、反全球化运动等的合作。此外，经过多年倡议和磋商，来自欧洲部分国家的共产党及其他左翼政党于2004年建立了一个统一的政党组织——欧洲左翼党，法共成为首批正式成员，致力于推进欧洲左翼的整体联合与左翼共同目标的实现。

(C) The Laurent Period: Development and Stagnation of the Left Front and the Expansion of European Left-Wing Alliances

（三）洛朗时期:左翼阵线的发展、停滞与欧洲左翼联合的扩大

In 2010, the PCF held its 35th Congress, where Laurent was elected as the new National Secretary, succeeding Buffet. The 35th Congress pointed out that the government, which should have been held responsible for the 2008 financial crisis, instead implemented austerity plans, making workers pay for the crisis, plunging millions of workers into unemployment, instability, and poverty. Capitalism is increasingly unable to meet the challenges of human development, and the communist promise of human liberation is more necessary than ever. The PCF aimed to initiate a process of establishing a “People’s Alliance Treaty” nationwide, inviting members of the Left Front, trade union leaders, intellectuals, elected representatives, participants in social movements, and all citizens seeking a way out of the crisis to participate through various forms of activity, to open up another choice for the 21st century, to transcend the capitalist system and its logic, and to “oppose financial markets, putting people first.” [6]6 “Oppose financial markets, putting people first” (反对金融市场，以人为先) is a slogan from the PCF’s 35th Congress, encapsulating its anti-austerity and human-centered stance.

2010年法共召开了三十五大，洛朗接替比费当选为法共新的全国书记。法共三十五大指出，本应对2008年金融危机负有责任的政府却通过实施紧缩计划，让工人为这场危机买单，致使数百万工人陷入失业、不稳定和贫困。资本主义越来越无力应对人类发展的挑战，对人类解放的共产主义承诺比以往任何时候都更有必要。法共要在全国范围内开启建立“人民联盟条约”的进程，并邀请左翼阵线成员、工会领导人、知识分子、民选代表、社会运动参与者以及所有寻求摆脱危机的公民，通过各种形式的活动一道参与进来，为21世纪开辟另一种选择，超越资本主义制度及其逻辑，“反对金融市场，以人为先”。

Under Laurent’s leadership, the PCF insisted on expanding left-wing unity and popular solidarity. First, the PCF continued to participate in the joint actions of the Left Front. In the 2010 regional council elections and the 2011 departmental council elections, the Left Front’s strength increased somewhat, encouraging further expansion of its joint actions. In the 2012 presidential election, the PCF supported Jean-Luc Mélenchon, leader of the Left Party, as the common candidate of the Left Front. Mélenchon received 11.10% of the valid votes in the first round, placing fourth. Although he failed to enter the final second-round runoff, this nonetheless represented the best result for the PCF in presidential elections since the 1990s. However, in the subsequent 2012 National Assembly elections, the Left Front obtained only 6.91% and 1.08% of the vote in the two rounds respectively, ultimately winning just ten seats, of which the PCF held seven—far fewer than in the previous legislature. In the subsequent European Parliament elections, the Left Front also failed to achieve a breakthrough. Meanwhile, differences among the parties within the Left Front on many issues gradually emerged, and during a series of local council and municipal elections in 2014–2015, conflicts even arose. Second, in response to changing circumstances, the PCF proposed the formation of a new social and political front. After 2012, the policies implemented by Socialist President François Hollande seriously harmed the interests of the people, and cracks appeared within the Left Front, which “could not effectively unite the left-wing forces hoping for change.” “To give the people back the initiative,” the PCF’s 37th Congress in 2016 put forward the initiative of a “People’s and Citizens’ Front,” aiming to unite left-wing and ecological political forces, trade union forces, and social movements to eliminate the danger of the right and the far right and to build a new majority. Third, the PCF further promoted left-wing unity at the European level. The party constitution adopted at the PCF’s 36th Congress in 2013 added content concerning solidarity and action at the European and global levels, establishing basic norms for regional and international unity. In December 2010, Laurent was elected the new President of the Party of the European Left. During his term, the Party of the European Left expanded to include 27 European political parties, including those from Northern Europe, and organized movements such as opposition to the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union, opposition to the “Greek bond troika,” support for a “new organization of the European Central Bank,” and support for “diplomatic initiatives for peace, human rights, and the reception of refugees.” He also founded the European Forum in Paris and Marseille in 2015 and 2017, effectively promoting communication and cooperation between the PCF and various left-wing parties in Europe.

在洛朗的领导下，法共坚持扩大左翼联合与人民团结。首先，法共继续参与左翼阵线的联合行动。在2010年的大区议会选举和2011年的省议会选举中，左翼阵线的力量有所提高，激励了左翼阵线联合行动的进一步扩大。2012年总统选举中，法共支持左翼党领袖让-吕克·梅朗雄作为左翼阵线共同候选人参选，梅朗雄在第一轮投票中获得11.10%的有效票，位居第四，虽未能进入第二轮的最终角逐，但也创下了20世纪90年代以来法共参加总统选举的最好成绩。然而在随后进行的2012年国民议会选举中，左翼阵线两轮的得票率分别为6.91%和1.08%，最终只获得了10个席位，其中法共7席，比上届议会要少许多。在之后的欧洲议会选举中，左翼阵线也未取得突破性进展。而左翼阵线内各党派在许多问题上的分歧逐渐显现，在2014-2015年间的一系列地方议会选举和市镇选举中还发生了矛盾冲突。其次，法共根据形势的发展变化提出成立新的社会和政治阵线。2012年以来社会党总统弗朗索瓦·奥朗德执行的政策严重损害了民众利益，左翼阵线内部也出现了裂痕，“不能有效地凝聚希望实现变革的左翼力量”，“为了让人民重获主动权”，2016年法共三十七大提出“人民和公民阵线”的倡议，希望通过团结左翼和生态政治的力量、工会力量、社会运动来消除右翼和极右翼的危险，建立一个新的多数。再次，法共进一步推动欧洲范围内的左翼联合。2013年法共三十六大通过的党章中，增添了关于欧洲及世界层面团结行动的有关内容，为区域和国际联合树立了基本准则。2010年12月，洛朗当选为欧洲左翼党新任党主席。在他的任期中，欧洲左翼党扩大到包括北欧在内的27个欧洲国家政党，组织了反对加拿大与欧盟之间的“综合性经济贸易协定”、反对“希腊债券三驾马车”、支持“欧洲央行的新组织”、支持“和平、人权和接纳难民的外交倡议”等运动。他还于2015年和2017年在巴黎和马赛创办了欧洲论坛，有力促进了法共与欧洲各左翼党派的沟通与合作。

(IV) The Roussel Period: Continuing to Strive for the Broadest Unity and “Another Globalization”

（四）鲁塞尔时期:继续争取最广泛的联合与“另一种全球化”

The 2017 presidential election shattered France’s traditional political landscape. The Socialist Party and the Republicans, which had alternated in power for many years, were eliminated in the first round, while Emmanuel Macron, leader of the recently founded En Marche! movement, was ultimately elected President of France. Macron claimed to be “neither left nor right,” attempting to open a new path of reform. The following year, the PCF held its 38th Congress, and Roussel was elected the new National Secretary. He stated that Macron and his government had still not broken the capitalist dictatorship and the control of capital power, and could not save the country from the crisis. The damage to workers’ rights and the constant intensification of social contradictions were proof of this. To achieve the social goal of “putting people first, not subject to the domination of financial markets,” the PCF would continue to strive to “build the broadest unity; this is the only way out, and no left-wing political force can win alone.” The PCF’s 38th Congress planned a new strategy for winning popular unity and alliance, proposing the establishment of an “active and effective people’s and political alliance.” The PCF first pointed out that “the unity of wage earners is decisive.” Although there is diversity among them, they share the common demand of opposing the rule of financial capital. It is necessary to strive to broadly unite all wage earners, raise their awareness of the necessary changes, and create conditions for the unity of progressive forces. Second, because Mélenchon had established the La France Insoumise movement, the Left Front split. In the 2020 municipal elections, the PCF returned to a left-wing alliance with the Socialist Party and the Greens. But in reality, all left-wing parties fell into developmental difficulties after the 2017 general election. The PCF still hoped to “unite all left-wing political forces, respond to the questions raised in the struggle, and strike at the dominant position of capital.” Third, in response to situations such as the Yellow Vests movement, which “rejected the leadership, organization, and traditional protest structures of trade unions, political parties, and associations,” the PCF reconsidered its relationship with various social movements and stated: “Without the support of those who fight for concrete goals, the PCF’s social alternative will be powerless; and the struggles of social movements, if not linked to a comprehensive alternative, cannot achieve lasting victory. Therefore, it is both necessary and possible for the PCF to establish a new relationship with social movements.”

2017年总统选举打破了法国的传统政治局势，多年交替执政的社会党与共和党在首轮就被淘汰出局，而成立不久的“前进运动”领袖埃马纽埃尔·马克龙最终当选法国总统。马克龙声称“非左非右”，试图开辟新的改革路径。次年，法共召开了三十八大，鲁塞尔当选为新的全国书记。他表示，马克龙及其政府仍旧没有打破资本主义专制和控制资本权力，不可能把国家从危机中拯救出来，劳动者权益的受损和社会矛盾的不断激化就是证明，为了实现“以人为先、不受金融市场支配”的社会目标，法共将继续努力“建立最广泛的联合，这是唯一的出路，任何左翼政治力量都无法独自赢得胜利”。法共三十八大规划了争取人民团结和联合的新战略，提出建立一个“积极有效的人民和政治联盟”。法共首先指出，“雇佣劳动者的统一是决定性的”。虽然他们内部存在多样性，但拥有反对金融资本统治的共同诉求，必须努力将所有雇佣劳动者广泛团结在一起，提高他们对必要变革的认识，为进步力量的联合创造条件。其次，由于梅朗雄另建了“不屈的法国”运动，左翼阵线走向分裂，法共在2020年市政选举中重回与社会党、绿党的左翼联盟。但实际上左翼各党在2017年大选后都陷入了发展困境，法共仍希望“联合所有的左翼政治力量，回应斗争中提出的问题，打击资本的统治地位”。再次，针对类似黄背心运动“拒绝工会、政党和社团的领导、组织，以及传统的抗议结构”等情况，法共重新思考与各类社会运动的关系并表示：“如果没有那些为具体目标而奋斗的人的支持，法共的社会替代方案将是无能为力的；而社会运动的斗争如果不与全面的替代方案联系起来，就不能取得持久的胜利。因此，法共有必要也有可能同社会运动建立新的关系”。

In addition, the PCF has continuously paid attention to developments and changes in the international situation. The PCF believes that the exploitation and plunder of capital in the economic, social, and environmental spheres have exacerbated injustice and inequality on a global scale, plunging the world into a profound crisis. The global health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is one manifestation; the institutional defects of capitalism have accelerated and deepened it, posing a serious threat to people’s lives and safety. Another manifestation is that imperialist forces, with the support of the United States, violate the UN Charter and the principles of international law, provoke new conflicts and wars, and exacerbate regional tensions. Faced with the capitalist crisis, imperialist offensives, and their devastating effects, the PCF will always be committed to “strengthening the internationalist solidarity and unity of progressive forces” and promoting “another globalization that prioritizes national and popular sovereignty, workers’ rights, social and democratic progress, changes in the mode of production, and ecological transformation.”

此外，法共也持续关注国际形势的发展变化。法共认为，资本在经济、社会和环境等方面的剥削和掠夺加剧了全球范围的不公正、不平等，使世界陷入深刻危机。新冠肺炎疫情造成的全球健康危机就是表现之一，资本主义的制度缺陷使其加速深化，对人民的生命安全产生严重威胁。另一表现是帝国主义势力在美国的支持下违背联合国宪章和国际法原则，挑起新的冲突和战争，加剧地区紧张局势。面对资本主义危机、帝国主义进攻及其毁灭性影响，法共将始终致力于“加强进步力量的国际主义团结与联合”，促进“将国家和人民主权、劳动者权利、社会和民主的进步、生产方式的变革和生态转型置于优先地位的另一种全球化”。

II. Characteristics of the PCF’s Unity at Different Levels since the Upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

二、苏东剧变以来法共不同层面联合的特征

In response to developments and changes in the situation, the PCF has continuously adjusted its propositions on unity and has carried out rich unity actions at different levels, including domestic and international, cooperation among upper-level political parties, and solidarity among grassroots masses. In fact, the PCF has a tradition of unity. Compared with past historical experiences, the PCF’s propositions and actions on unity since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have exhibited some new changes and characteristics.

针对形势的发展变化，法共不断调整自身的联合主张，并在国内与国际、上层政党合作与基层群众团结等不同层面开展了丰富的联合行动。事实上，法共具有联合的传统，与以往的历史经历相比，苏东剧变以来法共的联合主张和行动表现出一些新的变化和特征。

First, the objects of party alliance have become more diversified. Before the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the French Communist Party (PCF) had carried out three major party collaborations: the anti-fascist Popular Front formed with the Socialist Party and the Radical Party in the 1930s, the tripartite coalition government with the Socialist Party and the Popular Republican Movement in the early post-World War II period, and the left-wing alliance and coalition government with the Socialist Party and the Radical Party in the 1970s and 1980s. It can be seen that the Socialist Party was always the primary and consistent choice for the PCF’s party cooperation. Since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, however, the Socialist Party is no longer the PCF’s inevitable partner, and the composition of the PCF’s party alliances has become more diversified. This is, on the one hand, a result of the PCF’s reflection on the lessons of past cooperation with the Socialist Party, and on the other hand, due to the continuous rise of new left-wing political forces in France, such as the influential Greens and the Left Party. In 1984, various French ecological groups formally established a unified national ecological party, “Green-Ecological Alliance-Ecological Party” (abbreviated as the Greens). By the late 1980s, the Greens’ influence had grown considerably and they achieved breakthrough progress in elections, once becoming the fourth-largest party in France. Although the Greens claimed a stance of neither left nor right, their critique of the ills of capitalism and many of their propositions and demands shared similarities and common ground with the PCF, providing a basis and possibility for cooperation. Consequently, the two parties have cooperated at the electoral, parliamentary, and governmental levels. The Left Party, on the other hand, was founded in 2009 by former Socialist Party member Jean-Luc Mélenchon as a far-left party. While in the Socialist Party, Mélenchon had worked to promote substantive cooperation between the Socialist Party and the PCF. After the Left Party was established, the PCF also showed a positive attitude toward cooperation, and the two parties ultimately facilitated the formation of the Left Front. Beyond this, the PCF has also cooperated with many other small left-wing parties, such as the Citizens’ Movement, “United Left,” and the “Social and Ecological Alternative Alliance.”

一是政党联合的对象更加多元化。苏东剧变前，法共曾开展过三次重大的政党合作，分别是20世纪30年代与社会党、激进党共同成立的反法西斯人民阵线，二战后初期与社会党、人民共和党组成的三党联合政府，以及20世纪70、80年代与社会党、激进党组建的左翼联盟和联合政府，可以看出社会党始终是法共开展政党合作首要和一贯的选择。而苏东剧变以来，社会党不再是法共的必然合作对象，法共的政党联盟构成更加多元化，这一方面是法共对以往与社会党合作的教训进行反思的结果，另一方面也是由于法国新兴左翼政治力量的不断崛起，如影响较大的绿党和左翼党。1984年法国各生态团体正式成立了统一的全国生态党组织“绿色-生态联盟-生态党”（简称“绿党”），到20世纪80年代末，绿党的影响有了很大的发展并在选举中取得突破性进展，一度成为法国第四大政党。虽然绿党宣称既不左也不右的立场，但其对资本主义弊端的批判和许多主张诉求与法共有相似共通之处，为合作提供了基础和可能，因而两党在选举、议会和政府层面都有过合作。左翼党则是由前社会党人梅朗雄于2009年建立的一个极左翼政党，梅朗雄在社会党中时就致力于促进社会党和法共的实质合作，左翼党成立后法共也表现出积极的合作态度，两党最终促成了左翼阵线的组建。除此之外，法共与公民运动、“团结左翼”“社会与生态替代联盟”等其他诸多左翼小党也有过合作。

Second, the central position of mass alliance has been reaffirmed. The PCF achieved a series of victories in struggle and grew stronger through unity and cooperation with the masses. In 1935, facing the threat of fascism, then-PCF General Secretary Maurice Thorez worked hard to bring about the Popular Front and launched a massive mass movement, which not only prevented fascism from coming to power in France but also greatly enhanced the PCF’s reputation and influence among the masses. In the early post-World War II period, due to its leadership of the French people in a heroic resistance movement and its outstanding contributions to France’s liberation, the PCF was deservedly the largest party in France in terms of membership, parliamentary seats, and mass influence. However, with the onset of the Cold War and changes in the international communist movement, the PCF’s theory and practice also shifted. In the 1970s, the PCF gradually developed the theory of “building socialism in French colors,” advocating for achieving socialism through a peaceful, democratic, and alliance-based path. In practice, the PCF devoted more energy to political cooperation with the Socialist Party and parliamentary struggle. Yet, the historical outcome was not the expected seizure of power by winning a parliamentary majority; instead, the PCF’s own strength was eroded, the party’s image and influence were damaged, and it became detached from the working masses. Therefore, in recent years, the PCF’s alliance propositions—such as “citizen intervention,” “centering on the people’s movement,” “the people’s and citizens’ front,” and “a new strategy for people’s unity and alliance”—have all strongly emphasized the strength and participation of the working masses, holding that the broad masses of workers and their struggles to transform society are the PCF’s most powerful support and source of strength.

二是重申群众联合的中心地位。法共是在与人民群众的团结合作中，取得一系列斗争的胜利并发展壮大起来的。1935年面对法西斯的威胁，时任法共总书记的莫里斯·多列士竭力促成人民阵线并发起声势浩大的群众运动，在阻止法西斯在法国上台的同时，也大大提高了法共在群众中的声誉和影响。二战后初期，由于领导法国人民进行了英勇的抵抗运动，为法国解放做出了卓越贡献，法共无论在党员人数、议会席位还是群众影响力方面都当之无愧为法国第一大党。但随着冷战的开始和国际共产主义运动形势的发展变化，法共的理论和实践也发生了改变。20世纪70年代法共逐渐形成了“建设法国色彩的社会主义”理论，主张通过和平的、民主的、联盟的道路实现社会主义，法共在实践中也将更多的精力投入到与社会党的政治合作和议会斗争中。然而，历史的结果却不是期望中的通过取得议会多数最终夺取政权，而是法共自身力量遭到蚕食，党的形象和影响受损，脱离了劳动群众。因而，近些年来法共的“公民干预”“以人民运动为中心”“人民和公民阵线”“争取人民团结和联合的新战略”等联合主张，都十分强调劳动群众的力量和参与，认为广大劳动者及其试图变革社会的斗争活动，才是法共最强大的支持和力量源泉。

Third, the content and forms of left-wing unity within Europe and internationally have been enriched. In 1950, the French government proposed the “Schuman Plan,” based on the coal and steel industries of France and Germany. Two years later, France, Germany, and four other countries formally established the European Coal and Steel Community, marking the beginning of European integration. The PCF’s stance and views on European integration have undergone a process of change. Due to its close ties with and significant influence from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), the PCF’s theoretical policies were highly consistent with those of the CPSU for a considerable period. Under the confrontational situation of the Cold War, the Soviet Union regarded European integration as a conspiracy by monopoly capitalism to unite against the Soviet Union and the socialist camp. Thus, the Schuman Plan was met with resolute opposition from the PCF when it was introduced. In the 1960s, the Italian Communist Party took the lead in participating in the European Parliament, while the PCF still refused to join the institutions of the European Community. By the 1970s, due to the Soviet Union’s economic and trade exchanges with the European Economic Community and changes in the PCF’s own theory, the PCF’s stance on European integration gradually shifted from complete opposition and rejection to conditional participation. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the PCF began to critique the neoliberal and supranational aspects of European integration from the standpoint of defending national independence and the interests of workers, calling for the construction of a democratic, peaceful, and social Europe. The PCF has both participated in the struggle and collaboration of the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group in the European Parliament and actively promoted the activities of the Party of the European Left, aiming to achieve “changing Europe” and “establishing a new political structure for the EU.” From a broader geographical perspective, since the 1990s, the PCF has also expanded its international united front actions, strengthening ties and exchanges with left-wing forces worldwide through various forms of activities, such as participating in and organizing international conferences and left-wing forums, hosting the *L’Humanité* Festival, and conducting international solidarity and protests, striving to “unite and mobilize all forces globally that aim to break the globalization of financial hegemony and build a just, co-developing, and peaceful world.”

三是丰富欧洲和国际范围内左翼联合的内容与形式。1950年法国政府提出了以法、德两国煤钢工业为基础的“舒曼计划”，两年后法、德等六国正式成立煤钢共同体，成为欧洲一体化的开端。法共对欧洲一体化的立场和观点经历了一个变化的过程。由于与苏联共产党联系密切、受其影响较大，法共的理论政策在相当长的时间里与苏共具有高度一致性。在冷战的对峙局势下，苏联将欧洲一体化视作垄断资本主义联合反对苏联及社会主义阵营的阴谋，因而舒曼计划出台时就遭到了法共的坚决反对。20世纪60年代意大利共产党率先开启了参与欧洲议会的进程，而法共仍然坚持不加入欧洲共同体的组织机构。到70年代，由于苏联开始与欧共体进行经济贸易上的往来以及法共自身的理论变化，法共对欧洲一体化的立场从完全的反对拒绝逐渐转向有条件的参与。苏联解体后，法共开始更多地从维护国家独立和劳动者利益的立场出发，对欧洲一体化中的新自由主义和超国家内涵进行批判，要求建设一个民主的、和平的和社会的欧洲。法共既参与了欧洲联合左翼-北欧绿色左翼党团在欧洲议会中的斗争协作，又积极促进欧洲左翼党的活动，以争取实现“改变欧洲”，“建立一个新的欧盟政治结构”的目标。从更加广泛的地理范围来看，法共在20世纪90年代以来也拓展了国际联合的行动，通过参加与组织国际会议和左翼论坛、举办《人道报》节、进行国际声援和抗议等多种形式的活动，加强与世界各国左翼力量的联系与交流，力求“团结动员全球范围内一切为了打破金融霸权的全球化，为了建立一个公正的、共同发展的与和平的世界的力量”。

Fourth, the equal autonomy of alliance subjects is more strongly advocated, and leadership of the alliance is no longer particularly emphasized. In the early post-World War II period, the PCF convened a Central Committee plenum and proposed the idea of merging the Communist and Socialist parties organizationally to create a single French Workers’ Party, drafting a unified charter based on its guiding ideology and organizational principles. However, this was rejected by the Socialist Party. In subsequent left-wing alliance practices, the PCF explicitly stated that the decisive factor for ensuring the smooth development of cooperation was a strong French Communist Party, and that only if the Communist Party held the leadership of the alliance could the left-wing alliance avoid a possible rightward turn and always maintain the correct direction of development. Since the end of the 20th century, due to the objective factor of its own declining social presence and influence, the PCF has found it difficult to assert leadership in alliances with other domestic left-wing parties. At the same time, out of a rejection of the Soviet model and the CPSU’s great-power chauvinism, the PCF has begun to advocate for alliances that respect diversity and equality and reject any form of leadership. In the European left-wing united front organizations in which the PCF participates, independence and autonomy are also regarded as important principles. The statutes of the Party of the European Left stipulate that each member party and political organization “remains independent and enjoys autonomy,” and within the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group, each party’s delegation “retains its own political sovereignty,” and “if a delegation does not agree with the group’s position supported by a majority vote, the delegation may vote freely according to its own position.” In uniting the masses, the PCF has also abandoned the notion of being a vanguard party and advocates for “establishing partnerships with all progressive organizations and relevant citizens in various appropriate forms, respecting each party’s identity, specific goals, and independence.” A relatively representative example of this is the relationship between the PCF and the French Young Communist Movement. The French Young Communist Movement is an independent political organization “initiated by youth, serving youth, and standing on the side of the broad youth masses.” While “pursuing its own goals and independence,” it participates in and supports the PCF’s activities, and the PCF also provides assistance for its development, with the two achieving “complementarity” in their guidelines and actions.

四是更加倡导联合主体的平等自主，不再特别强调联合的领导权。二战胜利初期，法共曾召开中央全会，提出了共产党与社会党在组织上合并、建立一个单一的法国工人党的设想，并以其指导思想和组织原则为蓝本起草了一份统一宪章，但遭到了社会党的拒绝。在随后的左翼联盟实践中，法共曾明确表示保证合作顺利发展的决定性因素是有一个强大的法国共产党，只有共产党掌握联合的领导权才能避免左翼联盟可能发生的右转，始终保持正确的发展方向。20世纪末以来，由于自身社会存在和影响力下降的客观因素，法共在与国内其他左翼政党的联合中已难言领导权问题。同时，出于对苏联模式、苏共大党主义的摒弃，法共开始提倡尊重多元平等、拒绝任何领导权的联合。在法共参与的欧洲左翼联合组织中，独立自主也被视作重要的原则。欧洲左翼党党章就规定各成员政党和政治组织“仍保持独立和享有自主权”，欧洲联合左翼-北欧绿色左翼党团中每个党派的代表团也“都保留自己的政治主权”，“如果代表团并不赞同获得多数票支持的党团立场，那么代表团可以根据自己的立场自由投票”。在团结群众方面，法共也放弃了领导党的提法，并倡导“以各种适当的形式与所有进步组织和相关公民建立合作伙伴关系，尊重各方的身份、特殊目标和独立性”，其中比较具有代表性的是法共与法国青年共产主义运动的关系。法国青年共产主义运动是一个“由青年发起、为青年服务、站在广大青年立场”的独立政治组织，它在“追求自身目标和独立性”的同时参与和支持法共的各项活动，法共也为其发展提供帮助，二者在方针和行动上“实现互补性”。

III. Two Dilemmas Constraining the Effectiveness of the PCF’s United Front Strategy

三、制约法共联合策略成效的两重困境

Since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the PCF’s explorations in united front strategy have objectively promoted communication and exchange between the PCF and different left-wing forces at home and abroad, and have driven collaboration and joint struggle in some specific actions. However, overall, due to various internal and external reasons, the PCF’s united front strategy has yet to achieve breakthrough results.

苏东剧变以来法共的联合探索，客观上促进了法共与国内国际不同左翼力量的沟通交流，推动了一些具体行动上的协作和共同斗争。但总体而言，由于种种内外原因，法共的联合策略却尚未取得突破性成效。

First, party alliances lack cohesion and stability. The numerous parties with which the French Communist Party (PCF) forms alliances are basically all on the left. Although they share similar ideologies, theoretical tendencies, and goal pursuits, they also have differences, causing the alliances to contain factors of division. Domestically, the contradictions with the Socialist Party and within the Left Front have a relatively large impact on the PCF’s alliance strategy. The French Socialist Party once belonged to the more radical faction of the Socialist International. In the 1970s, the PCF’s “socialism in French colors” and the Socialist Party’s “French-style socialism” still had many similarities in policy positions. However, since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, under the impact of neoliberalism and the welfare state crisis, and against the backdrop of many years in power, the Socialist Party’s theory has become increasingly moderate. During its tenure in government, it also adopted a series of measures to deregulate, cut public spending, and weaken protections for labor rights. Consequently, the PCF has many criticisms of the Socialist Party, arguing that the Socialist Party “under so-called left-wing leadership has implemented a liberal offensive, sowing seeds of confusion in people’s minds.” [12]12 The French Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste, PS) is a centre-left party that has held power in France multiple times since the 1980s. The PCF criticizes it for adopting neoliberal policies while in government. Yet the PCF’s shift toward alliances with other, more radical left-wing parties—namely, the practice of the Left Front—has also not gone smoothly. Besides the PCF and the Left Party, the Left Front also included many groups such as the New Anticapitalist Party, ecologists, and feminists. Their “history, political culture, and their positions and tendencies on some important issues, as well as their ways of embedding themselves in society, also have obvious differences.” [13]13 The Left Front (Front de Gauche, FG) was an electoral coalition formed in 2008 by the PCF, the Left Party (Parti de Gauche, PG), and other left-wing groups, which dissolved in 2018. A similar situation exists in the alliances of European left-wing parties. The European United Left–Nordic Green Left, in which the PCF participates, has a lower degree of integration compared to other groups in the European Parliament. Although the member parties have a high degree of consistency in their opinions on economic and social issues, they have differences on European integration and national sovereignty. Due to differences in historical traditions, cultural backgrounds, etc., the PCF and other members of the Party of the European Left also find it difficult to achieve unity on Party organizational building and on the understanding of some historical issues of socialism.

其一，政党联合缺乏凝聚力和稳定性。法共联合的众多政党基本都属于左翼，它们虽然有着相似的意识形态、理论倾向和目标追求，但也存在着分歧，使得联合中包含分裂因素。从国内看，对法共联合策略影响较大的是与社会党以及左翼阵线内部的矛盾。法国社会党曾属于社会党国际中比较激进的一派，20世纪70年代法共“建设法国色彩的社会主义”与社会党的“法国式社会主义”在政策主张上还具有很多相似之处。而苏东剧变以来，在新自由主义、福利国家危机带来的冲击和多年执政的背景下，社会党的理论变得日益温和，执政期间还采取了一系列放松管制、削减公共开支、弱化劳工权益保障的举措。因而法共对社会党有颇多指责，认为社会党“在所谓左派领导下却实施自由主义的攻势，在人们头脑中播下了混乱的种子”。然而，法共转向其他更为激进的左翼政党的联合，即左翼阵线的实践也并不顺利。除了法共和左翼党，左翼阵线还包涵了新反资本主义党、生态主义、女权主义等诸多团体，它们的“历史、政治文化及其在一些重要问题上的立场倾向、根植于社会的方式等等，也都具有明显差异”。类似的情况也存在于欧洲左翼政党的联合中。法共参与的欧洲联合左翼-北欧绿色左翼与欧洲议会其他党团相比整合程度较低，各成员党虽然在经济和社会议题上的意见具有高度一致性，但在欧洲一体化和国家主权问题却存在分歧。由于历史传统、文化背景等差异，法共与欧洲左翼党的其他成员在党的组织建设和对一些社会主义历史问题的认识上也难以步调一致。

Theoretical differences and practical conflicts, coupled with the fact that party alliances encourage equality, autonomy, and diversity, make the form of alliances relatively loose and lacking in cohesion. This leads both to insufficient capacity for action and to a tendency toward rupture. For example, differences between the PCF and the Left Party over the planning of the Left Front, Mélenchon’s leadership position, relations with the Socialist Party, and a series of international issues ultimately led the Left Front to split. The role that the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group can play in the European Parliament is also very limited, and the proposal to build another Europe is difficult to implement. At the same time, these inter-party differences and conflicts, along with the fragility of alliances, make the PCF’s party alliance strategy lack stability. The most obvious manifestation is the repeated alternation of the PCF’s alliance partners: from initial cooperation with the Socialist Party and the Greens, to opposing the Socialist Party’s rightward shift and establishing the Left Front with radical left political forces, and then, after the Left Front’s collapse, returning to an alliance with the Socialist Party and the Greens. While this back-and-forth approach by the PCF certainly has objective reasons, such as changes in circumstances and irreconcilable inter-party contradictions, it also reflects the PCF’s own defects: its theoretical positions are not firm and its orientation is vague. There are also factional splits within the PCF, and different factions do not hold consistent views on alliance strategy. For instance, the orthodox faction advocates returning to the traditional path and abandoning cooperation with other left-wing parties, while the reconstructionist faction advocates handling relations with the Socialist Party well and uniting with other progressive individuals. After Mélenchon announced in 2016 that he would run for president as a representative of “La France Insoumise,” the PCF held two votes within the Party on whether to support Mélenchon. The first vote passed a resolution opposing him by a narrow majority, while the second vote decided by a narrow majority to support him, illustrating the difficulty of achieving policy unity. [14]14 Jean-Luc Mélenchon (born 1951) is a French left-wing politician who left the PS in 2008 to found the PG and later La France Insoumise (LFI). The PCF’s internal votes on supporting his 2017 presidential candidacy revealed deep divisions. In short, for the PCF to play a greater role domestically, regionally, and internationally through alliances with other parties, it still has to overcome many difficulties.

理论上的分歧和实践中的冲突，加上政党联合鼓励平等自主和多样性，使得联合的形式较为松散、缺乏凝聚力，既导致行动力不足也容易发生破裂。比如法共与左翼党在左翼阵线的规划、梅朗雄的领导地位、与社会党的关系和一系列国际问题上的分歧，就使左翼阵线最终走向分裂。欧洲联合左翼-北欧绿色左翼党团在欧洲议会中所能发挥的作用也十分有限，建设另一个欧洲的主张难以施展。同时，这种政党间的分歧冲突和联合的易碎性，使得法共的政党联合策略缺乏稳定性。最明显的表现就是法共政党联合对象的反复更替，由起初与社会党、绿党的合作，到反对社会党右转、与激进左翼政治力量成立左翼阵线，再到左翼阵线破裂后重回与社会党、绿党的联盟。法共这种左右摇摆的做法固然有形势变化和党际矛盾难以调和的客观原因，但也反映出自身理论主张不坚定、定位模糊的缺陷。法共内部还存在着派系分裂，不同派别在联合策略上的观点也不尽一致，比如正统派主张重返传统道路，放弃与其他左翼政党的合作，重建派则主张处理好与社会党的关系并联合其他进步人士。2016年梅朗雄宣布作为“不屈的法国”代表参加总统选举后，法共党内就是否支持梅朗雄举行过两次投票表决，第一次以略过半数通过反对决议，而第二次又以略过半数决定支持，可见其政策统一的艰难。总之，法共要通过联合其他政党在国内、地区和国际上发挥更大作用，还须克服诸多困难。

Second, its appeal and mobilizing power among the masses are insufficient. Since the 1990s, although the PCF has consistently emphasized uniting and allying with the masses and has worked to strengthen cooperation with various mass organizations and social movements, the actual results have not been optimistic. Electoral outcomes can intuitively reflect the trend of change in the PCF’s appeal and mobilizing power among the masses: in the National Assembly elections from the 10th legislature of the Fifth Republic in 1993 to the 15th in 2017, the number of seats won by the PCF was 24, 35, 21, 15, 7, and 10, respectively; in five presidential elections, except for 2012 and 2017 when the PCF supported Mélenchon and he obtained 11.10% and 19.58% of the vote, respectively, in the years when the PCF ran independently, its vote share did not exceed 10%, and at its lowest it hovered around 1%; looking at the European Parliament elections, in 1994 and 1999 the PCF still independently held 7 and 6 seats, respectively, in 2004 it won only 2 seats, in 2009 and 2014 the PCF participated in the elections under the Left Front banner and won 4 seats each time, but in 2019 the PCF ran independently again and won no seats; furthermore, the PCF also lost many towns and cities it had long governed in local elections. It can be seen that the mass support and influence the PCF has obtained have been continuously declining, and its political status has become increasingly marginalized. At the same time, the formal connection between the PCF and the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) has also weakened. The PCF took control of the CGT’s leadership in 1947 and maintained close cooperation with it, but since the end of the 20th century, the PCF’s influence over the CGT has been continuously declining. In 1997, the CGT produced a general secretary who did not hold a position in the PCF leadership for the first time. [15]15 The General Confederation of Labor (Confédération Générale du Travail, CGT) is a major French trade union historically closely linked to the PCF. The election of a non-PCF leader in 1997 marked a significant shift in their relationship. Additionally, as a country with a long tradition of mass struggle, France has seen a series of new social movements erupt in recent years, such as the “Nuit Debout” movement and the “Yellow Vests” movement. The PCF has shown obvious attention to these new social movements and has also expressed the necessity and willingness to strengthen ties with them, but the overall level of collaboration between the two sides remains low.

其二，对群众的吸引力和号召力不足。自20世纪90年代以来，法共虽然一直强调团结和联合群众，致力于加强与各种群众组织和社会运动的合作，但实际效果却不乐观。选举情况能够直观反映出法共在群众中的吸引力和号召力的变化趋势：在1993年第五共和国第十届至2017年第十五届国民议会中，法共获得的议席数分别为24席、35席、21席、15席、7席和10席；在五届总统选举中，法共除了2012年和2017年支持梅朗雄分别获得了11.10%和19.58%的得票率，其他独立参选的年份得票率均未超过10%，最低时甚至徘徊于1%；从欧洲议会的选举情况来看，1994年和1999年法共在欧洲议会中尚且独立占有7席和6席，2004年只取得2个席位，2009年和2014年法共以左翼阵线参选都赢得了4个席位，但2019年法共再次独立参选却没有获得席位；此外法共在地方选举中也失去了许多常年主政的市镇。可以看出，法共获得的群众支持和自身影响在持续下降，政治地位不断边缘化。同时，法共与法国总工会的正式联系也在减弱。法共在1947年掌握了法国总工会的领导权并与其保持着密切的合作，但20世纪末以来，法共对法国总工会的影响持续下降，1997年法国总工会首次产生了不在法共领导层中任职的总书记。此外，作为群众斗争传统悠久的国家，近些年来法国也先后爆发了“黑夜站立运动”“黄背心运动”等一系列新社会运动。法共对新社会运动表现出明显的关注，同时也表达了与之加强联系的必要和意愿，但二者的总体协作水平仍然较低。

The interaction of multiple factors, including changes in French social structure, the political environment, and the PCF’s own development, has jointly hindered the effectiveness of the PCF in uniting and rallying the masses. First, advances in science, technology, and the social economy have led to changes in the structure of social strata. Specifically, since the mid-to-late 20th century, the contraction of France’s primary and secondary industries and the boom of the tertiary sector have produced the following results: First, the traditional industrial working class has shrunk, weakening the PCF’s most core and fundamental mass base. Second, the middle strata have risen and expanded; their demands, transformed by the improvement of working and living conditions brought about by rapid economic development, have shifted attention to issues that blur class distinctions and are non-material in nature, while the PCF’s call for changing the ownership of the means of production and altering the nature of state power has gradually lost its appeal to them. Third, the differentiation and pluralization of social structure have made the situation of mass struggle in France increasingly complex; the various emerging political groups, mass organizations, and social movements that have appeared alongside this have given workers more diverse ways to express their demands beyond relying on the PCF, the traditional working-class party. Second, because in recent years France’s ruling parties have become increasingly helpless in the face of social problems and contradictions, the French public has shown growing skepticism and apathy toward party politics. Some participants in social movements “refuse to associate with traditional political actors whom they believe are unable to defend the values of liberal democracy or to cope with changes in international financial markets,”[16]16 Reference to a source cited in the original text; the specific work is not identified here. which has become a serious obstacle to the PCF’s efforts to unite the masses. Third, in order to adapt to changing circumstances and expand its mass base, the PCF has continuously paid attention to and absorbed a large number of new social issues, constantly adjusting its own theory. However, overly complex policy positions have weakened the PCF’s own distinct characteristics, making it difficult to differentiate itself from other left-wing parties or even some right-wing parties. This has resulted both in the loss of traditional supporters and in a lack of sufficient appeal to other segments of the population. Furthermore, although the PCF states that “elections, while important, are only one part of the revolutionary activity of the Communist Party,” and that “uniting the struggle against domination to strive for common liberation” is the goal,[17]17 Reference to a source cited in the original text; the specific work is not identified here. in practice, the PCF’s emphasis on uniting the masses often emerges as a reflexive response after setbacks in elections or political participation. The effectiveness of mass unity is also difficult to free from the negative impact of integration into the existing political system. The PCF has yet to explore in practice an effective method for balancing struggles inside and outside parliament.

法国社会结构、政治环境的发展变化和法共自身等多种因素的相互作用，共同阻碍了法共团结和联合群众的实效。首先，科学技术和社会经济的发展导致社会阶层结构的改变。具体来说，20世纪中后期以来法国第一、二产业的萎缩和第三产业的繁荣带来了以下结果：一是传统产业工人阶级队伍缩小，使得法共最核心、最根本的群众基础被削弱。二是中间阶层崛起壮大，其诉求由于经济飞速发展带来的工作和生活条件的改善而发生转变，一些模糊阶级性、非物质性的问题得到了更多的关注，而法共要求变革生产资料所有权、改变政权性质的主张渐渐对他们失去了吸引力。三是社会结构的分化和多元化态势使得法国群众斗争的局面日益复杂化，随之出现的各种新兴政治团体、群众组织和社会运动，使得劳动者除了依靠法共这个传统的工人阶级政党外，拥有了更加多样的诉求表达方式。其次，由于近些年来法国的各执政党面对社会问题和矛盾愈发束手无策，法国民众对政党政治表现出越来越明显的质疑和冷漠。一些社会运动参与者“拒绝与他们认为无法捍卫自由民主的价值观或无法应对国际金融市场变化的传统政治行为主体相联系”，成为了法共联合群众的严重阻力。再次，为了适应形势变化和扩大群众基础，法共也在持续关注并吸收大量新的社会议题，不断调整自身理论，但过于庞杂的政策主张造成了法共自身特点的弱化，难以与其他左翼政党甚至一些右翼政党相区别，结果既导致了传统支持者的流失，又对其他民众缺乏足够的吸引力。此外，尽管法共表示，“选举虽然重要，但只是共产党革命活动中的一部分”，“反对统治的斗争联合起来争取共同的解放”才是目的。但在实际操作中，法共对群众联合的强调经常作为选举或参政受挫后的反思性存在，群众联合的实效也难以摆脱融入现行政治体系后产生的消极影响，法共在实践中仍未探索出平衡议会内外斗争的有效方法。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

Although the PCF’s explorations of unity have faced numerous difficulties since the upheaval in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, unity will remain an important strategy in the PCF’s future planning. After all, in the face of the aggressive offensive of domestic and international capital in France, going it alone and remaining closed and isolated makes it difficult to achieve development or play a role. The PCF’s many years of practice have also profoundly demonstrated that unity is a systematic strategy, and the expansion of its effectiveness depends on the combined effect of strengthening the Party’s own building and adopting scientifically sound unity policies. First, it is necessary to strive to maximize the effectiveness of unity while maintaining strategic positioning. The Party’s theoretical innovation cannot simply and mechanically absorb various emerging social issues in order to attract the masses; more importantly, it should use the positions and methods of scientific socialism to analyze and clarify the intrinsic essence and connections of various specific problems, and adhere to upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground.[18]18 “Upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground” (守正创新) is a Chinese Communist Party formulation emphasizing adherence to core principles while innovating in practice. In the negotiation and implementation of specific unity plans, it is also necessary to handle the relationship between adhering to principles and making appropriate compromises. One must be vigilant against tendencies that may deviate from the guiding ideology of Marxism in practice, so that concrete actions under the framework of unity do not become part of the ruling policies of capitalism, harming the long-term goals of socialism. Second, unity and solidarity are the essence of the united front. Although unity has the outward form of external work, its actual effect can reflect the Party’s own development. A Party with a scientific theory and an organized structure is an important prerequisite and condition for the success of unity. It is necessary to strengthen unity within the Party, avoid left-right vacillation in theory and policy, and provide sustained and stable support for the development of unity work. At the same time, efforts should be made to ensure that all parties to the unity act as consistently as possible on the basis of seeking common ground while reserving differences. While respecting equality and encouraging the expression of diverse opinions is certainly important, if this leads to a loss of cohesion, it deviates from the original meaning and intention of unity. Finally, the support of the masses is the key to the success of unity. In countries with developed electoral politics and a long history of bourgeois rule, it is very necessary for communist parties to both focus on cooperation with other left-wing parties in parliament and actively strive for unity among the masses outside parliament. The combined force of struggles inside and outside parliament should be fully utilized. However, whether in actions inside parliament or in struggles outside parliament, the most fundamental thing is to fight for and safeguard the rights and interests of workers, and to establish a flesh-and-blood bond of shared destiny and deep friendship of common struggle with the masses.

虽然苏东剧变以来，法共的联合探索面临重重困境，但联合仍将是法共未来规划中的一项重要策略，毕竟面对法国国内和国际资本的强势进攻，单枪匹马和封闭孤立是难以获得发展和发挥作用的。法共多年来的实践也深刻表明，联合是一项系统性策略，其成效的扩大有赖于党自身建设的加强与科学合理的联合政策共同作用。首先，要在保持战略定位的前提下争取联合成效最大化。党的理论创新不能为了吸引群众而简单、机械地吸纳各种新兴社会议题，更为重要的是应该运用科学社会主义的立场和方法，分析阐明各种具体问题的内在本质与联系，坚持守正创新。在具体联合方案的商议与执行中，也要处理好原则坚守和适当妥协的关系。要警惕实践中可能出现的背离马克思主义指导思想的倾向，使得联合框架下的具体行动转变成资本主义统治政策的一部分，损害社会主义的长远目标。其次，团结一致是联合的要义。联合虽然具有对外工作的表现形式，但实际效果却能够反映出党的自身发展情况。理论科学、组织有序的党是联合取得成功的重要前提和条件，必须加强党内团结，避免理论政策上的左右摇摆，为联合工作的开展提供持续稳定的支持。同时还应当力求联合各方在求同存异的基础上尽量做到行动一致，尊重平等和鼓励多样化意见的表达固然十分重要，但若由此失去了凝聚力就背离了联合的本意和初衷。最后，人民群众的支持是联合成功的关键。在选举政治发达和资产阶级统治久远的国家，共产党既注重与其他左翼政党在议会中的合作、又积极争取议会外的群众团结是十分必要的，应充分发挥议会内外联合斗争的合力。但无论是在议会内的行动还是议会外的斗争中，争取和维护劳动者权益、与人民群众建立休戚与共的血肉联系和共同斗争的深厚情谊才是最为根本的。

(Author’s biography: Tian Zhengxuan, doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Wuhan University)

（作者简介：田正煊，武汉大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心