Karl Marx and English Socialism

"English Socialism" as discussed in this article refers specifically to the socialism of Robert Owen and the Owenite movement. In the literature on Marx, these are often overlooked, and when mentioned, they are typically treated as part of "utopian" socialism. Moreover, well-known accounts of the development of Marx's thought rarely or never mention that his research was greatly influenced by the English environment, despite Marx having lived in London for over thirty years. Some even argue that Marx was an isolated German thinker with a very small social circle, surrounded almost entirely by fellow exiles; and that he concentrated his political activities and theoretical research entirely on the European continent, had a very superficial understanding of England, and that life in England had minimal impact on his thought. For example, Isaiah Berlin argued: "Marx lived almost entirely unaffected by his environment, in a world of his own, composed mainly of Germans."

本文所说的“英国社会主义”（English Socialism），特指罗伯特·欧文（Robert Owen）的社会主义以及欧文派运动。在关于马克思的文献中，它们常常被忽视，即使提到，也往往被当作“乌托邦”社会主义的一部分。不仅如此，人们熟知的一些关于马克思思想发展的著述几乎或根本不提他的研究受到了英国环境的很大影响，尽管马克思在伦敦生活了30多年。有人甚至认为，马克思是一位与世隔绝的德国思想家，他的社交圈子很小，周围几乎都是像他一样的流亡者；而且他将自己的政治活动和理论研究精力完全集中于欧洲大陆地区，对英国的了解非常肤浅，英国的生活对其思想的影响微乎其微。例如，以赛亚·伯林（Isaiah Berlin）就认为：“马克思几乎完全不受其环境的影响而生活在他自己的、主要由德国人组成的世界里。”

Although Lenin, in his discussion of the sources and component parts of Marxism, argued that Marx "harmoniously" combined three previously independent national traditions—"German philosophy, English political economy, and French socialism"—he limited the influence of England on Marxism strictly to the realm of Marxist economic thought in the narrow sense. In reality, the development of Marx's thought was rooted in various aspects of English politics and culture, and this article seeks to expand and deepen our understanding of these aspects. I particularly oppose the following views: that England had no real influence on Marx's thought; that England influenced only Marx's strictly economic thought; and that the only country to have a significant socialist influence on Marx was France. I maintain that English politics and culture had a broad and important impact on Marx's life and work, and that certain ideas in his thought were especially influenced by English socialism.

虽然列宁在关于马克思主义的来源和组成部分的论述中认为，马克思将“德国的哲学、英国的政治经济学和法国的社会主义”这三种曾经彼此独立的民族传统“完全和谐地”结合起来，但他把英国对马克思主义的影响仅仅局限于严格意义上的马克思主义经济学思想的范围内。实际上，马克思的思想发展植根于英国政治和文化的各个方面，本文试图扩展和加深我们对这些方面的理解。我尤其反对以下观点：英国对马克思的思想没有真正的影响；英国只对马克思严格意义上的经济学思想产生了影响；唯一对马克思产生了重要的社会主义影响的国家是法国。我坚持认为，英国的政治和文化对马克思的生活和工作产生了广泛而重要的影响，他的思想中的一些观点尤其受到英国社会主义的影响。

I. The Important Influence of English Politics and Culture on Marx

一、英国政治和文化对马克思的重要影响

Below, I first provide a brief overview of some areas of English politics and culture that influenced Marx's life and work, and then conduct a deeper examination of one of these areas (English socialism).

下面，我首先对影响马克思的生活和工作的英国政治和文化的一些领域进行简要概述，然后对其中一个领域（英国社会主义）做更深入的考察。

First, English, and especially Scottish, political economy was crucial to the evolution of Marx's strictly economic thought, with the work of Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and many others having a certain influence. Importantly, Marx's *Capital* is a contribution to, or more precisely, a critique of, this classical economic tradition. Moreover, England's influence on him did not stop there.

第一，英国尤其是苏格兰的政治经济学对马克思严格意义上的经济学思想的演进至关重要，其中亚当·斯密、大卫·李嘉图以及其他许多人的研究都产生了一定的影响。重要的是，马克思的《资本论》就是对这一古典经济学思想传统的贡献，或更准确地说，是对它的批判。而且，英国对他的影响还不止于此。

Second, the works of Smith, Adam Ferguson, William Robertson, and John Millar are considered to have possibly influenced Marx's sociology and theory of history. In his early reflections on the theory of history, Marx explicitly praised these Scottish thinkers for being the first to lay a "materialist foundation" for historical research by writing "the history of civil society, of commerce, and of industry."

第二，斯密、亚当·弗格森（Adam Ferguson）、威廉·罗伯逊（William Robertson）和约翰·米勒（John Millar）的著作，被认为可能对马克思的社会学和历史理论产生了影响。马克思在其早期对历史理论的反思中明确赞扬这些苏格兰思想家最早通过撰写“市民社会史、商业史和工业史”为历史研究奠定了“唯物主义基础”。

Third, Marx had numerous connections with the Chartist movement. These connections include: political cooperation with left-wing Chartists; personal friendships with Chartist leaders; the reproduction of Chartist ideas in his analysis of contemporary English politics; participation in Chartist demonstrations; and publishing his own works in Chartist periodicals.

第三，马克思与宪章运动有着诸多联系。这些联系包括：与左翼宪章派的政治合作；与宪章派领导人的私人友谊；在他对当代英国政治的分析中再现宪章派的思想；参加宪章运动的示威游行；在宪章派刊物上发表自己的作品。

Fourth, for a decade (1852–1862), Marx wrote for the *New-York Daily Tribune*, then the world's largest-circulation newspaper, explaining English politics and society to North American readers. His articles covered all aspects of England: high politics (elections, parliamentary affairs, and foreign policy); economic conditions (factory legislation, strikes, and economic crises); and a wide range of social and cultural issues (the death penalty, class structure, and the role of the clergy). Marx himself wrote approximately 372 articles, with another 15 written by Engels. These articles were initially translated from German, but from February 1853 onward, Marx was able to write in English.

第四，马克思在长达10年（1852—1862年）的时间里为当时世界上发行量最大的报纸《纽约每日论坛报》撰稿，向北美读者讲解英国的政治和社会。其文章内容涵盖英国的方方面面：高层政治（大选、议会事务和外交政策）；经济状况（工厂立法、罢工和经济危机）；以及广泛的社会和文化议题（死刑、阶级结构和神职人员的作用）。马克思自己撰写了大约372篇文章，另有15篇是恩格斯撰写的。这些文章最初译自德文，而从1853年2月开始，马克思可以用英文写作了。

Fifth, Marx's long struggle with the English Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister Henry Palmerston deserves separate mention. Marx accused Palmerston of combining an increasingly reactionary foreign policy with growing Caesarism in domestic affairs. This criticism led to Marx's contact with David Urquhart, an eccentric writer, diplomat, and independent Member of Parliament. Apart from the issue of Palmerston, many of Urquhart's views were "diametrically opposed" to Marx's. Nevertheless, Marx used material from Urquhart's writings and reached the same conclusion as him: that Palmerston had been bought by Russian despotism.

第五，马克思与英国外交大臣和首相亨利·帕麦斯顿（Henry Palmerston）的长期斗争值得单独一提。马克思指责帕麦斯顿将越来越反动的外交政策与国内事务中越来越多的凯撒主义结合在一起。这一批评导致了马克思与戴维·乌尔卡尔特（David Urquhart）的接触，后者是一位古怪的著作家、外交官和独立议员。除了关于帕麦斯顿的问题，乌尔卡尔特的很多观点都与马克思“截然相反”。然而，马克思使用了乌尔卡尔特著述中的材料，并得出了与其相同的结论：帕麦斯顿被俄国专制主义收买了。

Sixth, Marx was not well known in England during his lifetime, but his reputation increased through his participation in the International Workingmen's Association. A biographical sketch in the journal *Modern Thought* confirms: "As one of the most important organizers and guides of the 'International Workingmen's Association,' his name is the most familiar to English newspaper readers." The literature on the First International usually focuses on Marx's struggle with continental anarchism, but it also concerned itself with English domestic issues, including free trade, the Irish question, land nationalization, working hours, child labor, strike venues, and the (Marx-opposed) "wages fund" theory. Many of Marx's works were published under the auspices of the First International; *Wages, Price and Profit* (1865) was a lecture to the General Council of the International, and the latter also published his *The Civil War in France* (1871).

第六，马克思在世时在英国并不出名，但是由于参加了国际工人协会，他的声望有所提高。《现代思想》杂志上的一篇人物简介证实：“作为‘国际工人协会’最重要的组织者和指导者之一，他的名字是英国报纸读者最为熟悉的。”第一国际的相关文献通常关注马克思与欧洲大陆无政府主义的斗争，但也关心英国国内问题，包括自由贸易、爱尔兰问题、土地国有化、工作时间、童工、罢工场所以及（遭到马克思反对的）“工资基金”（wages fund）理论。马克思的许多著作是在第一国际的资助下出版的，《工资、价格和利润》（1865年）就是他对国际工人协会总委员会的演讲，后者还出版了他的《法兰西内战》（1871年）。

Seventh, Marx's social circle in London was not a closed Germanic clique. For example, Marx became good friends with the English positivist, trade unionist, and Professor of History at University College London, Edward Spencer Beesly. Marx highly praised Beesly for "a truly excellent speech" he made at a trade union mass meeting they both attended, for Beesly's intellectual skill as a historian "in the best sense of the word," and for his character as "a very capable and courageous man." In 1867, Marx presented him with a copy of Volume 1 of *Capital*. Since Beesly could not read German, Marx also sent him installments of the French translation. They also collaborated on publishing Beesly's authoritative account of the history of the First International in the *Fortnightly Review*, and together helped Paris Commune exiles in London.

第七，马克思在伦敦的社交圈并不是一个封闭的日耳曼人小圈子。例如，马克思与英国实证主义者、工联主义者和伦敦大学学院历史学教授爱德华·比斯利（Edward Spencer Beesly）成了好朋友。对于比斯利在他们共同参加的工会群众集会上所做的“一次真正出色的发言”，作为历史学家的比斯利“从这个词的最好的意义上讲”的思维技巧，以及比斯利作为“一个很能干而又勇敢的人”的品德，马克思均给予了高度评价。1867年，马克思把《资本论》第1卷赠送给他。由于比斯利读不了德文，马克思又把法文译本分册送给他。他们还合作在《双周评论》上发表了比斯利关于第一国际历史的权威记述，一起帮助在伦敦的巴黎公社流亡者。

Eighth, English cultural life had a huge and wide-ranging impact on Marx, especially in literature. A full understanding of Marx's works is impossible without some appreciation of the literary quotations, analogies, and imagery he employed extensively. Literature provided a medium without which it is difficult to imagine how Marx formed or articulated his theoretical views. Anyone browsing Marx's works will quickly discover the astonishing breadth of literary works with which he was familiar and which he frequently cited.

第八，英国的文化生活对马克思产生了巨大而广泛的影响，尤其在文学方面。如果对马克思的著作中大量采用的文学引文、类比和形象没有一定的鉴赏力，就无法全面理解这些著作。文学提供了一种媒介，没有它，很难想象马克思如何形成或阐明他的理论观点。任何浏览过马克思著作的人都会很快发现，他熟悉并经常引用的文学作品的范围之广令人惊叹。

II. Marx's Evaluation of English Socialism

二、马克思对英国社会主义的评价

(A) Marx's Early Attention to English Socialism

（一）马克思对英国社会主义的早期关注

The account of the three sources of Marxism holds that, regarding the influence of various existing socialisms on Marx, French socialism was the most important, more so than that of any other country. However, there is little evidence in Marx's writings to support this claim; on the contrary, there are two pieces of evidence confirming that Marx began to pay attention to English socialism before he moved to London.

关于马克思主义的三大来源的论述认为，就马克思受到当时存在的各种社会主义的影响而言，最重要的是法国社会主义，而不是其他任何国家的社会主义。然而，在马克思的著作中很少有证据支持这种说法，反而有两条证据证实，马克思在移居伦敦之前就开始关注英国社会主义。

In 1848, Marx, together with Engels and Moses Hess, attempted to translate and publish a series of works by foreign socialist writers, with the original intention of helping their German contemporaries correct their regrettable and inexcusable ignorance of various foreign (non-German) variants of socialism. This project was ultimately abandoned, but before that, as Engels said, they had already decided to include Owen as one of the foreign writers who could “provide Germans with the most material and come closest to our principles” in the first published works.

1848年，马克思曾与恩格斯、莫泽斯·赫斯一起，试图翻译并出版一套外国社会主义著作家丛书，其初衷是为了帮助同时代的德国人纠正他们对社会主义的各种外国（非德国）变种的令人遗憾且难辞其责的无知。该项工作最终被放弃了，但在此之前，正如恩格斯所说,他们已经决定把欧文作为“能给德国人提供最多的材料和最接近我们原则”的外国著作家之一列入最先出版的著作之中。

Marx criticized his German contemporaries, especially the “true socialists,” for regarding foreign socialism as a purely French phenomenon and even believing that Britain had no socialism. To this, Marx and Engels sarcastically remarked: “If Thomas More, the Levellers, Owen, Thompson, Watts, Holyoake, Harney, Morgan, Southwell, Goodwyn Barmby, Greaves, Edmonds, Hobson, Spence heard that they were not communists, they would be greatly astonished, and would perhaps turn over in their graves.” [4]4 The Communist League was an international revolutionary organization founded in 1847, for which Marx and Engels wrote *The Communist Manifesto*.

马克思批评同时代的德国人、特别是“真正的社会主义者”只将外国社会主义视为地道的法国现象，甚至认为英国没有社会主义。对此，马克思和恩格斯嘲讽地说：“假如托马斯·莫尔、平均派、欧文、汤普逊、瓦茨、侯里欧克、哈尼、摩尔根、萨斯威尔、古德温·巴姆贝、格里夫斯、艾德门兹、霍布森、斯宾斯听说……他们都不是共产主义者了，他们会大吃一惊，也许会惊讶得在坟墓里翻一个身。”

This is an interesting list of writers and activists, showing that Britain had an extraordinary lineage of socialism, and what is particularly striking is the extent to which it was dominated by Owen and his supporters. Of the thirteen individuals and one group on this list, nine belong to this broad lineage: Owen, William Thompson, John Watts, George J. Holyoake, John M. Morgan, Charles Southwell, John G. Barmby, James P. Greaves, and Thomas R. Edmonds.

这是一个由著作家和活动家组成的有趣名单，它表明英国有一个非凡的社会主义系谱，而尤其引人注目的是它在多大程度上被欧文及其支持者所主导。在这份由13位个人和一个团体组成的名单中，有9人属于这一广泛的系谱，他们是欧文、威廉·汤普森（William Thompson）、约翰·瓦茨（John Watts）、乔治·侯利欧克（George J.Holyoake）、约翰·摩尔根（John M.Morgan）、查理·萨斯威尔（Charles Southwell)、约翰·巴姆比（John G.Barmby）、詹姆斯·格里夫斯（James P.Greaves）和托马斯·埃德蒙兹（Thomas R.Edmonds）。

The above evidence indicates that in the mid-1840s, Marx regretted the Germans’ ignorance of foreign socialism, expressed appreciation for Britain’s long and distinctive socialist history, and promoted the ideas of the Owenites and their supporters at that time.

上述证据表明，1840年代中期，马克思对德国人对外国社会主义的无知感到遗憾，对英国悠久而独特的社会主义历史表示欣赏，并对当时欧文派及其支持者的主张进行了宣传。

(II) Marx’s Positive Evaluation of Robert Owen

（二）马克思对罗伯特·欧文的积极评价

Marx held Owen in high regard, considering him an outstanding pioneer, a “truly strong man” who would draw “new strength” from any setback. Marx seems to have largely agreed with Engels’s view that Owen’s name was linked with “all social movements, all real progress in the interests of the workers in England.” Marx himself did not know Owen personally, but he heard him speak on at least two occasions. Marx attended Owen’s speech on his 80th birthday and remarked: “Although the old man was stubborn in his ideas, he was humorous and very genial.” He also listened to Owen’s speech at a subsequent meeting of the Society of Arts and Crafts, where Owen refuted the view that mere charitable measures could solve the problems existing in a class-divided society.

马克思对欧文非常尊敬，认为他是一位杰出的先驱，一个“真正坚强的人”，他会从任何挫折中汲取“新的力量”。马克思似乎在很大程度上赞同恩格斯的观点，即欧文的名字是与“英国的有利于工人的一切社会运动、一切实际进步”联系在一起的。马克思本人并不认识欧文，但至少在两个场合听过他演讲。马克思参加了欧文80岁生日的演说活动，并且认为：“这位老人虽然思想固执，但却幽默并且很和气。”他还聆听了欧文在随后举行的艺术和手工业协会会议上的发言，当时欧文反驳了那种认为仅靠慈善举措就可以解决阶级分化的社会中存在的问题的观点。

This generous assessment of Owen himself is noteworthy. This generosity is consistent with his differentiated treatment of “utopian” socialism (of which British socialism is a variant): that is, one part consists of the earliest generation of utopian socialists (including Owen), and the other part consists of the second and subsequent generations of utopian socialists (including later Owenites). Marx believed that the views of these two groups were broadly similar, but the latter had, to some extent, committed errors that the former had not. The ideas of the first generation of socialists, including Owen, were formed in the historical environment at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, an environment sufficient to provoke socialist criticism but also inevitably subjecting that criticism to serious misunderstanding. However, the second and subsequent generations of socialists could not excuse themselves by saying that the errors of the first generation were historically inevitable, because circumstances had changed significantly, yet they still “clung stubbornly to the old views of their teachers.”

马克思对欧文本人的这种慷慨评价值得关注。这种慷慨与他区别对待“乌托邦”社会主义（英国社会主义是其中的一个变种）的态度是一致的：即一部分人是最早一代乌托邦社会主义者（包括欧文），另一部分人是第二代以及随后几代乌托邦社会主义者（包括后来的欧文派）。马克思认为这两部分人的观点大致相同，但后者在某种程度上犯了前者没有的错误。包括欧文在内的第一代社会主义者的思想形成于18世纪与19世纪之交的历史环境中，这种历史环境足以引起社会主义者的批评，但也难免使这种批评遭到严重误解。然而，第二代及其随后几代社会主义者不能以第一代社会主义者的错误在历史上是不可避免的为借口，因为情况已经发生了重大变化，但他们却仍然“死守着老师们的旧观点”。

(III) Marx’s Critique of British Socialism

（三）马克思对英国社会主义的批判

Marx’s differences with British socialism can be divided into two aspects: first, differences over whether socialism can be depicted; second, differences over the role of the proletariat, the historical conditions of socialism, the necessity of class struggle, and so on.

马克思与英国社会主义的分歧可以分为两个方面：一是关于社会主义能否被描绘的分歧；二是关于无产阶级的作用、社会主义的历史条件、阶级斗争的必要性等方面的分歧。

First, the most significant difference between Marx and British socialism lies in whether to draw up a blueprint for future society, which involves a component of “utopianism”—the question of the absolute necessity of socialist design. British socialists endorsed the seemingly plausible non-Marxist view that, in order to achieve their goals, socialists must provide a detailed and persuasive explanation not only of the defects of the contemporary social world but also of the institutional structure and ethos of the future socialist alternative. Although Marx acknowledged the necessity of a detailed and persuasive critique of contemporary society, he opposed drawing up a “blueprint” for the future of socialism. Specifically, Marx insisted that: first, utopian schemes exclude future possibilities in an undemocratic manner (normative argument); second, utopian schemes presuppose a degree of predictive accuracy that is impossible to achieve (epistemological argument); and finally, utopian schemes are superfluous because the best solutions to human social and political problems are immanent in the historical process (empirical argument). In Marx’s words, socialists should play the role of historical “midwives”; they are not to design a plan for future socialist society, but to liberate “the new social elements which have been developed in the womb of the old collapsing bourgeois society itself.” In short, Marx’s main critique was not of the inappropriate or unreasonable content of the future “blueprints” of Owen and other “utopians,” but of their belief that we absolutely need a “blueprint.”

第一，马克思与英国社会主义之间的最重大的分歧在于是否要为未来社会描绘蓝图，它涉及“乌托邦主义”的组成部分——即社会主义设计的绝对必要性问题。英国社会主义者赞同那种看似合理的非马克思主义观点，即为了实现他们的目标，社会主义者不仅要对当代社会世界的缺陷，而且要对未来社会主义替代方案的制度结构和精神特质，进行详细而有说服力的解释。尽管马克思承认对当代社会进行详细而有说服力的批判是必要的，但却反对为社会主义的未来描绘“蓝图”。具体来说，马克思坚持认为：首先，乌托邦方案以一种不民主的方式排除了未来的可能性（规范性论证）；其次，乌托邦方案要以一定程度的预测准确度为前提，而这是不可能做到的（认识论论证）；最后，乌托邦方案是多余的，因为解决人类社会和政治问题的最佳方案内在于历史的进程中（经验性论证）。用马克思的话来说，社会主义者应该扮演历史“助产士”的角色，他们不是为未来的社会主义社会设计方案，而是要解放那些“由旧的正在崩溃的资产阶级社会本身孕育着的新社会因素”。简而言之，马克思主要不是批判欧文和其他“乌托邦主义者”的未来“蓝图”的不恰当和不合理内容，而是批判他们认为我们绝对需要“蓝图”。

Second, Marx considered the Owenites’ attitude toward the proletariat to be “paternalistic.” (Because the Owenites’ “paternalistic” attitude, although characteristic of utopian socialists, is not a component of utopianism itself.) Marx leveled various criticisms against British socialists, arguing that they regarded the proletariat merely as “a class that suffers the most deeply,” failing to recognize the potential of the proletariat as an active and powerful collective force, and thus treated the proletariat as an object rather than a subject of social change. This accusation has some justification when applied to Owen and his most loyal followers, for their political stance was openly and unashamedly “paternalistic.” For instance, at a public meeting in 1817, Owen was astonished to learn that “those lacking education and benighted people” actually thought he would be willing to hear their views on the “relief and improvement” measures he proposed. Owen tended to regard the management of transitional settlements as an activity requiring specialized knowledge, knowledge that at the time could only be found among members of the middle class who had already directed extensive business practices in the old society. However, Marx’s accusation does not apply to the broader Owenite movement, which offered ample resistance to “paternalistic” practices. A practical example is the Owenite community at Manea Fen, near Wisbech in Cambridgeshire, which existed from 1839 to 1841 and was explicitly committed to democratic self-governance, disregarding the dominant “paternalistic” norms within the movement. A theoretical example is Thompson, who insisted that once a community began to operate, all its working members must have a say in the direction of the community, because only by allowing them to discuss and arrange their collective affairs could the “industrious classes” develop the skills and traits of self-governance.

第二，马克思认为欧文派对待无产阶级的态度是“家长式的”。（因为欧文派的“家长式的”态度虽然是乌托邦社会主义者所特有的，但并非乌托邦主义的组成部分。）马克思对英国社会主义者提出了各种批判，认为他们只将无产阶级看作“一个受苦最深的阶级”，未能意识到无产阶级作为一种积极而强大的集体力量的潜能，因而把无产阶级当作社会变革的对象而非主体。这种指责用在欧文及其最忠实的追随者身上是有一定道理的，因为他们的政治主张是公开而毫无顾忌的“家长式的”主张。例如，在1817年的一次公开会议上，当欧文得知“那些缺乏教育和蒙昧无知的人”居然以为他愿意听取他们对他提出的“救济和改善”措施的看法时，感到非常惊讶。欧文倾向于把过渡定居点中的管理视为一种需要专业知识的活动，而这些知识当时只能在那些已经在旧社会里指导过广泛的经营实践的中产阶级成员中去寻找。然而，马克思的指责并不适用于更广义的欧文派运动，后者曾对“家长式”作风进行了充分的抵制。实践方面的例子有位于剑桥郡威斯贝奇（Wisbech）附近的马尼亚·芬（Manea Fen），它存在于1839年至1841年，是一个欧文派共同体，明确致力于民主自治，无视在该运动中居支配地位的“家长式的”规范。理论方面的例子有汤普森，他坚持认为，一个共同体一旦开始运转，其所有劳动成员必须对共同体的发展方向有发言权，因为只有让他们讨论和安排自己的集体事务，“勤劳的阶级”才能发展出自治的技能和特质。

Third, Marx considered Owenite socialism to be “unhistorical.” That is, the Owenites failed to realize that the conditions for socialism are not universally present but emerge only at a specific stage of human history. Utopians are depicted as fantasists of socialism, who see socialism not as the result of historical development but as the product of a genius who might appear at any time.

第三，马克思认为欧文派的社会主义是“非历史的”。也就是说，欧文派没有意识到社会主义的条件不是普遍存在的，而是只有在人类历史的特定阶段才会出现。乌托邦主义者被描绘成社会主义的幻想者，他们不是将社会主义视为历史发展的结果，而是视其为随时可能出现的天才人物所导致的结果。

Fourth, Marx considered Owenite socialism to be “anti-political.” This contains three elements: the general belief that utopian writers like Owen stood outside class antagonisms and considered themselves above them; an unwillingness to engage in struggle against the government as an apparatus of rule (hence the Owenite opposition to the Chartist movement); and a preference for ineffective “experimental methods” over revolutionary means.

第四，马克思认为欧文派的社会主义是“反政治的”。它包含三个要素，即人们普遍认为欧文等乌托邦作家置身于阶级对立之外，并自认为超越了阶级对立；不愿意参与针对政府这一统治机器的斗争（因此欧文派反对宪章运动）；宁可采取无效的“试验的办法”，而不是革命的手段。

From the above, it appears that Marx sought to fairly summarize and evaluate the Owenite contribution, but his latter three criticisms fail to encompass the complexity and diversity of Owenite theory and practice. My response may seem overly rationalistic, given that Marx was engaged in ongoing political struggle with political opponents, not writing papers for a university seminar. Therefore, perhaps these criticisms can be read as more about promoting Marx’s own views than about British socialism. Marx was highlighting the differences between them, drawing attention to the unique elements of his own perspective, thereby emphasizing the importance of the proletariat’s self-emancipation, historical understanding, and political participation in his theory and practice.

从上述情况看，马克思试图公正地概括和评价欧文派的贡献，但他的后三个批判未能涵括欧文派理论和实践的复杂性和多样性。我的回应可能看起来过于理性主义，毕竟马克思是在与政治对手进行不断的政治斗争，而不是在为大学研讨会撰写发言稿。因此，或许我们可以将这些批判解读为，它们更多地是在向我们宣传马克思的观点而不是英国社会主义的观点。马克思是在突出两者的不同之处，以吸引人们关注他本人的观点中的独特元素，从而强调无产阶级的自我解放、历史认识和政治参与在其理论和实践中的重要性。

III. The Influence of British Socialism on Marx

三、英国社会主义对马克思的影响

Turning to Marx’s more positive evaluations of British socialism, I believe that Owen and Owenism exerted a positive (rather than negative) influence on Marx in the following five aspects.

谈及马克思对英国社会主义更为积极的评价，我认为欧文及欧文主义在以下五个方面对马克思产生了积极（而非消极）的影响。

First, Marx valued and was influenced by the critical dimension of Owen’s writings, considering Owen’s critique of existing society to provide useful material. In some cases, Owen may have been merely one theoretical source among others. For example, he was not the only one to argue that private property hindered social progress, nor the only one to attack the selfish, instrumental personality promoted by economic competition. However, elsewhere Marx explicitly cited Owen’s views and expressed agreement. For instance, he acknowledged that they both noted the alienated character of contemporary labor. In the *Grundrisse*, Marx excerpted several passages from Owen depicting workers deprived of health by monotonous and excessive labor, and drew attention to their despair and debauchery resulting from the deprivation of leisure time. Marx also agreed with Owen’s critique of contemporary society’s treatment of people as tools; in particular, Owen observed that workers were not only treated as machines, but more accurately as “secondary and subsidiary” machines (capitalists protected the body and mind of direct producers less than they protected inanimate wood and metal). Marx believed that Owen’s status as a former factory owner lent additional persuasiveness to these views. Marx’s assessment of Owen on these points is defensible.

第一，马克思重视并受到欧文著作的批判维度的影响，认为欧文对现存社会的抨击展示了有用的材料。在某些情况下，欧文可能只是某些思想的理论来源之一。例如，他并非唯一一个认为私有财产阻碍了社会进步的人，也不是唯一一个对经济竞争所推崇的自私的工具性人格进行抨击的人。然而，在其他地方，马克思明确地引用了欧文的观点并表示赞同。例如，他承认他们都注意到当代劳动的异化特征。在《政治经济学批判大纲》中，马克思摘录了欧文描绘工人被单调而过度的劳动剥夺了健康的几段话，并提请我们注意他们因被剥夺了闲暇时间而陷入绝望和放纵。马克思也赞同欧文对当代社会把人当作工具来对待的抨击；尤其是欧文观察到，工人不仅被当作机器来对待，而且更准确地说，工人被当作“次要的和附属的”机器来对待（资本家对直接生产者的身体和精神的保护还比不上他们对无生命的木材和金属的保护）。马克思认为，欧文作为前工厂主的地位为这些观点提供了额外的说服力。马克思对欧文的上述看法是站得住脚的。

Second, Marx valued and was influenced by the Owenites and their supporters—including John Francis Bray, John Gray, Thomas Hodgskin, Thompson, and Edmonds. However, their description of exploitation (differing from Ricardo but similar to Smith) was based on “unequal exchange” (which Marx of course opposed, insisting that exploitation occurs in the sphere of production, not circulation or exchange). Marx seems to have agreed with several threads in Owenite political economy: first, their shared focus on the problem of exploitation (not merely on poverty or individualism); second, their emphasis on class antagonism (based on ownership relations); and third, their view that the economic has explanatory priority over the political (for improving material conditions, property distribution is crucial, not the form of government). It seems reasonable to suggest that these core elements in the works of Hodgskin, Thompson, and Bray reinforced similar ideas in Marx.

第二，马克思重视并受到欧文派及其支持者——包括约翰·布雷（John Francis Bray）、约翰·格雷（John Gray）、托马斯·霍吉斯金（Thomas Hodgskin）、汤普森和埃德蒙兹的影响。但是，他们对剥削的描述（与李嘉图不同，但与斯密一样）是基于“不平等交换”（马克思当然反对这一点，他坚持认为剥削发生在生产领域，而不是流通或交换领域）。马克思似乎赞同欧文政治经济学中的几条线索：一是他们都关注剥削问题（而不只是仅仅关注贫困或个人主义）；二是他们都强调阶级对立（认为对立的基础是所有权关系）；三是他们都认为经济对于政治具有解释上的优先性（对于物质状况的改善来说，至关重要的是财产分配而非政府的形式）。我们似乎可以合理地认为，霍吉斯金、汤普森和布雷著作中的这些核心要素强化了马克思的类似思想。

Third, Marx valued and was influenced by Owen’s conception of socialism. Given Marx’s advice that socialists should refrain from “writing recipes for the cook-shops of the future,” this may seem unlikely. Yet Marx occasionally hinted at the shape of a future socialist society, and in doing so praised certain features of Owen’s substantive vision. Owen’s description of socialism may have lacked Fourier’s poetry and imagination, but it still contained “predictions and excellent descriptions of the new world.” For example, Owen likely influenced Marx in two ways: first, Owen’s goal was to eliminate the “antagonism between town and country” created by capitalist development in the experimental settlements he proposed; second, Owen’s practice at the experimental school in New Lanark (perhaps even more striking for its institutional detail) revealed “the germ of the education of the future” (combining intellectual and physical education with limited participation in manual labor for “children above a certain age”). In these and other respects, Marx’s conception of socialism embodied certain Owenite goals and institutional means.

第三，马克思重视并受到欧文社会主义观的影响。鉴于马克思建议社会主义者要保持克制，不要“为未来的食堂开出调味单”，这一点看似不太可能。然而，马克思偶尔会暗示未来社会主义社会的形态，并在这样做时称赞了欧文的实质性愿景的某些特征。欧文对社会主义的描述可能缺乏傅立叶的诗意和想象，但仍然包含着“对新世界的预测和出色的描述”。例如，欧文对马克思产生了两种可能的影响：首先，欧文的目标是致力于在他提议建立的试验定居点中消灭资本主义发展所造成的“城乡对立”；其次，欧文在新拉纳克（New Lanark）的实验学校的实践（也许更加引人注目，因为它涉及更多的制度细节）揭示了“未来教育的幼芽”（将“已满一定年龄的儿童”的智育、体育与有限地参与体力劳动相结合）。在这些以及其他方面，马克思的社会主义观体现了欧文派的某些目标和制度手段。

Fourth, Marx valued and was influenced by Owen’s role in the history of the development of “materialism.” In *The Holy Family*, Marx directly states that the “materialism” he refers to coincides intellectually with “English socialism and communism.” In particular, Marx links the socialist position with a broad realist conception of scientific knowledge, holding that scientific knowledge comes from “the sensuous world and experience in the sensuous world.” Based on this understanding, materialism and socialism are considered to share the same views on “the innate goodness of human nature and the equal endowment of people’s talents, on the omnipotence of experience, habit, and education, on the influence of the external environment on people, on the great significance of industry, on the rationality of enjoyment, and so forth.” Marx emphasizes the close relationship between French “materialism” and English socialism: the former stresses the influence of “education” in shaping people, while the latter seeks to make the social environment more “civilized.” Education here refers not only to schooling but also to the broader shaping influence produced by our social environment. Marx believes that, historically, this influence began with Claude Helvétius (French materialism), passed through Jeremy Bentham as an intermediary, and reached Owen. English socialism inherited this concern with the importance of society and developed these “materialist” views into a clear socialist orientation.

第四，马克思重视并受到欧文在“唯物主义”发展史中的作用的影响。在《神圣家族》中，马克思直截了当地指出，他所说的“唯物主义”与“英国的社会主义和共产主义”在思想上是相吻合的。尤其是，马克思将社会主义的立场与广义的现实主义科学知识观联系起来，认为科学知识来自“感性世界和感性世界中的经验”。基于这种理解，唯物主义与社会主义被认为在“关于人性本善和人们天资平等，关于经验、习惯、教育的万能，关于外部环境对人的影响，关于工业的重大意义，关于享乐的合理性等等”方面观点相同。马克思强调了法国“唯物主义”与英国社会主义之间的密切关系，前者重视“教育”对塑造人的影响，后者则寻求使社会环境更“文明化”。这里的教育不仅指学校教育，还指我们的社会环境所产生的更广泛的塑造性影响。马克思认为，历史地看，这种影响从克劳德·爱尔维修（法国唯物主义）开始，通过杰里米·边沁的中介作用传至欧文。英国社会主义继承了这种对社会重要性的关注，并将这些“唯物主义”观点发展成一种明确的社会主义方向。

Fifth, Marx valued and was influenced by Owen’s role in the history of the cooperative movement. In the *Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s Association* (1864), Marx expresses regret over certain trends in modern English social and political history, including the decline of the Chartist movement and of working-class combativeness more broadly. Against this backdrop, he points to brighter hopes: the legislative victories of “working-class political economy” (including the Ten Hours Bill and the English Factory Acts); and, more importantly, the development of the cooperative movement (especially producers’ cooperatives). Marx’s views on cooperatives are complex; in his words, they are “the first breach in the old form within the old form.” On the one hand, Marx does not regard the emergence of socialism as the gradual expansion of producers’ cooperatives; he believes that if individual workers are left to take the initiative, they will only play a marginal role within the capitalist economy. On the other hand, Marx insists: “These great social experiments cannot be overestimated.” In particular, he holds that “the workers have proved, not in words but in deeds,” that productive forces do not depend on class division, and that “large-scale production, and production in accordance with the requirements of modern science, can be carried on without the employing class of workers.” Thus, even if cooperatives take a limited form at present, they constitute a proof of concept. They actually demonstrate that such effective non-capitalist economic arrangements are feasible, and confirm that “wage labor” is a historical phenomenon “destined to give way.” In this context, Marx readily acknowledges the origins of the movement, insisting that “the seeds of the cooperative system were sown by Robert Owen.”

第五，马克思重视并受到欧文在合作社运动史中的作用的影响。在《国际工人协会成立宣言》（1864年）中，马克思对英国近代社会和政治史上的某些趋势表示遗憾，包括宪章运动以及更广泛的工人阶级战斗力的衰落。在这种背景下，他指出了更加光明的希望所在：“工人阶级政治经济学”在立法上取得的胜利（包括《十小时工作日法案》和《英国工厂法》）；更重要的是合作社运动（特别是生产者合作社）的发展。马克思关于合作社的观点是复杂的，用他的话来说，合作社是“在旧形式内对旧形式打开的第一个缺口”。一方面，马克思并不认为社会主义的产生是生产者合作社逐渐扩大的结果，他认为如果让单个工人发挥主动性，他们只会在资本主义经济中发挥边缘性的作用。另一方面，马克思坚持认为：“这些伟大的社会试验的意义不论给予多么高的估价都是不算过分的。”特别是他认为，“工人们不是在口头上，而是用事实证明”，生产力不依赖于阶级划分，“大规模的生产，并且是按照现代科学要求进行的生产，没有那个雇用工人阶级的雇主阶级也能够进行”。因此，即使合作社在目前采取的形式是有限的，也是一种概念证明。它们实际上证明了这种有效的非资本主义经济安排是可行的，并且证实了“雇佣劳动”是一种“注定要让位”的历史现象。在这种背景下，马克思欣然承认该运动的起源，坚持认为“合作制的种子是由罗伯特·欧文播下的”。

IV. The Channels through Which Marx Learned about British Socialism

四、马克思了解英国社会主义信息的渠道

The author believes that Marx was deeply influenced by British socialism, and that this influence began very early. To confirm this influence, it is not enough merely to find close connections between Marx’s thought and British socialism; one must also confirm the potential “mechanism” of this influence—that is, the “channels” through which Marx was or could have been influenced by Owenite ideas. Once Marx settled in London (from 1849 onward), this was no longer a problem, as he then had various opportunities to learn about British socialism. However, in the mid-1840s, when Marx was living in the Belgian capital, the situation was entirely different. Marx’s exile in Brussels was both a particularly formative stage in his intellectual development and perhaps the least known period of his life. The three years from February 1845 to March 1848 constitute “a veritable black hole” in our knowledge of Marx. It is sometimes completely forgotten; some commentators even think that after leaving Paris, Marx “began his second exile in England.” In this regard, I argue that during his exile in Brussels, Marx learned about British socialism through three channels: his close friendship with Engels; his research trip to Manchester; and his friendship with Georg Weerth.

笔者认为，马克思深受英国社会主义的影响，而且这种影响很早就开始了。要确认这种影响，仅仅找到马克思的思想与英国社会主义之间的密切联系是不够的，还需确认这种影响的潜在“机制”，即马克思是通过哪些“渠道”受到或可能受到欧文派思想的影响的。当马克思在伦敦住下（从1849年开始）后，这就不是问题了，那时他已经有了各种机会去了解英国社会主义。然而，在1840年代中期，也就是马克思住在比利时首都时，情况就截然不同了。马克思在布鲁塞尔的流亡生活既是其思想发展的一个特殊形成阶段，或许也是他一生中最不为人所知的阶段。从1845年2月到1848年3月的三年时间里，在我们关于马克思的知识中是“一个实实在在的黑洞”。它有时被完全遗忘了，有评论家甚至认为，马克思在离开巴黎之后“在英国开始了第二次流亡生活”。对此，我认为，马克思在流亡布鲁塞尔期间，通过三条渠道来了解英国社会主义的重要信息：他与恩格斯的亲密友谊；他的曼彻斯特研究之旅；以及他与格奥尔格·维尔特（Georg Weerth）的友谊。

(1) Engels as the First, and Perhaps the Clearest, Channel for Marx’s Knowledge of British Socialism

（一）恩格斯是马克思了解英国社会主义信息的第一条、或许也是最清晰的渠道

Engels was the first channel through which Marx learned about British socialism. Since this is obvious, and since I have previously written about Engels’s attention to British socialism, I will only give a brief introduction here. However, a “brief” introduction cannot reflect the importance of this potential influence—namely, that Engels’s influence on Marx was considerable. The word “potential” is used here because, at that time, Engels and Marx lived close together, and there is not much documentary evidence from correspondence, etc. Most people regard Engels as a potential influence on Marx during this period, but they are not very familiar with the young Engels’s familiarity with and importance to British socialism. In this regard, the most important thing is Engels’s first long stay in the “cotton capital” Manchester (December 1842–August 1844). At that time, he was receiving commercial training at Ermen & Engels, a company specializing in sewing cotton thread, whose Manchester factory and offices were owned by Engels’s father. In fact, Manchester was then the center of the Industrial Revolution in the most industrialized country in the world, and it provided Engels with an unprecedented opportunity to pursue his own interests, allowing him to focus on the social impact of emerging capitalism and the political struggles it provoked. Engels’s attention to British socialism was serious and sustained. Indeed, during this period, he can be described as a supporter and participant in the Owenite movement politically.

恩格斯是马克思了解英国社会主义信息的第一条渠道。由于这是显而易见的，也由于我曾经撰写过关于恩格斯关注英国社会主义的文章，所以在此只做简略介绍。然而，“简略”介绍无法反映这种可能的影响的重要性，即恩格斯对马克思的影响相当大。这里使用“可能的”一词，是因为当时恩格斯与马克思住得很近，通信等方面的证据材料不多。大多数人认为，恩格斯是这一时期的马克思的潜在影响者，但却不大了解年轻的恩格斯对英国社会主义的熟悉程度和重要性。在这方面，最重要的是恩格斯第一次在“棉都”曼彻斯特的长时间逗留（1842年12月—1844年8月）。当时，他在欧门—恩格斯公司接受商业培训，这家公司是缝纫用棉线的专业生产企业，其曼彻斯特工厂和办公室归恩格斯的父亲所有。实际上，曼彻斯特当时是这个全球工业化程度最高的国家工业革命的中心，它为恩格斯追求自己的兴趣提供了一个前所未有的机会，让他得以关注新兴资本主义的社会影响以及由此引发的政治抗争。恩格斯对英国社会主义的关注是认真而持久的。事实上，在此期间，他可以被描述为一个在政治上赞同欧文派运动的支持者和参与者。

First, Engels attended Owenite lectures and other activities. In January 1840, Owen had inaugurated the Manchester Hall of Science, which was only a ten-minute walk from Engels’s workplace. We know that Engels frequently attended various meetings, including popular Sunday lectures, and that he early on regarded Owen’s follower Watts as a particularly important speaker.

第一，恩格斯参加了欧文派的演讲和其他活动。1840年1月，欧文曾为曼彻斯特科学馆揭幕，而该馆距离恩格斯的工作地点仅10分钟的步行路程。我们知道，恩格斯经常参加各种会议，包括参加受欢迎的周日演讲，而且他很早就将欧文的信徒瓦茨视为一位特别重要的演讲人。

Second, Engels extensively read British socialist literature. For example, most of Engels’s knowledge of North American communitarian settlements came from the Owenite journal *The New Moral World* and from letters by John Finch. He collected a large number of Owen’s works, which were then difficult to find (and later “impossible to obtain again”); unfortunately, these were lost in the political and personal upheavals of 1848–1849.

第二，恩格斯广泛阅读了英国社会主义文献。例如，恩格斯对北美共同体主义定居点的了解大部分是从欧文派刊物《新道德世界》以及约翰·芬奇（John Finch）的信件中获得的。他搜集了大量当时很难找到（后来也“不可能再获得”）的欧文著作，不幸的是，这些著作在1848年至1849年的政治和个人的动荡生活中丢失了。

Third, during this period, Engels regularly contributed to *The New Moral World*, mainly providing Owenite readers with information about socialism on the European continent. His contributions included news reports and more substantial articles, such as “Progress of Social Reform on the Continent” (October and November 1843) and “The Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany” (December 1844, March and May 1845).

第三，在此期间，恩格斯定期为《新道德世界》撰稿，主要是向欧文派读者提供有关欧洲大陆社会主义的信息。他撰写的内容包括新闻报道以及一些更有分量的文章，比如《大陆上社会改革的进展》（1843年10月和11月）和《共产主义在德国的迅速进展》（1844年12月、1845年3月和5月）。

Fourth, Engels had some interactions with major Owenite figures outside Manchester. For example, it was precisely through his personal acquaintance with Goodwyn Barmby that Engels was able to make a scholarly correction to an earlier article he had published in *The New Moral World*, which had criticized an article on continental communism published in *The Times*. In this critical article, Engels had mistakenly questioned Benjamin Constant, and Barmby provided materials on the various views of the cleric Constant.

第四，恩格斯与曼彻斯特以外的欧文派主要成员有过一些交往。例如，正是由于与古德温·巴姆比（Goodwyn Barmby）的私人交往，恩格斯才得以对他早先在《新道德世界》上发表的一篇文章进行学术更正，这篇文章批判了《泰晤士报》上发表的一篇论述欧洲大陆共产主义的文章。恩格斯曾在这篇批判文章中错误地对本杰明·孔斯旦（Benjamin Constant）提出了质疑，而巴姆比提供了关于孔斯旦教士的各种观点的材料。

Fifth, Engels publicized British socialism to a German-speaking audience. For instance, in his *Letters from London* (May–June 1843) published in the *Swiss Republican*, he stated that the Owenites were “more principled and more practical” than their French counterparts. Engels recommended Owenite publications, especially those “convincing economic essays,” and noted their eagerness for translations of works that “respectable” publishers shunned (mentioning names such as Rousseau, Holbach, and Strauss). British socialism was considered most influential among the lower middle class and the proletariat; besides praising the Owenites’ vitality and humor, Engels also commended their determination to move beyond mere republicanism toward “social transformation.”

第五，恩格斯向德语听众宣传英国社会主义。例如，他在《瑞士共和主义者》上发表的《伦敦来信》（1843年5月至6月）称，欧文派比他们的法国同伴“更有原则和更为实际”。恩格斯推荐了欧文派的出版物，尤其是那些“有说服力的经济论文”，并指出他们渴望那些“有身份的”出版商所避而远之的文献译作（其中提到了卢梭、霍尔巴赫、施特劳斯等人的名字）。英国社会主义被认为在中产阶级下层和无产阶级中影响最大，恩格斯除了赞扬欧文派的活力和幽默外，还赞扬了其超越单纯的共和主义、走向“社会改造”的决心。

Sixth, Engels was at that time enthusiastic about communitarianism (though he soon abandoned it) and placed particular importance on Owenite settlement experiments. At this point, Engels—not without some reservations—believed that the success of communitarianism at the time demonstrated the feasibility of socialism.

第六，恩格斯当时对共同体主义充满热情（但很快就将其抛弃），特别重视欧文派的定居点试验。此时，恩格斯——并非毫无疑问地——认为，当时共同体主义的成功证明了社会主义的可行性。

(2) The 1845 research trip to Manchester was the second channel through which Marx obtained information on British socialism

（二）1845年曼彻斯特的研究之旅是马克思了解英国社会主义信息的第二条渠道

In the summer of 1845 (arriving on July 12, likely departing around August 21), Marx and Engels together visited England and spent most of six weeks in Manchester. Manchester interested Marx for at least three reasons: first, it was at the center of the Industrial Revolution; second, it possessed excellent library facilities; and third, there was Engels as a knowledgeable local guide (the city dominated Engels’s just-published work *The Condition of the Working Class in England*, which had deeply impressed Marx).

1845年夏（7月12日抵达，可能在8月21日离开），马克思和恩格斯一起到访英国，并在曼彻斯特度过了六周中的大部分时间。曼彻斯特之所以让马克思感兴趣，至少有三个原因：第一，它位于工业革命的中心；第二，它拥有出色的图书馆设施；第三，有恩格斯这位知识渊博的当地导游（这座城市在恩格斯刚刚出版的著作《英国工人阶级状况》中占据主导地位，而这本书给马克思留下了深刻的印象）。

Marx and Engels conducted their research mainly at Chetham’s Library, reputedly the oldest public library in the English-speaking world. They spent a long time in this library. In May 1870, after returning to Manchester, Engels wrote to Marx recalling how they had “worked diligently” there 24 years earlier. This research trip produced nine notebooks of *Manchester Notebooks*, which occupy two volumes of the Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe, fourth section (MEGA² IV/4 and MEGA² IV/5). They reflect Marx’s interest in classical political economy—including excerpts from the works of Thomas Tooke, John R. McCulloch, John S. Mill, and others—and also confirm his growing attention to and knowledge of British socialism.

马克思和恩格斯主要在据称是英语世界最古老的公共图书馆的切塔姆图书馆开展研究工作。他们在这座图书馆待了很长时间。1870年5月，恩格斯在回到曼彻斯特后曾写信给马克思，回忆了24年前他们在图书馆“勤奋地工作”的情景。这次研究之旅生成了9册《曼彻斯特笔记》，它们占据了《马克思恩格斯全集》历史考证版第四部分中的两卷（MEGA2IV/4和MEGA2IV/5），反映了马克思对古典政治经济学的兴趣——包括对托马斯·图克（Thomas Tooke）、约翰·麦克库洛赫（John R.McCulloch）、约翰·穆勒（John S.Mill）和其他人的著作的摘录，也证实了他对英国社会主义与日俱增的关注和了解。

Marx read the works of Owen, the Owenites, and their supporters, and wrote nine notebooks. These nine notebooks include eight *Manchester Notebooks* and one *Brussels Notebook*. All notes were written in a mixture of German and English.

马克思阅读了欧文、欧文派及其支持者的作品，并写下了九册笔记。这九册笔记包括八册《曼彻斯特笔记》和一册《布鲁塞尔笔记》。所有笔记都是用德文和英文混合写下的。

1. The second *Manchester Notebook* excerpts the final third of Edmonds’s *Practical Moral and Political Economy*.

1．《曼彻斯特笔记》第二册摘录了埃德蒙兹的《实践道德与政治经济学》中的最后三分之一的内容。

2. The fourth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts all six chapters of Thompson’s *An Inquiry into the Principles of the Distribution of Wealth Most Conducive to Human Happiness*.

2．《曼彻斯特笔记》第四册摘录了汤普森的《最能促进人类幸福的财富分配原理的研究》中的所有六章内容。

3. The sixth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts extensive content from Bray’s *Labour’s Wrongs and Labour’s Remedy*.

3．《曼彻斯特笔记》第六册摘录了布雷的《对劳动的迫害及其救治方案》中的大量内容。

4. The sixth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts content from Owen’s *On the Formation of Character*, which reprints four essays first published by Owen in 1812.

4．《曼彻斯特笔记》第六册摘录了欧文的《论人性的形成》中的内容，该书再版了1812年欧文首次发表的四篇论文。

5. The sixth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts content from Owen’s *Lectures on the Marriage of the Clergy*, which includes Owen’s 1835 lectures, along with an appendix excerpting the marriage system of the New Moral World (emphasizing that his critique of marriage was only a critique of loveless marriage).

5．《曼彻斯特笔记》第六册摘录了欧文的《关于神职人员婚姻问题的讲演》中的内容，其中包括欧文1835年的讲演，以及关于新道德世界婚姻制度摘录的一个附录（其中强调他对婚姻的批判只是对没有感情的婚姻的批判）。

6. The sixth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts Owen’s *Six Lectures Delivered in Manchester*, which discuss his views on the formation of individual character, his critique of the immoral old world, and his exposition of the nobler character and higher status individuals would hold in a future society.

6．《曼彻斯特笔记》第六册摘录了欧文的《在曼彻斯特的六篇演讲》，这些演讲探讨了他对个人品格形成的看法、他批判不道德的旧世界的要点、他对未来社会的个人将具有更高贵的品格和更高等的地位的论述等内容。

7. The sixth *Manchester Notebook* excerpts Owen’s *Address to the Association of All Classes and All Nations*, published in May 1837. This address was published as an appendix to the *Six Lectures Delivered in Manchester*, so the two excerpts are consecutive in the notes.

7．《曼彻斯特笔记》第六册摘录了欧文1837年5月发表的《致各国各阶层协会的讲话》。该讲话是作为《在曼彻斯特的六篇演讲》的附录发表的，因此这两篇摘录的笔记是连续的。

8. The seventh *Manchester Notebook* excerpts Owen’s *The Book of the New Moral World*. *The Book of the New Moral World* is a somewhat dry and lengthy compilation of Owen’s works, presenting his theoretical system in seven parts. Marx took notes on the first four parts. These four parts are: *On the Rational System of Society, Founded on Demonstrable Facts, Developing the Constitution and Laws of Human Nature and of Society*; *An Explanation of the Elements of Social Science, or the State of Human Society*; *An Explanation of the Conditions Required for Human Happiness, Which Will Ultimately Be Secured for All Under the Rational System of Society*; and *An Explanation of the Rational Religion*.

8．《曼彻斯特笔记》第七册摘录了欧文的《新道德世界书》。《新道德世界书》是稍显枯燥和冗长的欧文著作汇编，分七篇介绍了欧文的理论体系。马克思就前四篇做了笔记。这四篇是《关于理性的社会制度，建立在可证明的事实之上，发展人性和社会的组织和法律》《对社会科学要素或人类社会状况的解释》《对人类幸福所需条件的解释，这些条件最终将在理性的社会制度下为所有人提供保障》和《对理性宗教的解释》。

9. The sixth *Brussels Notebook* excerpts Watts’s *The Facts and Fictions of Political Economists*. These notes were written by Marx in Brussels in 1845 and are related to some new materials he collected in Manchester.

9．《布鲁塞尔笔记》第六册摘录了瓦茨的《政治经济学家的事实和臆想》。这些笔记是马克思于1845年在布鲁塞尔写下的，它们与马克思在曼彻斯特收集的一些新资料有关。

MEGA² published the *Manchester Notebooks* in 2018, and a comprehensive critical response is awaited. They are regarded as a “starting point” for Marx’s unfinished, and perhaps impossible, *Capital* project. I do not deny that, as Lucia Pradella insists, they constitute part of Marx’s narrative of the critique of political economy rather than its starting point. However, selecting only a small portion of these authors and focusing on a narrow interpretation of political economy may overlook Marx’s extensive interest in Owen and the Owenite literature of this period.

MEGA2于2018年出版了《曼彻斯特笔记》，正在期待全面的批评性回应。它被视为马克思未完成的、或许也是不可能完成的《资本论》工程的一个“起点”。我不否认，正如露西娅·普拉德拉（Lucia Pradella）所坚持的那样，它们构成了马克思的政治经济学批判叙事的一部分而非起点。然而，仅选取了这些作者中的一小部分，并把重点放在对政治经济学的狭义解释上，可能会忽视马克思对欧文以及这一时期的欧文派文献的广泛兴趣。

(3) Georg Weerth was the third channel through which Marx obtained information on British socialism

（三）格奥尔格·维尔特是马克思了解英国社会主义信息的第三条渠道

Weerth was a German-born poet, writer, merchant, and communist. He first met Marx in 1845 and joined Marx (and Engels) in Brussels the following year. Weerth’s life was short and troubled. Known for his poetry and satirical prose, he was a commercial agent whose business spanned Europe, Central and South America, and the Caribbean. He actively participated in the revolutionary activities of 1848 and was imprisoned for three months for satirizing the conservative politician Felix Lichnowsky under the pseudonym “the famous knight Schnapphahnski.” After the failure of the 1848 revolution, Weerth experienced a creative crisis and increasingly devoted his energy to business affairs and personal life. In 1856, he died of illness in Havana, Cuba, at the age of 34. His works were mainly published in short-lived radical journals. A century later, in 1958, the German Democratic Republic published the landmark five-volume *Collected Works of Weerth*, edited by Bruno Kaiser, and Weerth was “rediscovered.”

维尔特是一位出生于德国的诗人、作家、商人和共产主义者，他在1845年首次与马克思相见，次年到布鲁塞尔与马克思（和恩格斯）会合。维尔特的一生短暂多舛。他以诗歌和讽刺散文闻名，是一位业务遍布欧洲、中南美洲和加勒比海地区的商业代理人。他积极参加1848年革命活动，曾因借“著名的骑士施纳普汉斯基”之名嘲讽保守派政治家费力克斯·利希诺夫斯基（Felix Lichnowsky）而被关了三个月。1848年革命失败后，维尔特遭遇创作危机，开始越来越多地把精力投入到商务活动和个人生活上。1856年，他在古巴哈瓦那因病去世，年仅34岁。 他的作品主要发表在曾短暂存在的激进期刊上。百年之后的1958年，德意志民主共和国出版了由布鲁诺·凯泽（Bruno Kaiser）编辑的具有里程碑意义的五卷本《维尔特全集》，维尔特才被“重新发现”。

Even those who have heard of Weerth often do not know the extent of his familiarity with and participation in British socialism. In this context, the period when Weerth initially worked as a commercial clerk in Bradford, Yorkshire (then the global center of the wool textile industry) is very important. Weerth lived there from December 1843 to April 1846, subsequently establishing close ties with the town and returning regularly. He was part of a wave of German immigrants attracted by the economic opportunities of the booming textile trade, and soon regarded Bradford as an excellent vantage point for understanding the costs of early industrialization for humanity and the struggles of workers to escape those costs.

即使是那些听说过维尔特的人，也往往不知道他对英国社会主义的了解和参与程度。在这种背景下，维尔特最初在约克郡的布拉德福德（当时全球毛纺工业的中心）做商业职员那段时间就非常重要了。维尔特自1843年12月到1846年4月期间住在那里，随后与这个小镇建立了密切联系并定期回来。他是德国移民潮中的一分子，被蓬勃发展的纺织品贸易的经济机会所吸引，随后很快就把布拉德福德视为一个了解人类早期工业化的代价以及工人们为逃避这些代价而挣扎的绝佳观察点。

Weerth’s interest in the Bradford working class was not a bookish curiosity. He later remarked: “I spent the most fruitful years of my life among the English workers, and my memory of them is very vivid.”

维尔特对布拉德福德工人阶级的兴趣并不是一种书呆子气的好奇。他后来评论说：“我在英国工人中间度过了我一生中最有收获的几年，我对他们的记忆非常深刻。”

Weerth had considerable knowledge of and involvement in British socialism. Bradford was a center of Owenism and a stronghold of the Chartists. He also attended meetings of the Rational Society and read the *New Moral World* magazine. Furthermore, he visited an Owenite settlement called “Harmony” in Hampshire, and then went to London to meet Owen himself. Weerth’s interest in and knowledge of British socialism is most clearly demonstrated in two manuscripts (not fully published until 1958): one on the history of radicalism from 1780–1832, and another on the history of Chartism from 1832–1848. The latter contains a wide-ranging and engaging discussion of British socialism, covering Owen’s life, character, and ideas, as well as his reforms at New Lanark and his “Harmony” settlement.

维尔特对英国社会主义有着相当多的了解和参与。布拉德福德是欧文主义的中心，也是宪章派的大本营。他还参加了理性协会（Rational Society）的会议，阅读了《新道德世界》杂志。此外，他还参观了欧文派在汉普郡的一个名为“和谐”（Harmony）的定居点，然后去伦敦拜会了欧文本人。维尔特对英国社会主义的兴趣和了解在关于1780—1832年的激进主义史和关于1832—1848年的宪章主义史的两份手稿（直到1958年才全部出版）中得到了最为清晰的展现。后者对英国社会主义进行了范围广泛且引人关注的探讨，内容涵盖欧文的生活、品格、思想，以及他在新拉纳克的改革和他的“和谐”定居点。

Weerth’s description of his visit to the “Harmony” settlement (roughly in the summer of 1844) aptly combines generous reporting with fair criticism, while portraying Owen as a respectable and sympathetic figure. However, Weerth’s theoretical observations are most noteworthy, especially his criticism of Owen’s naive political methods (particularly Owen’s belief that rational argument and moral appeals would always prevail) and his astute explanation of the failure of communitarian experiments (depicting capitalism as a structural system of domination, arguing that its non-self-sufficient settlements could not evade economic necessities).

维尔特对他参观“和谐”定居点（大致在1844年夏天）的描述恰如其分地将慷慨的报道与公正的批评融为一体，同时他把欧文刻画成一个值得尊重的和富有同情心的人。然而，维尔特的理论考察最值得关注，尤其是他对欧文幼稚的政治手段的批评（特别是欧文认为理性论证和道德诉求永远会占上风），以及他对共同体主义试验失败的精到解释（将资本主义描绘成一种结构性的统治体系，认为其非自给自足的定居点是无法回避经济需求的）。

In Marx’s writings, there is not much discussion of Weerth. Nevertheless, Weerth was a good friend of Marx, and he may have been a channel through which Marx learned about British socialism during his exile in Brussels. (In fact, a surviving letter from Weerth dated December 25, 1845, confirms that they discussed Owenism.) In 1845, possibly through an introduction by Engels (who became friends with Weerth while they worked in Manchester and Bradford respectively), Weerth met Marx. The following year, Weerth negotiated with his employer to move from Bradford to the Belgian capital in order to live near Marx and Engels there (1846–1848). Weerth first joined the Communist Correspondence Committee and later became a member of the Communist League, often serving as a courier for these groups on business trips. In 1848, Weerth joined Marx’s editorial board in Cologne, responsible for the feuilleton of the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung* (June 1848 to May 1849). After 1848, although Weerth adjusted his political and non-political life, he remained friends with Marx. In particular, when Weerth returned to Europe, they met again. In 1852, they spent time together in London. In 1855, Weerth visited and saw Marx for the last time.

在马克思的著作中，谈论维尔特的地方不多。然而，维尔特与马克思是很好的朋友，而且他可能是马克思流亡布鲁塞尔期间了解英国社会主义的一条渠道。（事实上，保存下来的一封维尔特写于1845年12月25日的信件证实了他们曾谈论过欧文主义）。1845年，有可能是经恩格斯介绍（恩格斯与维尔特分别在曼彻斯特和布拉德福德工作时成为好友），维尔特见到了马克思。第二年，维尔特与其雇主商量，从布拉德福德搬到比利时首都居住，以便在那里与马克思和恩格斯比邻而居（1846年至1848年）。维尔特先是加入了共产主义者通讯委员会，后来又成为共产主义者同盟的一员，而且经常在商务旅行中充当这些团体的信使。1848年，维尔特加入了马克思在科隆的编辑委员会，负责《新莱茵报》的专栏（1848年6月至1849年5月）。1848年后，虽然维尔特调整了其政治和非政治生活，但与马克思仍然是朋友。尤其是当维尔特返回欧洲时，他们再次见面了。1852年，他们在伦敦一起度过了一段时间。1855年，维尔特最后一次到访并见到了马克思。

In September 1856, Marx wrote: “The news of Weerth’s death shocked me deeply; I could hardly believe it.” Marx attempted to publish an obituary in German newspapers and to help Weerth’s family collect his literary works, but without success. A year later, Marx said to a correspondent: “We still feel grief over Weerth’s death.” Marx neither liked insincerity nor expressing emotions in writing (the deceased being no exception). In this context, seeing him occasionally remark in correspondence over the following decade that Weerth was a “dear friend,” that his death was “an irreparable loss,” “our never-to-be-forgotten and irreplaceable friend Weerth,” “our friend Weerth who died too soon,” and so on, must be surprising.

1856年9月，马克思写道：“维尔特的死讯使我非常震惊，我简直不敢相信。”马克思试图在德国报刊上刊登一则讣告，并帮助维尔特的家人收集他的文字作品，但没有成功。一年后，马克思对一位记者说：“对于维尔特的去世，我们至今还感到悲痛。”马克思既不喜欢虚情假意，也不喜欢用文字表达情感（死者亦不例外）。在这样的背景下，看到他在接下来的十多年通信中不时地讲，维尔特是一位“亲爱的朋友”，他的死是“一个不可弥补的损失”，“我们的永远不会忘怀的和不可多得的朋友维尔特”，“我们那个不幸早逝的朋友维尔特”，等等，一定会让人感到惊讶。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

British politics and culture had a significant impact on Marx’s life and work, particularly his knowledge of and participation in British socialism, which was broader and more active than is commonly assumed. This article opposes attempts to dismiss Owen and Owenism as a generic “utopian socialism,” something Marx himself categorically rejected.

英国的政治和文化对马克思的生活和工作产生了重大影响，特别是他对英国社会主义的了解和参与比通常所认为的更广泛、更积极。本文反对那种把欧文和欧文主义贬低为一种一般性的“乌托邦社会主义”的企图，这是马克思当时就断然拒绝的。

Marx’s own respect for Owen is evident, consistent with his view that utopian socialism should be treated differently “according to the time.” His differences with British socialism are mainly manifested in disagreements over whether socialism could be depicted, and over the role of the proletariat, the historical conditions of socialism, and the necessity of class struggle. The positive influence of British socialism on Marx’s thought is shown in his attention to and emphasis on the following aspects of Owen and the Owenites: the Owenite social critique (including Owen’s discussion of alienated labor); the Owenite political economy (including the emphasis by members of this school on exploitation, class antagonism, and the primacy of property rights); the Owenite vision of socialism (including Owen’s educational initiatives and his aspiration to abolish the distinction between town and country); the Owenite materialist ideas (the socialist view of the significance of the social environment in shaping human beings); and the Owenite support for the cooperative movement (which provided a tangible demonstration of the feasibility of a non-capitalist mode of production).

马克思本人对欧文的尊敬是显而易见的，这与他认为乌托邦社会主义应“按时间”区别对待的说法是一致的。他与英国社会主义的不同之处主要表现为两者关于社会主义能否被描绘的分歧，以及关于无产阶级的作用、社会主义的历史条件、阶级斗争的必要性等方面的分歧。英国社会主义对马克思思想的积极影响则表现为马克思在以下方面对欧文及欧文派的关注和重视：欧文派的社会批判观点（包括欧文对异化劳动的论述）；欧文派的政治经济学理论（包括该派别成员对剥削、阶级对立和财产权的首要地位的强调）；欧文派的社会主义愿景（包括欧文的教育倡议以及他消除城乡差别的抱负）；欧文派的唯物主义思想（欧文派关于社会环境对人的塑造的意义的社会主义观点）；欧文派对合作社运动的支持（这种支持为非资本主义生产方式的可行性提供了一个实实在在的示范）。

As early as the mid-1840s, before his exile in London, Marx prided himself on his knowledge of British socialism and criticized the relative ignorance of his German contemporaries. During his exile in Brussels, Marx’s knowledge of British socialism was most likely acquired through three channels: his friendship with Engels; his research trips to Manchester; and his friendship with Weerth.

早在1840年代中期，也就是流亡伦敦之前，马克思就以他对英国社会主义的了解为荣，并批判了同时代德国人的相对浅薄无知。在流亡布鲁塞尔期间，马克思对英国社会主义的了解最有可能是通过三条渠道获得的：他与恩格斯的友谊；他的曼彻斯特研究之旅；以及他与维尔特的友谊。

(Author: David Leopold, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford; Translator: Zhang Wencheng, Institute of Party History and Literature of the Central Committee of the CPC)

（作者：大卫·利奥波德（David Leopold），英国牛津大学政治与国际关系学院；编译：张文成，中央党史和文献研究院）

(This article was originally published in *Nineteenth-Century Prose*, Vol. 49, No. 1, 2022. The translation is abridged, and the subtitles have been added by the translator.)

（本文原载《19世纪散文》（Nineteenth-Century Prose）2022年第49卷第1期，译文有删减，小标题为译者所加。）

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