The Fundamental Causes, Lessons and Implications of the Soviet Union’s Party Collapse and State Disintegration (Part II)

III. Important Implications of the Soviet Union’s Party Collapse and State Disintegration

三、苏联亡党亡国的重要启示

Being vigilant in times of peace, taking the Soviet Union as a mirror, and drawing lessons from the collapse of the CPSU and the disintegration of the Soviet Union more than 30 years ago will inevitably inspire Chinese Communists to think more deeply and scientifically, to obtain the implications they deserve, and to better steer the ship of our nation’s great rejuvenation cause as it cleaves through waves and surges forward undauntedly.

居安思危，以苏为鉴，总结30多年前苏共亡党、苏联解体的教训，必将激发中国共产党人更加深入而科学地思考，得出应有的启示，更好地驾驭我国民族复兴大业的航船劈波斩浪，一往无前。

(1) We must strengthen the Four Consciousnesses, resolutely uphold Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, resolutely uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, and at the same time must ensure that there are successors to carry on the Party’s cause, which is a fundamental plan of paramount importance.

（一）必须增强“四个意识”，坚决维护习近平同志党中央的核心、全党的核心地位，坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，同时必须抓好后继有人这个根本大计

Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us to understand more deeply the key role of leaders of proletarian political parties in history. In the early periods of the Communist League, the First International, and the Second International, with the leadership of figures such as Marx and Engels, the international communist cause achieved great successes; after the deaths of Marx and Engels, the leaders of the Second International and most of its parties slid into revisionism, and the Second International went bankrupt. With the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, the Russian Bolshevik Party won the October Revolution, created the socialist system, and opened a new epoch in human history; from the Khrushchev period onward, and especially under Gorbachev’s leadership, the CPSU accelerated its degeneration, leading to the tragedy of the CPSU’s collapse and the Soviet Union’s disintegration. The leader of a party is the most core part of the political superstructure. Whether a party leader is a firm and clear-minded Marxist often plays a decisive role in the cause of scientific socialism under certain conditions.

以苏为鉴，有助于我们更加深刻理解无产阶级政党领袖人物在历史上的关键作用。共产主义者同盟、第一国际、第二国际前期，有马克思、恩格斯这样的领袖人物的领导，国际共产主义事业就取得伟大成就；马克思、恩格斯逝世后，第二国际及其大部分党的领导人滑向修正主义，第二国际就走向了破产。俄国布尔什维克党有列宁、斯大林的领导，就取得十月革命胜利，创建社会主义制度，开辟人类历史新纪元；自赫鲁晓夫时期起，特别是在戈尔巴乔夫领导下，苏共就加速蜕变，发生了苏共亡党、苏联解体的悲剧。党的领袖人物是政治上层建筑中最为核心的部分。党的领袖人物是不是坚定清醒的马克思主义者，在一定条件下对于科学社会主义事业常常具有决定性的作用。

On the other hand, this is also worth our deep reflection. The reason Marx, Engels, and Lenin devoted themselves to struggling against opportunist elements in the international communist movement, such as Lassalle, Proudhon, Bakunin, the “Zurich Three,”[1]1 This is a quotation from the "Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party's Centenary Struggle," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee in November 2021. Bernstein, Kautsky, Scheidemann, and their ilk, was precisely to ensure that the highest power of the proletarian party was held in the hands of leaders who adhered to Marxism-Leninism. This is the key to victory for the cause of the Party and the people.

另一方面也值得我们深思。马克思、恩格斯、列宁之所以致力于同国际共产主义运动中的机会主义分子如拉萨尔、蒲鲁东、巴枯宁、“苏黎世三人团”、伯恩施坦、考茨基、谢德曼之流进行斗争，都是为了保证无产阶级政党的最高权力掌握在坚持马克思列宁主义的领袖人物手中。这是党和人民事业取得胜利的关键所在。

Taking the Soviet Union as a mirror helps us to understand more deeply the key significance of producing and maintaining a party leader who adheres to Marxism-Leninism. The reason Chinese Communists were able to achieve great turns and avert danger at critical historical junctures is precisely because the Zunyi Conference[2]2 "Double-faced people" (两面人, liǎngmiàn rén) refers to Party officials who publicly profess loyalty to the Party and its policies while secretly engaging in corrupt or oppositional activities. established Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position on the Party Central Committee and in the Red Army, from which point they went from victory to victory. The smooth operation of China’s reform and opening up over several decades is precisely because Comrade Deng Xiaoping upheld the Four Cardinal Principles,[3]3 The "historical cycle" (历史周期率, lìshǐ zhōuqī lǜ) refers to a concept raised by the Chinese historian Huang Yanpei in 1945, who asked Mao Zedong how the CPC could avoid the pattern of dynastic rise and fall in Chinese history. Mao's answer was "democracy," and Xi Jinping has added " maintained Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status and the guiding position of Mao Zedong Thought, and ensured the country’s stability and unity. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the reason our Party has been able to overcome many long-standing unresolved difficulties, accomplish many major matters of long-term importance, and open up a New Era for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is precisely because of the strong and correct leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core.

以苏为鉴，有助于我们更加深刻地理解产生和维护坚持马克思列宁主义的政党领袖具有关键意义。中国共产党人在历史重大关头能够实现伟大转折、化险为夷，关键就是因为遵义会议确立了毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位，从此从胜利走向胜利。中国改革开放几十年的平稳运转就是因为邓小平同志坚持了四项基本原则，维护了毛泽东同志的历史地位和毛泽东思想的指导地位，保证了国家的安定团结。党的十八大以来，我们党之所以攻克了许多长期没有解决的难题，办成了许多事关长远的大事要事，开辟了中华民族伟大复兴的新时代，就是因为有了以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚强正确的领导。

Our Party’s establishment of Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and the establishment of the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, reflect the common aspiration of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country, and have laid a solid ideological, theoretical, political, organizational, and public opinion foundation for the successful convening of the 20th National Congress of the CPC this year. This is of decisive significance for advancing the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for persisting in and developing the grand cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must be very clear about the major practical significance and far-reaching historical significance of the Two Establishments. Our Party has produced an outstanding leader like Comrade Xi Jinping and formed Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, which is a matter for great comfort and rejoicing. Therefore, deeply understanding the Two Establishments and firmly implementing the Two Upholds are not only matters of national importance, but, first and foremost, matters of Party importance. It is suggested that, at an appropriate time, education on the relationship between the Marxist leader, the party, the class, and the masses be conducted throughout the Party, especially among middle- and high-ranking Party cadres. In this education, it is necessary to achieve “six clear explanations”: clearly explain that the people, and only the people, are the real driving force in creating world history; clearly explain that every era needs and will produce its own great figures; clearly explain the role of individuals in history, especially the important role of proletarian leaders; clearly explain that the people’s respect and love for their own leaders are legitimate, fundamentally different from the unprincipled flattery and personality cult of honey-mouthed, dagger-hearted conspirators, and that it is necessary to maintain the necessary authority of leaders produced in the practice of revolutionary struggle, and to prevent conspirators like Khrushchev and Gorbachev from using slogans such as opposing personality cults to undermine the prestige of leaders or exclude leaders from playing their roles; clearly explain the relationship between Lenin’s statement that a proletarian party “is usually led by a relatively stable group of the most authoritative, influential, and experienced members, elected to the most important positions and called leaders”[4]4 The “Three-Anti” (anti-corruption, anti-waste, anti-bureaucratism) and “Five-Anti” (anti-bribery, anti-tax evasion, anti-theft of state property, anti-cheating on government contracts, anti-stealing state economic intelligence) campaigns were mass movements launched by the CPC in 1951-1952 to target corruption in state organs and illegal activities in the private sector. and the implementation of a term system for leading cadres; clearly explain that the term system implemented by the US-led West is essentially designed to cover up and maintain the permanent rule of capital, fundamentally different from our term system combined with the integration of old, middle-aged, and young cadres, which is designed for the fundamental interests of the people. Comrade Xi Jinping is a

我们党确立习近平同志党中央的核心、全党的核心地位，确立习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导地位，反映了全党全国各族人民的共同心愿，为今年党的二十大的胜利召开奠定了坚实的思想、理论、政治、组织以及舆论基础，对于推进中华民族伟大复兴历史进程和坚持发展中国特色社会主义宏伟事业具有决定性意义，要十分清醒地认识“两个确立”的重大现实意义与深远历史意义。我们党诞生了习近平同志这样的党的杰出领袖，形成了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想，很值得欣慰与庆幸。所以，深刻理解“两个确立”，坚定做好“两个维护”，不仅是国之大者，更首先是党之大者。建议适时在全党特别是党的中高级干部中进行马克思主义领袖、政党、阶级、群众关系的教育。在教育中，需要做到“六个讲清楚”：要讲清楚人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的真正动力；讲清楚每个时代都需要并会造就出自己的伟大人物；讲清楚个人在历史上的作用尤其是无产阶级领袖的重要作用；讲清楚人民群众对自己领袖的崇敬、爱戴是正当的，这与那些口蜜腹剑的阴谋家搞无原则的逢迎拍马、个人崇拜根本不同，要维护在革命斗争实践中产生的领袖的必要的权威，防止赫鲁晓夫、戈尔巴乔夫之类的阴谋家利用反对个人崇拜等口号败坏领袖威信或排斥领袖发挥作用的行为；讲清楚列宁所说的无产阶级政党“通常是由最有威信、最有影响、最有经验、被选出担任最重要职务而称为领袖的人们所组成的比较稳定的集团来主持的”与实行领导干部任期制之间的关系；讲清楚以美国为首的西方所实行的任期制本质是为了掩护、维护资本的永久统治，与我们实行任期制和老中青三结合相结合是为了人民的根本利益存在根本的区别。习近平同志是毛泽东、邓小平两个时代培养出来的无产阶级革命事业接班人与无产阶级“政治领袖和先进代表”，全党尤其是党的高级干部要坚定地做到“两个维护”。

The century-long history of the Chinese Communist Party's struggle, the more than 70 years of development of New China, and the profound lessons of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of its ruling party all suggest and warn us: the formation of a leading core that forms, upholds, and develops Marxism-Leninism within our Party has not come easily, and obtaining such a strong leading core requires enduring hardships and difficulties. Therefore, we must doubly cherish the current hard-won situation and take effective measures to ensure that the Party's cause is always in the hands of Marxists-Leninists, ensuring that the Party's cause never fades in color or changes in nature. This is necessary both for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and for achieving the great cause of communism for millennia to come.

中国共产党的百年奋斗史，新中国70多年的发展史，苏联亡党亡国的深刻教训，都提示和警示我们：我们党形成坚持并发展马克思列宁主义的领导核心来之不易，得到这样一个坚强领导核心需要历经艰难困苦，因此要倍加珍惜当前来之不易的局面，采取有力措施保证党的事业始终掌握在马克思列宁主义者手里，保证党的事业永不褪色、永不变质。这既是实现中华民族伟大复兴的需要，也是实现共产主义千秋伟业的需要。

To ensure the long-term stability and flourishing of the Party's cause, it is essential to guarantee for thousands of generations that the Party's highest power is firmly held in the hands of Marxists-Leninists. Attention should be paid to studying and summarizing the situation over a period of time, "especially the political ambitions of a very small number of people among senior cadres who became inflated, obsessed with power, engaging in overt compliance and covert opposition, forming cliques for private gain, building factions, pulling together gangs, and plotting for positions and power through political conspiracies," and "resolutely preventing careerists and conspirators from usurping Party and state power." [1]1 This is a quotation from the "Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party's Centenary Struggle," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee in November 2021. At the same time, we must firmly grasp the fundamental plan of ensuring there are successors, and must continuously cultivate and select young comrades who are both virtuous and talented, loyal, clean, and responsible, with the ability to uphold fundamental principles and break new ground, and of high quality, as a reserve force. This is a century-long plan, a millennium-long plan, and an important guarantee for the continued success of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

为了保证党的事业长治久安、兴旺发达，就必须千秋万代确保党的最高权力牢牢掌握在马克思列宁主义者手里。应注意研究和总结一个时期以来，“特别是高级干部中极少数人政治野心膨胀、权欲熏心，搞阳奉阴违、结党营私、团团伙伙、拉帮结派、谋取权位等政治阴谋活动”，“坚决防止野心家、阴谋家窃取党和国家权力”。同时，必须抓好后继有人这个根本大计，必须源源不断地培养和选拔德才兼备、忠诚干净担当、具有守正创新能力、高素质的年轻同志作后备军。这是百年大计、千年大计，是中华民族伟大复兴事业继续取得成功的重要保证。

Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized the need to be vigilant against "double-faced people." [2]2 "Double-faced people" (两面人, liǎngmiàn rén) refers to Party officials who publicly profess loyalty to the Party and its policies while secretly engaging in corrupt or oppositional activities. Among Party cadres at all levels, especially senior cadres, and particularly in the assessment and inspection of personnel arrangements for the 20th National Congress of the CPC, we must be highly vigilant against those who loudly chant the "Two Upholds" but inwardly intend to pursue capitalism, engage in splittism, and plot intrigues, preventing them from infiltrating the Party's highest levels and various key departments.

习近平多次强调要警惕“两面人”。在党的各级干部特别是高级干部中，尤其是在党的二十大人事安排的考核考察中，要高度警惕口头上高喊“两个维护”，实则内心是要搞资本主义、搞分裂、搞阴谋诡计的人混入党的最高层和各个要害部门。

(II) We must uphold the Party's self-revolution, forever maintain the Party's vitality and vigor, and break out of the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes. [3]3 The "historical cycle" (历史周期率, lìshǐ zhōuqī lǜ) refers to a concept raised by the Chinese historian Huang Yanpei in 1945, who asked Mao Zedong how the CPC could avoid the pattern of dynastic rise and fall in Chinese history. Mao's answer was "democracy," and Xi Jinping has added "

（二）必须坚持党的自我革命，永葆党的生机活力，跳出政党、政权兴衰的历史周期率

The Gorbachev leadership group, due to its complete political degeneration, fomented the trend of historical nihilism, comprehensively vilified the history of the CPSU and the history of the Soviet Union, blackened Lenin and Stalin, completely became detached from the masses of the people, and was ultimately abandoned by the broad masses of the people. The lessons of the CPSU's failure warn us: the original aspiration and founding mission of Communists leading the proletariat and the masses of the people to seize state power, and using their political rule to build socialism and ultimately realize communism, is the source of continuously enhancing the Party's vitality and revolutionary character. Forgetting this original aspiration and founding mission is a political betrayal of the people.

戈尔巴乔夫领导集团由于政治上彻底变质，煽动历史虚无主义思潮，全面丑化苏共历史和苏联历史，抹黑列宁和斯大林，完全脱离了人民群众，最后被广大人民群众抛弃。苏共失败的教训警示我们：共产党人带领无产阶级和人民群众夺取国家政权，并利用自己的政治统治建设社会主义，最终实现共产主义，这一初心和使命是不断增强党的生命力、革命性的源泉。忘记这一初心和使命，就是政治上对人民的背叛。

China’s reform and opening up has not been smooth sailing either. Some people, taking advantage of the Party’s correction of the mistakes of the “Cultural Revolution,” attempted to comprehensively smear the Party’s history and the history of New China, to belittle the glorious image of the Party’s great leader, and even to negate Com

中国在改革开放的过程中也并非一帆风顺。有人企图借我们党纠正“文革”错误之机，全面抹黑党的历史、新中国历史，贬损党的伟大领袖的光辉形象，甚至否定邓小平同志作出的关于毛泽东同志发动“文革”的出发点“主要是从反修防修的要求出发的”《邓小平文选》第2卷，北京：人民出版社，1994年，第149页。科学分析，有的人甚至不顾人民大众对伟大领袖的深厚感情和承受能力，企图以历史虚无主义的思潮全盘否定毛泽东，不断引发国内民情激愤不安；有人还通过回忆录、小说、视频节目等形式，编造各种虚假的故事，离间领袖之间以及党和人民群众之间的血肉联系，以图掀起动乱，否定中国共产党的领导和颠覆中国社会主义制度。上述倾向直到党的十八大以后，才通过持续地批判历史虚无主义等错误思潮逐步得到了解决。只有注重及时化解多年以来反复出现的这一矛盾，才能维持社会的稳定发展，防止出现危及国家安全的政治风波，享有长期稳定发展的战略机遇。

Maintaining the flesh-and-blood bond between the Party and the masses is a glorious tradition that Comrade Mao Zedong, as the chief representative of the Chinese Communists, personally practiced and bequeathed to later

保持党与人民群众的血肉联系，这是以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人身体力行并留给后人的光荣传统。习近平总书记继承并发扬这一优良传统，将其创新性地发展为党的自我革命和坚持以人民为中心的思想。他不断强调新时代仍然要以“进京赶考”的精神接受人民的检验，交出让人民满意的答卷。触及灵魂的群众路线教育由此而生，刮骨疗毒、壮士断腕的反腐败精神由此而来，不忘初心、牢记使命的自我革命任务由此而定。这是毛泽东同志与黄炎培先生延安窑洞对话的继续，这是关心群众生活、注意工作方法传统的延续，这是把人民视为铜墙铁壁立场的再现，这是陷敌于汪洋大海的人民战争气魄的发展，这是张思德、焦裕禄精神品格的发扬。毛泽东同志多次谈到“美帝国主义是纸老虎”的观点。1964年1月，他在会见法国议会代表团谈话时又一次提到：“现在我们说有两个大纸老虎，就是美国和苏联。我说得灵不灵将来瞧……所谓纸老虎，就是说美国、苏联脱离了群众。”纸老虎的本质就是脱离群众，这是对纸老虎本质的一个全新概括。要防止一个政权因脱离群众变为纸老虎的情况。

In the New Era, our Party has once again embarked on a new journey of examination. General Secretary Xi Jinping has re-raised the question of “breaking out of the historical cycle of the rise and fall of political parties and regimes.” The “development of whole-process people’s democracy” he proposed in his speech at the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China is a new approach to solving the “problem of breaking out of the historical cycle.” Comrade Mao Zedong repeatedly stated that only by truly mobilizing the people to manage state affairs can the demise of a regime through popular disaffection be prevented. He emphasized: the people’s rights must never be understood merely as the state being managed by a portion of people, with the people enjoying rights such as labor, education, and social insurance under their management; it is essential to speak of “the right of laborers to manage the state, manage the military, manage various enterprises, and manage cultural and educational affairs.” In fact, this is the greatest and most fundamental right of laborers under the socialist system. In 1952, during the “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” campaigns [4]4 The “Three-Anti” (anti-corruption, anti-waste, anti-bureaucratism) and “Five-Anti” (anti-bribery, anti-tax evasion, anti-theft of state property, anti-cheating on government contracts, anti-stealing state economic intelligence) campaigns were mass movements launched by the CPC in 1951-1952 to target corruption in state organs and illegal activities in the private sector., our Party established worker supervision in capitalist enterprises, with power entirely in the hands of the workers, and factory managers had to watch the “facial expressions” of the Party branch secretaries. Later, an increase-production and economy committee was formed, with representatives from state personnel, the worker masses, and capitalists participating; in practice, the management power of the enterprises was in the hands of state personnel and workers.

在新时代，我们党又踏上了新的赶考之路。习近平总书记重新提出“跳出政党、政权兴衰的历史周期率”问题，他在庆祝中国共产党成立100周年大会上的讲话中提出的“发展全过程人民民主”，就是破解“跳出历史周期率问题”的新思路。毛泽东同志多次提到，只有真正发动人民起来管理国家事务，才能防止人亡政息。他强调：绝不能把人民的权利理解为国家由一部分人管理、人民在这些人的管理下享受劳动、教育、社会保险等权利；必须要讲“劳动者管理国家、管理军队、管理各种企业、管理文化教育的权利”。实际上，这是社会主义制度下劳动者最大的权利，最根本的权利。1952年“三反”“五反”时，我们党曾在资本主义企业中建立工人监督，权力完全掌握在工人的手中，厂方办事要看支部书记的“脸色”。后来又成立了增产节约委员会，由国家工作人员、职工群众、资本家三方面代表参加，实际上企业的管理权掌握在国家工作人员和工人手里。

In the New Era, only by fostering this spirit of being masters of the house can we win the enthusiastic support and broad participation of the people, fully mobilize the initiative, enthusiasm, and creativity of the broadest masses of the people, and have hope of creating a new form of human civilization that the people of the world will aspire to.

在新时代，只有发扬这种主人翁精神，才能赢得人民的热心支持和广泛参与，才能充分调动最广大人民群众的积极性、主动性和创造性，才能有希望创造出令世界人民向往的人类文明新形态。

(3) It is essential to earnestly grasp economic construction as the central task, consolidate and strengthen the socialist public ownership economy, and unswervingly advance common prosperity for the people.

（三）必须切实抓好经济建设这一中心工作，巩固和壮大社会主义公有制经济，坚定不移推进人民共同富裕

The outcome of the collapse of the CPSU and the dissolution of the Soviet Union was in fact the result of a politically degenerated upper leadership group plundering, dismantling, and destroying the Soviet public ownership foundation. Later in Russia, Yeltsin and others spared no effort to forcibly legalize privatization reforms. By the time the people realized they had been deceived, it was too late.

苏共亡党、苏联解体结局的出现，实际上是政治上变质了的上层领导集团掠夺、瓦解和摧毁苏联公有制基础的结果。后来在俄罗斯，叶利钦等不遗余力地强行将私有化改革合法化。当人民发现上当后，为时已晚。

Public ownership is a fundamental condition and hallmark for socialism to replace and surpass capitalism. The *Communist Manifesto* states: for communists, “in all these movements, they emphasize the property question as the basic question of the movement, regardless of its degree of development.”

公有制是社会主义取代并超越资本主义的一个根本条件和标志。《共产党宣言》指出：对于共产党人来说，“在所有这些运动中，他们都强调所有制问题是运动的基本问题，不管这个问题的发展程度怎样”。

Not to mention communists represented by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong, even the utopian socialists Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen clearly acknowledged that the prerequisite for an ideal society is the realization of public ownership. Even the Chinese bourgeois thinker Kang Youwei, in his *Book of Great Harmony*, believed that the highest level of an ideal society, the “Age of Great Peace,” must be a society based on public ownership. Without public ownership, there is no socialism. Although these are basic common sense, many people either remain silent about them or are utterly ignorant.

莫说马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林、毛泽东为代表的共产党人，连空想社会主义者圣西门、傅立叶、欧文也都明确承认理想社会的前提是实现公有制，甚至连中国资产阶级思想家康有为写的《大同书》也认为理想社会最高层次的“太平世”必须是以公有制为基础的社会。没有公有制就没有社会主义。尽管这些都是起码的常识，却有不少人对此或讳莫如深，或茫然无知。

China, based on its national conditions, has adjusted the established socialist public ownership during reform, forming a basic economic system with public ownership as the mainstay and diverse forms of ownership developing together. Despite the constant impact of the privatization wave backed by Western forces, we have never wavered in our firm understanding of the dominant position of public ownership. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “We must unswervingly consolidate and develop the public ownership economy, unswervingly encourage, support, and guide the development of the non-public ownership economy, and promote all forms of ownership to learn from each other’s strengths, complement each other, and develop together. At the same time, we must also be very clear that China’s basic economic system is an important pillar of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the foundation of the socialist market economy system. The dominant position of public ownership cannot be shaken, and the leading role of the state-owned economy cannot be shaken. This is an institutional guarantee for ensuring that people of all ethnic groups in China share the fruits of development, and it is also an important guarantee for consolidating the Party’s ruling position and upholding China’s socialist system.” We must take the Soviet Union as a lesson, closely unite around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, confidently consolidate and strengthen the socialist economic foundation with public ownership as the mainstay, and protect this most important family asset on which the people’s role as masters of the country depends for its survival.

中国根据自己的国情在改革中对已建立的社会主义公有制进行了调整，形成了以公有制为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展的基本经济制度。尽管面对依仗西方背景的私有化浪潮的不断冲击，但我们始终没有动摇对公有制主体地位的坚定认识。习近平总书记指出：“我们要毫不动摇巩固和发展公有制经济，毫不动摇鼓励、支持、引导非公有制经济发展，推动各种所有制取长补短、相互促进、共同发展。同时，我们也要十分明确，我国基本经济制度是中国特色社会主义制度的重要支柱，也是社会主义市场经济体制的根基，公有制主体地位不能动摇，国有经济主导作用不能动摇。这是保证我国各族人民共享发展成果的制度性保证，也是巩固党的执政地位、坚持我国社会主义制度的重要保证。”我们要以苏为鉴，紧密团结在以习近平同志为核心的党中央周围，理直气壮地巩固和壮大公有制为主体的社会主义经济基础，保护好人民当家作主赖以存续的这份最为重要的家业。

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Due to various reasons, there are still some prominent problems in China’s income distribution, mainly the widening income gap, the relatively low proportion of labor remuneration in primary distribution, and the relatively low proportion of residents’ income in national income distribution.” The widening income distribution gap is an urgent problem that China cannot avoid and must address. These problems are not only economic issues but, more importantly, involve the realization of the goal of common prosperity and the original aspiration and founding mission of seeking happiness for the people, as well as the people’s confidence in socialism with Chinese characteristics and the question of whether they support or oppose the Party. Only by solving the prominent problems in the field of income distribution can we eliminate the hidden dangers to sustained and stable economic and social development and ensure that the great ship of socialism with Chinese characteristics sails through wind and waves and advances victoriously.

习近平总书记指出：“由于种种原因，目前我国收入分配中还存在一些突出的问题，主要是收入差距拉大、劳动报酬在初次分配中的比重较低、居民收入在国民收入分配中的比重偏低。”收入分配差距拉大是当前我国不容回避的亟待解决的问题。这些问题不仅仅是经济问题，更重要的是涉及共同富裕目标的实现和为人民谋幸福的初心使命问题，涉及人民大众对中国特色社会主义的信念和人心向背问题。只有解决了收入分配领域的突出问题，才能消除经济社会持续稳定发展的隐患，保障中国特色社会主义这艘大船乘风破浪，胜利前行。

Where do these problems come from? Reviewing the decades-long reform process, it can be seen that in the process of adjusting the economic base, there were some one-sided and extreme practices, which became important reasons for the difficulty in solving problems later on.

这些问题从何而来？回顾几十年改革历程，可以看到，在调整经济基础的过程中，存在一些片面性和极端性的做法，成为日后问题难解的重要原因。

For example, under the premise of correcting the erroneous tendency of “taking class struggle as the key link,” for a considerable period, not only was “class” no longer mentioned, but “struggle” also became a taboo, “class analysis” was no longer raised, and even the thesis that “there is a danger of capitalist restoration in socialist countries” was criticized as a “Left” thing. The drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, with nine socialist countries successively experiencing capitalist restoration, yet for over 30 years, China’s theoretical circles have rarely commented on this, avoiding research on the major political proposition that “there indeed exists a danger of capitalist restoration in real socialist countries.” This situation only began to change after General Secretary Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized the need to have the courage to engage in self-revolution.

比如，在纠正“阶级斗争为纲”错误倾向的前提下，在相当长的一段时期内，不但“阶级”不提了，“斗争”也成了忌讳语，“阶级分析”也不提了，甚至连“社会主义国家存在资本主义复辟的危险”论断也被当作“左”的东西批判了。东欧剧变、苏联解体，9个社会主义国家先后发生资本主义复辟，但30多年来，我国理论界对此却鲜有评论，回避研究“现实社会主义国家确实存在着资本主义复辟的危险”这一重大政治命题。这一状况，在习近平总书记多次强调要勇于自我革命后才有所转变。

Another example: when the decision was first made to allow the development of the private economic sector, only “boldness” and “changing one’s mindset” were stressed, and criticism of the “socialist or capitalist” questioning was emphasized, but the dominant position of public ownership was not simultaneously stressed, nor was attention paid to the law of quantitative and qualitative change in things. The new policies lacked connection and explanation with previous policies, creating some practical difficulties and also causing some confusion in socialist ideology.

再如，在开始决定放开私有经济成分发展时，只讲“大胆”“换脑筋”，强调批评“姓社姓资”的质疑，却没有同时强调公有制的主体地位，没有注意事物量变与质变的规律，新政策与以往政策缺少衔接和说明，造成了现实中的一些难题，也造成社会主义意识形态方面的一些混乱。

Another example: China’s Constitution clearly stipulates: “In rural collective economic organizations, the two-tier management system that combines unified and separate management on the basis of household contract management shall be implemented.” [5]5 The “Two Musts” (两个务必) were articulated by Mao Zedong in March 1949 at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, as the Party prepared to take national power. However, during implementation and promotion, only “household contract management” was one-sidedly emphasized and publicized, while the collective management within the unified and separate combination was not mentioned, excluding and suppressing many models that adhered to the path of collective prosperity and achieved brilliant results. A large amount of practical experience has already proven that only the latter is the way out for a socialist modernized countryside.

又如，我国《宪法》中明确规定：“农村集体经济组织实行家庭承包经营为基础、统分结合的双层经营体制”。但在实行与推广时，仅片面强调和宣传“家庭承包经营”，不讲统分结合中的集体经营，排斥和压抑了不少坚持集体致富道路、取得辉煌成绩的典型。大量实践经验已经证明，只有后者才是社会主义现代化农村的出路。

Another example: when emphasizing peaceful development and the shift to taking economic work as the center, many high-tech military enterprises, aircraft manufacturing industries, and weapons production enterprises of great strategic significance were simplistically abolished or disbanded. This not only exacerbated the difficulties of large numbers of laid-off workers waiting for employment but also delayed many modern national defense construction projects. Only after the tension in the Taiwan Strait situation and the outbreak of the Gulf War was this practice urgently corrected.

又如，在强调和平发展和向以经济工作为中心的转变时，简单化地取消或解散了许多具有重大战略意义的高科技军工企业、飞机制造业、兵器生产企业，不但加剧了大批工人下岗待业的困难，也贻误了许多现代国防建设项目，台海局势紧张和海湾战争爆发后，才紧急纠正了这种做法。

These are all problems caused by a lack of the dialectics of seeking truth from facts and one-sidedness in the mode of thinking, failing to note that one tendency often conceals another, and their side effects cannot be ignored. Clarifying the causes of these problems, summarizing the laws in this regard, and solving these problems will further strengthen the Party’s connection with the masses and truly achieve scientific development.

这些都是缺少实事求是的辩证法、思想方法片面性导致的问题，没有注意一种倾向往往掩盖着另一种倾向，其副作用不容忽视。阐明这些问题产生的原因，总结这方面的规律，解决这些方面的问题，就会进一步增强党联系群众的力度，真正实现科学发展。

The reforms and struggles of Communists are always for the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people; this is the essence of scientific socialism. If the adjustment and transformation of the economic base lead people to act for themselves or for a minority, then things should be brought back to order. Only by effectively establishing the goal of common prosperity can we correct errors such as individualism and polarization, and always stay on the correct track of seeking happiness for the people.

共产党人的改革和奋斗都是始终为了绝大多数人民群众的根本利益，这是科学社会主义的要义。如果经济基础的调整和变革把人引导到为了自己或为了少数人，那就应该拨乱反正。只有切实确立共同富裕的目标，才能够纠正个人主义、两极分化等错误，始终走在为人民谋幸福的正确轨道上。

(4) It is necessary to persist in doing a good job of the Party’s ideological work and continuously carry out criticism of various erroneous views and erroneous trends of thought.

（四）必须坚持抓好党的意识形态工作，持续开展对各种错误观点和错误思潮的批判

The Soviet Union, because it did not handle ideological issues such as class and class struggle well, ultimately betrayed and deviated from Marxism-Leninism. Marx said that the existence of classes is only linked to a certain historical stage of the development of productive forces. This is an objective law. As long as the capitalist system still exists in the world, the struggle between the two different ideologies of socialism and capitalism and the two different social systems will inevitably exist for a long time; after the exploiting classes have been eliminated in some socialist countries, class struggle will still exist for a long time within a certain scope, and may even intensify under certain conditions. Both our Party Constitution and our Constitution still clearly contain these very important views and conclusions. To fail to see this, to not acknowledge this, is not to be a historical materialist. At that time, the Soviet Union only noted the victory of socialism in the economic base and the state power sphere, but did not note that the struggle in the ideological sphere was far from over, and that Soviet society was far from having eliminated class and class struggle. It hastily declared that “class struggle has disappeared” and “the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists.” Finally, Gorbachev even put forward the supra-class “interests of all humanity are above all else,” replacing communist ideals and beliefs with so-called “humane, democratic socialism.” Thus, the tragedy of capitalist restoration inevitably came knocking. The reality of social development mercilessly mocked the absurd claim that “the danger of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union no longer exists.”

苏联由于没有处理好阶级和阶级斗争等意识形态问题，最后背离和背叛马列主义。马克思说过，阶级的存在只是和生产力发展的一定历史阶段相联系。这是一个客观规律。在世界上还存在着资本主义制度的情况下，社会主义同资本主义这两种不同的意识形态和两种不同的社会制度之间的斗争必然长期存在；在一些社会主义国家消灭了剥削阶级之后，阶级斗争也仍然会在一定范围内长期存在，在某种条件下还可能激化。我们的党章和宪法中都依然标明着这些十分重要的观点与结论。看不到这一点，不承认这一点，就不是历史唯物主义者。当时，苏联只注意到社会主义在经济基础、国家政权领域取得胜利的情况，没有注意到意识形态领域的斗争还远没有结束，苏联社会还远没有消除阶级和阶级斗争，就急于宣布“阶级斗争消失了”“资本主义在苏联复辟的危险已经没有了”。最后，戈尔巴乔夫竟提出超阶级的“全人类的利益高于一切”，用所谓“人道的、民主的社会主义”取代了共产主义理想信念。这样，资本主义复辟的悲剧就必然找上门来。社会发展的现实无情地嘲笑了“资本主义在苏联复辟的危险已经没有了”的荒谬说法。

Unlike the Soviet Union, China, from the very beginning of reform and opening up, made an objective and sober judgment of the class struggle situation. Since the 12th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Constitution has consistently stated: “Due to domestic factors and international influences, class struggle will continue to exist for a long time within a certain scope, and may even intensify under certain conditions, but it is no longer the principal contradiction.” [6]6 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of a major anti-corruption campaign. Although class struggle is not the principal social contradiction, “throughout the entire process of socialist modernization, the Four Cardinal Principles must be upheld and bourgeois liberalization opposed.” [7]7 “ Bourgeois liberalization trends of thought must be resolutely criticized.

与苏联不同，我国从改革开放伊始，就对阶级斗争形势作出客观清醒的判断。自党的十二大开始，党章一直载明：“由于国内的因素和国际的影响，阶级斗争还在一定范围内长期存在，在某种条件下还有可能激化，但已经不是主要矛盾。”尽管阶级斗争不是社会主要矛盾，但“在社会主义现代化建设的整个过程中，必须坚持四项基本原则，反对资产阶级自由化”。坚决批判资产阶级自由化思潮。

Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, and Deng Xiaoping all made extensive expositions on the continued existence of class and class struggle during the quite long historical period of transition from capitalism to communism. Jiang Zemin once pointed out: “It is entirely correct for us to correct the mistake of once engaging in ‘taking class struggle as the key link.’ But this does not mean that class struggle no longer exists. As long as class struggle still exists within a certain scope, we cannot discard the Marxist viewpoint and method of class and class analysis. This viewpoint and method have always been a key for us to observe the complex political phenomena of the struggle between socialism and various hostile forces.” On February 17, 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: “The political stance of Marxism is, first of all, the class stance, and class analysis must be carried out. Some people say this is outdated, but this view is incorrect. We say that class struggle is no longer the principal contradiction in our society, not that class struggle does not exist within a certain scope, nor that it does not exist on a broad international scale. Since reform and opening up, our understanding of this issue has always been clear.” In October 2022, our Party convened the 20th National Congress. We must not only adhere to “prioritizing stability and seeking progress while maintaining stability” in the economic sphere, but also adhere to “prioritizing stability and seeking progress while maintaining stability” in the political sphere.

马克思、恩格斯、列宁和毛泽东、邓小平对在资本主义向共产主义过渡这一相当长时期的历史阶段始终存在阶级和阶级斗争都作出过大量论述。江泽民曾经指出：“我们纠正过去一度发生的‘以阶级斗争为纲’的错误是完全正确的。但是这不等于阶级斗争已不存在了，只要阶级斗争还在一定范围内存在，我们就不能丢弃马克思主义的阶级和阶级分析的观点与方法。这种观点与方法始终是我们观察社会主义与各种敌对势力斗争的复杂政治现象的一把钥匙。”2014年2月17日，习近平总书记明确指出：马克思主义政治立场，首先就是阶级立场，进行阶级分析。有人说这已经落后于时代了，这种观点是不对的。我们说阶级斗争已经不再是我国社会主要矛盾，并不是说阶级斗争在一定范围内不存在了，在国际大范围中也不存在了。改革开放以来，我们在这个问题上的认识一直是明确的。2022年10月，我们党召开了二十大。我们不仅在经济上要坚持“稳字当头、稳中求进”，在政治上同样要坚持“稳字当头、稳中求进”。

What needs to be guarded against is that, for a period of time, hostile forces at home and abroad have seized the opportunity of our Party correcting the mistake of “taking class struggle as the key link” to generalize and expand the errors of the “Cultural Revolution,” [8]8 “View of the era” (时代观) and “view of the era’s themes” (时代主题观) refer to the CPC’s theoretical framework for analyzing the historical stage of world development and its central contradictions, as distinct from the Western concept of “epoch.” “Great struggle with many new historical features” is a standard formulation from the political report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC (2017), calling for sustained political struggle against internal and external challenges. indiscriminately applying the label of the “Cultural Revolution” everywhere and creating chaos. Some people have described almost every major event in the history of New China as content of the “Cultural Revolution,” even slandering the entire history of the Party as a history of “Left disasters,” spreading rumors that New China “didn’t do many good things,” and even listing the Yan’an period and the Jinggangshan period as periods of “ultra-Leftism,” digging up their “dark sides.” [9] Regarding the evaluation of Comrade Mao Zedong, they spread vulgar rumors and “inside stories,” attempting to damage Comrade Mao Zedong’s reputation. These clumsy performances of historical nihilism often arouse the indignation of the broad masses of the people. The spontaneous waves of “Mao Zedong fever” appearing on various social media express the conscience and sense of justice of the broad masses of the people. Regarding the wanton vilification and attacks on Comrade Mao Zedong, we must confidently and promptly counter and refute them, creating a healthy public opinion environment and social environment for better studying and implementing the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CPC.

需要警惕的是，一段时期以来，国内外敌对势力抓住我们党纠正“以阶级斗争为纲”错误的时机，将“文革”的错误泛化、扩大化，到处乱贴“文革”的标签，制造混乱。有人把新中国历史上的许多重大事情几乎都说成“文革”的内容，甚至把党的整个历史污蔑为“左祸”的历史，造谣新中国“没干多少好事情”，还把延安时期、井冈山时期也列为“极左”时期的范围，挖掘其中的“阴暗面”。围绕对毛泽东同志的评价问题传播一些低级庸俗的谣言、“小道消息”，企图损害毛泽东同志的声誉。历史虚无主义这些拙劣表演常常激起广大人民群众的义愤，社会各种媒体上自发出现的一阵又一阵的“毛泽东热”表达了广大人民群众的良知和正义感。对于针对毛泽东同志的肆意丑化、攻击，我们必须理直气壮地并及时地进行反击和批驳，为更好地学习和贯彻党的二十大精神创造健康良好的舆论环境和社会环境。

On August 19, 2013, at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the extreme importance of ideological

2013年8月19日，习近平总书记在全国宣传思想工作会议上强调意识形态工作具有极端重要性，批评某些领导干部在意识形态斗争面前“爱惜羽毛”“故作开明”，号召党员和干部要敢于亮剑，敢于斗争。党的十八大以来，意识形态领域以往长期被动的局面得到根本扭转，主旋律得到弘扬，向上向好的正能量开始成为主流。

The achievements in ideological struggle have invigorated the theoretical and intellectual circles, while the arduous tasks have also spurred their fighting spirit. At present, the struggle in the ideological sphere remains complex and intense; problems that cannot be underestimated still exist in the research orientation of the social sciences, the direction of university education, the orientation of school textbooks, and the orientation of scientific research. Hostile forces at home and abroad use various media and employ all means to deliberately spread all kinds of erroneous ideas, and meticulously organize and support the encirclement and attack of scholars who uphold Marxism. In some universities and research institutions, due to the weakness of Party leadership and a reluctance to risk one’s own “reputation,” individuals who persist in non-Marxist viewpoints have been allowed to long dominate academic authority bodies such as “academic committees,” “degree committees,” and various award and evaluation review institutions. Many researchers are intimidated, fearing suppression by these so-called “authorities,” to the point that even graduate students in some Marxist studies institutes dare not choose political issues like the disintegration of the Soviet Union as their research direction, leaving these research fields without successors. Certain leading figures who advocate the trend of historical nihilism have not made even the most basic self-criticism. The situation, pointed out by the Party Central Committee as early as the 1990s, that “some ideological positions are no longer in the hands of the Party and the people,” has not yet been completely resolved. The inadequate response to the ideological infiltration of Western hostile forces also awaits a comprehensive summary. The penetration of Western hostile forces is all-pervasive, and the long-term suppression or abandonment of the continuation of red cultural traditions has led to young people being steeped and tainted by Western culture, which has already aroused dissatisfaction from all sectors of society.

意识形态斗争取得的成效振奋了思想理论界，艰巨的任务也激励着思想理论界的斗志。目前，意识形态领域的斗争依然复杂激烈，社会科学领域的研究导向、高校办学方向、学校教材导向和科学研究导向，都还存在不可低估的问题。境内外敌对势力利用种种媒体，运用各种手段，刻意散布各种错误思想，并精心组织、支持围攻坚持马克思主义的学者。在有的高校和研究机构，由于党的领导软弱，爱惜自己的“羽毛”，放任一些坚持非马克思主义观点的人长期把持“学术委员会”“学位委员会”、各种评奖评审机构等学术权威部门，许多研究人员望而生畏，怕遭到这些所谓“权威”人物的打压，甚至一些马克思主义学院的研究生都不敢选择苏联解体一类的政治问题作为自己的研究方向，从而使这些研究领域后继乏人。一些鼓吹历史虚无主义思潮的相关领头人物没有作起码的自我批评。早在20世纪90年代党中央就指出的“一些舆论阵地已经不在党和人民手里”的情况还没有得到彻底解决。对西方敌对势力的意识形态渗透应对不力的情况也有待全面的总结。西方敌对势力的渗透无孔不入，红色文化传统赓续长期被压抑或被抛弃，使得青少年被西方文化所浸润和熏染，这已经引起社会各界的不满。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, our Party has identified the root causes of long-standing problems in the ideological sphere and has taken forceful and effective measures. The “Norms of Political Life Within the Party Under the New Situation” formulated at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee [5]5 The “Two Musts” (两个务必) were articulated by Mao Zedong in March 1949 at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, as the Party prepared to take national power. clearly states, from the perspective of firming up socialist and communist ideals and convictions, that “while transforming the objective world, one must continuously transform the subjective world, properly solving the ‘master switch’ issue of worldview, outlook on life, and values.” This has resolved the decades-long problem of evading and excluding the task of “transforming the subjective world while transforming the objective world,” restoring the correct direction and principles of the Party’s ideological work. The struggles in social trends of thought and the ideological sphere over recent decades have fully proven that the view that, “since intellectuals are part of the working class,” raising the issue of “worldview transformation” constitutes “prejudice and disgust” towards intellectuals, or that “they are always seen as not being one of us,” is detrimental to the Party’s ideological construction and to intellectuals playing a positive role. Precisely because intellectuals have become part of the working class, precisely because they are “one of us,” they cannot abandon the study of the Marxist worldview, nor can they discard the task of transforming their own subjective world while transforming the objective world. The Party’s policy towards intellectuals is to care for, encourage, and support the vast number of intellectuals in better utilizing their expertise and role in the cause of socialist modernization. The Party and government should earnestly help them solve practical difficulties in their work and life, encourage them to make greater achievements, and do more practical things for this purpose; rather than pursuing the use of some empty fine words to show their own “enlightenment” and win their applause. One-sidedly criticizing the Party’s policy of “uniting with, educating, and transforming” intellectuals, while failing to propose more realistic slogans, has objectively produced extremely negative consequences. In effect, it has meant ceding positions to bourgeois ideology in many areas, creating numerous deep-seated and difficult problems.

党的十八大以来，在习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导下，我们党找到了意识形态领域长期存在问题的根子，采取了有力、得力的措施。党的十八届六中全会制定的《关于新形势下党内政治生活的若干准则》从坚定社会主义和共产主义理想信念的角度明确指出，“在改造客观世界的同时不断改造主观世界，解决好世界观、人生观、价值观这个‘总开关’问题”。这就解决了几十年来回避和排除“在改造客观世界的同时改造主观世界”的任务的问题，恢复了党的意识形态工作的正确方向和原则。近几十年的社会思潮和意识形态领域的斗争，充分证明了那种认为“既然知识分子是工人阶级一部分”，再提“世界观改造”就是对知识分子的“偏见和厌恶”，就是“总觉得他们不行，不是自己人”的说法，是不利于党的思想建设和知识分子发挥积极作用的。正是由于知识分子成为工人阶级的一部分、正是因为是“自己人”，就更不能放弃马克思主义世界观的学习，更不能抛弃在改造客观世界的同时改造自己主观世界的任务。党的知识分子政策是关心、鼓励、支持广大知识分子在建设社会主义现代化的事业中更好地发挥自己的专长和作用，党和政府应该切实帮助他们解决实际工作和生活中的困难，鼓励他们作出更大的成就，为此多干一些实事；而不是追求用一些空洞的好话显示自己的“开明”和赢取他们的掌声。片面地批评党的“团结、教育、改造”知识分子的政策，又不能同时提出更符合现实的口号，客观上造成了极为消极的后果，实际上等于在许多方面向资产阶级意识形态让出阵地，产生了许多积重难返的问题。

Abolishing the slogan of transforming the worldview of Party members, cadres, and intellectuals is a serious distortion of the Party’s policies and principles. On March 12, 1957, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out in his speech at the CPC National Conference on Propaganda Work: “Intellectuals also need to be transformed. Not only those whose basic stand has not yet turned around need transformation, but all people should study and should transform. I say all people, including us here.” Why does everyone need to transform their worldview? Mao’s answer was: “The transformation of worldview is a fundamental transformation. It cannot yet be said that the majority of intellectuals have completed this transformation.” “For the majority, replacing the bourgeois worldview completely with the proletarian worldview is still far off.” The social reality and ideological struggles of recent decades have fully proven that Mao’s judgment was insightful and entirely correct. The key is to clarify these actually existing vague issues through the activity of studying Marxism.

取消对党员、干部和知识分子世界观的改造口号，是对党的方针政策的严重歪曲。1957年3月12日，毛泽东同志在中国共产党全国宣传工作会议上的讲话中指出：“知识分子也要改造，仅那些基本立场还没有转过来的人要改造，而且所有的人都应该学习，都应该改造。我说所有的人，我们这些人也在内。”为什么大家都需要改造世界观呢？毛泽东的回答是：“世界观的转变是一个根本的转变，现在多数知识分子还不能说已经完成了这个转变。”“就多数人来说，用无产阶级世界观完全代替资产阶级世界观，那就还相差很远。”最近几十年的社会实际和意识形态斗争情况充分证明，毛泽东的这个判断高屋建瓴、完全正确。关键是要通过学习马克思主义的活动把这些实际存在的模糊问题弄明白。

The profound lesson of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of its Party tells us that socialist countries must always be vigilant against and resist the strategy of ideological infiltration by the Western bourgeoisie, fortify the defenses against the penetration of Western decadent ideology and culture, and win this “war without gunpowder.”

苏联亡党亡国的深刻教训告诉我们，社会主义国家必须时刻警惕并抵制西方资产阶级意识形态渗透战略，筑牢抵御西方腐朽思想文化渗透的防线，打赢这场“没有硝烟的战争”。

(5) We must always adhere to the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly and the Party’s fine work style, and implement the fundamental requirement of the people being the masters of the country.

（五）必须始终坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨和党的优良作风，把人民当家作主这一根本要求落到实处

In December 2012, during his inspection of poverty alleviation and development work in Fuping County, Hebei Province, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly stated: “We talk about the purpose, we say many

2012年12月，习近平总书记在河北省阜平县考察扶贫开发工作时的讲话明确指出：“我们讲宗旨，讲了很多话，但说到底还是为人民服务这句话。我们党就是为人民服务的。”在马克思主义经典作家那里，有过“为大多数人谋利益”“为群众服务”等提法，但把“为人民服务”作为无产阶级政党的根本宗旨，是毛泽东的一大贡献。全心全意为人民服务的宗旨，建立在历史唯物主义基本原理的基础上，相信人民群众是历史的创造者，相信人民群众的力量、智慧和他们的未来。只有这样，才能真正做到把自己的人生价值同实现人民群众的利益紧密地结合在一起；也只有这样，才能正确处理个人同群众的关系，紧紧依靠群众，发挥群众的历史主动精神。确保党的性质、宗旨、指导思想与最高纲领的革命性、先进性和纯洁性，确保党和政权永不变质，这是我们党长期执政的根本法宝。中国共产党是为民族、为人民谋利益的政党，其本身就是人民的一部分，除了人民的利益之外，绝无其他任何私利。从根本上说，我们党绝不是靠也绝不能仅靠技巧执政，根本是靠为着人民、相信人民、依靠人民这一本色执政。这就必须坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，这是习近平总书记在新时代对毛泽东关于全心全意为人民服务思想的坚持和发展。这是中国共产党人的灵魂、生命和力量所在、所系。这不仅占领了价值道德高地，而且也是党的力量、生命之源，代表着人类社会的必然归宿。如此就能无往不胜，无难不克，无坚不摧。

To always adhere to the purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people and the people-centered development thought, we must always bear in mind Mao Zedong’s earnest teaching: “The comrades must be taught to remain modest, prudent and free from arrogance and rashness, and the comrades must be taught to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle.” [5]5 The “Two Musts” (两个务必) were articulated by Mao Zedong in March 1949 at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, as the Party prepared to take national power. The “Two Musts” are the distinct hallmark and identifier of the organic unity of the inner and outer qualities of a true Communist Party and true Communists. In a certain sense, ordinary people judge whether you are a true Communist Party and true Communists by whether you maintain the style of the “Two Musts” under all circumstances at all times. If you can unswervingly and persistently maintain the style of the “Two Musts,” the common people will ultimately recognize you as a true Communist Party and true Communists, and they will follow you through fire and water, hacking their way through brambles and thorns to strive together. Otherwise, the common people may work half-heartedly, or even slack off and not exert effort. In the long run and fundamentally, the masses will ultimately cast aside such a party without mercy. The lesson of the ultimate demise of the Soviet Communist Party, a major party with 93 years of history and 74 years in power, tells precisely this truth. Precisely for this reason, the anti-corruption struggle waged by our Party after the 18th National Congress of the CPC [6]6 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of a major anti-corruption campaign. is of extremely great significance and has won the firm support and enthusiastic endorsement of the broadest masses of the people.

要始终坚持全心全意为人民服务的宗旨和以人民为中心的发展思想，就必须始终牢记毛泽东关于“务必使同志们继续地保持谦虚、谨慎、不骄、不躁的作风，务必使同志们继续地保持艰苦奋斗的作风”的殷殷教导。“两个务必”是真正的共产党和共产党人内在与外在有机统一的鲜明标志和标识。从一定意义上讲，普通百姓看你是不是真正的共产党和共产党人，就是看你能否在任何时候任何情况下始终保持“两个务必”的作风。如果你能坚定不移、坚持不懈地始终保持“两个务必”作风，老百姓就会最终认定你是真共产党和真共产党人，就会赴汤蹈火跟你走，披荆斩棘共奋斗。否则，老百姓就可能三心二意地干，甚至消极怠工不出力。从长远和根本上说，人民群众最终还会毫不留情地抛弃这样的党。苏共这个有着93年历史、执政74年的大党最终消亡的教训，讲的就是这个道理。正因为如此，党的十八大后，我们党所进行的反腐斗争具有十分重大的意义，并得到了最广大人民群众的坚定拥护和热烈支持。

(6) We must firmly uphold the Party’s absolute leadership over the military, and resolutely criticize erroneous ideological trends such as so-called “nationalization of the military” and “depoliticization of the military.”

（六）必须牢牢把握党对军队的绝对领导，坚决批判所谓“军队国家化”“军队非党化”等错误思潮

Under the influence of the peaceful evolution [7]7 “ of Western hostile forces, the Soviet military was long influenced by ideological trends such as historical nihilism, “nationalization of the military,” and “depoliticization of the military.” At the time of the Soviet Union’s crisis, the Soviet military broke away from the command of the Soviet Communist Party and became a tool of the subverters. The lesson is very profound.

苏联军队在西方敌对势力和平演变的作用下，长期受到历史虚无主义、“军队国家化”“军队非党化”等思潮的影响，在苏联危难之时，苏军脱离了苏共的指挥，成为颠覆者的工具，教训十分深刻。

For a period of time, some people in our country have continuously advocated erroneous ideological trends such as “depoliticization of the military” and “nationalization of the military.” In particular, some have put forward programmatic propositions such as “China needs new changes” and “changing the leadership regulations.” [8]8 “View of the era” (时代观) and “view of the era’s themes” (时代主题观) refer to the CPC’s theoretical framework for analyzing the historical stage of world development and its central contradictions, as distinct from the Western concept of “epoch.” “Great struggle with many new historical features” is a standard formulation from the political report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC (2017), calling for sustained political struggle against internal and external challenges. Over time, people have gradually come to understand the essence of these slogans. Under the banner of “nationalization of the military,” they aim to make our Party abandon its absolute leadership over the people’s military, imitating the Soviet Communist Party of that time by completely withdrawing Party organizations from the military.

一段时期以来，我国不断有人鼓吹“军队非党化”“军队国家化”等错误思潮，特别是有人推出“中国需要新的改变”“lingbaxianzhang”等带有纲领性的主张，随着时间的推移，人们才逐渐明白这些口号的实质。他们打着“军队国家化”的名义，就是让我们党放弃对人民军队的绝对领导，效仿当年的苏共把党的组织从军队中完全撤出去。

Without a people’s military, there is nothing for the people. The people’s military of a socialist country is the strong pillar for safeguarding national security and ensuring social stability. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has resolutely resisted erroneous political viewpoints such as “depoliticization and non-politicization of the military” and “nationalization of the military,” emphasizing the Party’s absolute leadership over the military. The All-Army Political Work Conference in the New Era, convened at the site of the Gutian Congress, [9] refined the Party’s thinking on military strengthening for the New Era, ensuring that the people’s military is firmly held in the hands of the Party and the people. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era clearly defines the goal of military strengthening in the New Era as building a people’s military that follows the Party’s command, can win battles, and has excellent conduct, and building the people’s military into a world-class military.

没有一支人民的军队就没有人民的一切。社会主义国家的人民军队是保卫国家安全、保证社会安定的坚强柱石。党的十八大以来，我们党坚决抵制“军队非党化、非政治化”和“军队国家化”等错误政治观点，强调党对军队的绝对领导。在古田会议会址召开的新时代全军政治工作会议，提炼了新时代党的强军思想，使人民军队牢牢掌握在党和人民手里。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想明确规定了新时代的强军目标是建设一支听党指挥、能打胜仗、作风优良的人民军队，把人民军队建设成世界一流军队。

(7) We must resolutely oppose all forms of hegemonism, power politics, unilateralism, and protectionism, adhere to an independent foreign policy of peace as a major country, and promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

（七）必须坚决反对一切形式的霸权主义、强权政治、单边主义、保护主义，坚持独立自主大国和平外交，推动构建人类命运共同体

The Soviet Union was the world’s first socialist state. During the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, it basically adhered to the principle of proletarian internationalism in its foreign relations, supporting the revolutionary and national liberation causes of many countries around the world, including China. These historical achievements still evoke the respect and remembrance of people in various countries, including the Chinese people.

苏联是世界上第一个社会主义国家，在列宁和斯大林领导时期，在对外关系上基本秉持无产阶级国际主义原则，支援了世界上许多国家包括中国的革命和民族解放事业。这些历史功绩至今还引起各国人民包括中国人民的敬仰和怀念。

After World War II, more than a dozen socialist countries emerged in the world. From this period onward, the Soviet Union gradually manifested erroneous tendencies such as big-party chauvinism, great-power chauvinism, and even hegemonism. In response to the great-power chauvinist behavior of Khrushchev and others in the Soviet Union, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, raised high the banner of opposing hegemonism and great-power chauvinism, thwarted the Soviet Union’s strategic attempts to impose big-party chauvinism and dominate the world through Soviet-U.S. cooperation, thereby isolating China, and promoted and safeguarded the status of independent and equal exchanges among countries and the democratization of international relations. After reform and opening up, Comrade Deng Xiaoping advocated the norms for normal relations between socialist countries and communist parties of various countries, namely the four principles of inter-party relations: independence, complete equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, and also formulated the policy of “transcending ideological differences to seek broader cooperation.”

第二次世界大战后，世界上出现了十多个社会主义国家，从这个时期开始，苏联逐步表现出大党主义、大国主义甚至霸权主义等错误倾向。针对苏联赫鲁晓夫等人的大国沙文主义行为，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人高举反对霸权主义、反对大国沙文主义的旗帜，挫败了苏联推行大党主义、苏美合作主宰世界等孤立中国的战略企图，推动并维护了世界各国独立自主、平等交往的地位和国际关系的民主化。改革开放后，邓小平同志倡导社会主义国家和各国共产党之间的正常关系准则，即独立自主、完全平等、互相尊重、互不干涉内部事务的党际关系四项原则，还制定了“超越意识形态的分歧，争取更大范围合作”的政策。

In the New Era, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core advocates major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, promotes the building of a new type of international relations and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, demonstrating the international image of a responsible major country and winning respect and widespread acclaim from the international community.

新时代以习近平同志为核心的党中央倡导中国特色大国外交，推动构建新型国际关系、推动构建人类命运共同体，展示了负责任大国的国际形象，赢得国际社会的尊重和广泛赞誉。

Comrade Mao Zedong, in view of the harm caused to the world by U.S.-Soviet rivalry, repeatedly emphasized that the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people will never seek hegemony, even when they become a prosperous, strong, modernized major country. In the New Era, General Secretary Xi Jinping carries forward the cause and forges ahead into the future, leading the Chinese people with even greater confidence to create a new form of human civilization, promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, and enable the people of the world to share in the opportunities of China’s development.

毛泽东同志鉴于美苏争霸给世界带来的危害，一再强调中国共产党和中国人民永远不称霸，即使成为富强的现代化大国也不称霸。在新时代，习近平总书记继往开来，更加信心百倍地团结带领中国人民创造人类文明新形态，推动构建人类命运共同体，让世界人民共享中国发展的机遇。

(8) We must adhere to the Party’s organizational line and the Party’s educational policy, and strive to cultivate and forge builders and successors of the socialist cause who are capable of undertaking the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

（八）必须坚持党的组织路线及党的教育方针，努力培养和锻造担当民族复兴大任的社会主义事业建设者和接班人

The Khrushchev leadership group in the Soviet Union, having set the political direction of “de-Stalinization,” negated the history of the Soviet Communist Party and negated Stalin’s great achievements, thereby also negating the Party’s correct organizational line and correct educational policy. Khrushchev downplayed politics, abolished political theory courses in schools, and pursued a line of historical nihilism in cultivating and educating the younger generation, a line of “de-Stalinization.” In such an educational environment, among the generation known as the “children of the 20th Congress of the CPSU,” [10] figures like Gorbachev and Yeltsin emerged. In contrast, Mao Zedong, in response to the imperialist strategy of peaceful evolution, proposed that China should cultivate successors to the proletarian revolutionary cause and stipulated five conditions, pointing the way. Since then, the Party’s educational policy of cultivating builders and successors of socialism has never wavered.

苏联赫鲁晓夫领导集团由于确定了“非斯大林化”的政治方向，否定苏共的历史，否定斯大林的丰功伟绩，也就否定了党的正确的组织路线和正确的教育方针。赫鲁晓夫淡化政治，取消学校思想政治理论课，走了一条“非斯大林化”的培养教育青年一代的历史虚无主义路线。在这样的教育环境中，被称作苏共“二十大产儿”的一代人中就出现了戈尔巴乔夫、叶利钦这种人。与此相反，毛泽东针对帝国主义和平演变战略，提出中国要培养无产阶级革命事业接班人，并规定了五项条件，指明了方向。此后，培养社会主义建设者和接班人这一党的教育方针一直没有动摇过。

The Party’s educational policy serves the Party’s and the state’s talent strategy and is inextricably linked to the Party’s organizational line. Cultivating builders and successors of socialism must start from youth; only then can a solid foundation be laid. Currently, our country’s ideal and belief education begins in primary and secondary schools and continues into higher education and various forms of adult education. The vast majority of primary and secondary school students, university students, and graduate students all receive ideological and political education. This is entirely correct and necessary.

党的教育方针服务于党和国家的人才战略，与党的组织路线有着密不可分的联系。培养社会主义建设者和接班人必须从青少年抓起，只有这样才能做到牢固基础。当前我国理想信念教育从中小学开始并延续到高校、各类成人教育，广大中小学生、大学生、研究生都要接受思想政治教育，这是完全正确的、必要的。

During Brezhnev’s tenure in power, negative phenomena such as “double-faced people” and “night people” [11] emerged within the Soviet Communist Party and in society. This phenomenon was actually an expression of dissatisfaction and helpless passive resistance to the upper leadership group’s practices of appointing people by favoritism, forming cliques for selfish interests, cronyism, and reliance on personal connections. When the theory and practice of the upper echelons are two separate layers, the masses below cannot achieve unity of theory and practice either. Therefore, whether the selection and promotion of the cadre contingent is based on the principle of “all quarters under heaven,” [12] whether it avoids small circles and factionalism, and whether it embodies fairness and openness—all this can be seen from the mental state of the grassroots masses. The behavior of the masses is a mirror reflecting the state of the upper leadership collective.

在勃列日涅夫执政期间，苏共党内和社会上出现“两面人”“夜间人”等消极现象。这一现象实际上是对上层领导集团任人唯亲、拉帮结伙、裙带关系、投靠关系等现象不满和无奈的消极反抗。上层的理论与实践是两层皮，下面的群众也不可能做到理论与实践相统一。所以，干部队伍的提拔、重用，是不是搞五湖四海，是不是避免小圈子和山头主义，是不是体现公正公开，从基层群众的精神状态就能看得出来。群众的表现是上层领导集体状态的一面镜子。

Drawing lessons from the Soviet Communist Party, to ensure that the socialist state does not change color, the selection of Party cadres, especially the selection of senior leading cadres, must highlight five political criteria: (1) The criterion of political loyalty: loyalty to Marxism, loyalty to the Party, loyalty to the people, continuously strengthening the “Four Consciousnesses,” [13] and consciously achieving the “Two Upholds.” [14] (2) The criterion of political steadfastness: firm correct ideals, beliefs, and the “Four Confidences,” [15] possessing good political discernment and decisiveness, and withstanding severe tests at critical moments and major junctures. (3) The criterion of political character: daring to take responsibility and daring to struggle; steadfastly upholding positions and principles; adhering to unity and upholding openness and aboveboardness. (4) The criterion of political capability: possessing a profound theoretical foundation in Marxism, being adept at observing issues from a political perspective, and having a high level of political execution. (5) The criterion of political self-discipline: strictly observing the Party’s political discipline and political rules, being upright in conduct, and clean in handling affairs.

从苏共的教训看，为了保证社会主义江山不变色，选拔党的干部特别是选拔高级领导干部，必须突出五条政治标准：（1）政治忠诚标准：忠诚于马克思主义、忠诚于党、忠诚于人民，不断增强“四个意识”，自觉做到“两个维护”。（2）政治定力标准：坚定正确的理想信念和“四个自信”，有良好的政治鉴别力和决断力，经得起关键时刻、重大关头的严峻考验。（3）政治品质标准：敢于担当，敢于斗争；坚守立场，坚持原则；坚持团结，坚持光明正大。（4）政治能力标准：具有深厚的马克思主义理论功底，善于从政治上观察问题，拥有较高的政治执行力。（5）政治自律标准：严格遵守党的政治纪律和政治规矩，正派为人，干净处事。

For the promotion of cadres at a certain level, especially senior cadres, a public notification period must be established that is directed at the grassroots masses in the relevant departments and systems, and the cadre in question must simultaneously report to and explain to the Party’s organizational departments any issues concerning political conduct raised by the masses. To ensure the scientific and fair selection of senior cadres, the investigative work of the Central Inspection Teams should be incorporated into the work process, and the opinions of relevant grassroots masses on the political conduct of the selection target should be extensively solicited. At the same time, those who deliberately make false accusations or frame and harm the promotion target should be criticized and punished according to the severity of the circumstances.

一定级别新任干部的提拔特别是高级干部的提拔，必须设立面向相关部门和相关系统基层群众的公示期，同时本人要向党的组织部门汇报和解释群众提出的政治表现问题。为了保证选拔高级干部的科学性、公正性，应该在工作过程中介入中央巡视组的调研工作环节，广泛听取相关基层群众对选拔对象的政治表现意见等。同时，对于那些蓄意诬告、打击陷害提拔对象的，视不同情节给予批评和惩处。

(9) We must uphold and develop Marxism, deeply and persistently carry out Party theoretical study and education activities, and continuously open up new realms for adapting Marxism to the Chinese context.

（九）必须坚持和发展马克思主义，深入持久地开展党的理论学习教育活动，不断开辟马克思主义中国化新境界

Mao Zedong, when reading the Soviet *Political Economy Textbook* from 1959 to early 1960, said: “The books of those old masters, Marx and the others, must be read; their basic principles must be observed—this is the first point.” On September 29, 2017, at a collective study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Times are changing, society is developing, but the basic principles of Marxism remain scientific truth,” and “If we deviate from or abandon Marxism, our Party will lose its soul and lose its way. On the fundamental issue of adhering to the guidance of Marxism, we must be unwavering and must not waver under any circumstances at any time.”

毛泽东在1959年至1960年年初读苏联《政治经济学教科书》时说：“马克思这些老祖宗的书，必须读，他们的基本原理必须遵守，这是第一。”2017年9月29日，习近平总书记在中共中央政治局集体学习时指出：“时代在变化，社会在发展，但马克思主义基本原理依然是科学真理”，“背离或放弃马克思主义，我们党就会失去灵魂、迷失方向。在坚持以马克思主义为指导这一根本问题上，我们必须坚定不移，任何时候任何情况下都不能动摇”。

Theory is the highest abstraction and condensation of politics and economics, and it is the origin point that can radiate in any direction across 360 degrees. If this origin point of theory is wrong, then all other lines, principles, policies, strategies, and tactics are rays that will ultimately and inevitably lead to major problems. Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement; with erroneous theory, there will inevitably be erroneous actions. Therefore, all our work must always firmly adhere to the guidance of Marxism, especially in the ideological sphere.

理论是政治和经济的最高抽象和凝结，是可以向360度任何方向辐射的原点。若理论这一原点错了，其他路线、方针、政策与战略、战术都是射线，最终都会、都要出大问题。没有革命的理论，便没有革命的运动；有了错误的理论，必然会有错误的行动。所以，我们的一切工作都必须始终坚持以马克思主义为指导，尤其是在意识形态领域。

While unwaveringly upholding Marxism, we must attach great importance to the development and innovation of Marxism. As early as May 1958, Mao Zedong said at the Second Session of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC: “Marx and Lenin are guides, not dogmas; dogmatism is the most worthless and the most shameful thing,” and “We must produce our own theory.” Mao Zedong, when reading the Soviet *Political Economy Textbook* from 1959 to early 1960, also said: “The Communist Party of any country, the intellectual circles of any country, must create new theories, write new works, and produce their own theorists to serve the politics of the day; relying solely on the old masters will not do.” On May 17, 2016, at the National Conference on Philosophy and Social Sciences, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: “Marxism has the theoretical quality of advancing with the times,” “Marxism is an open theoretical system that continuously develops with the changes of the times, practice, and science; it does not end truth, but opens up the path to truth,” and “Unifying the upholding of Marxism with the development of Marxism, and continuously making new theoretical creations in light of new practice—this is the secret to Marxism’s enduring vitality.”

在毫不动摇地坚持马克思主义的同时，必须高度重视对马克思主义的发展与创新。早在1958年5月，毛泽东就在中共八大二次会议上说：“马、列是指导，不是教条，教条论是最无出息的，最可丑的”，“要产生自己的理论”。毛泽东在1959年至1960年年初读苏联《政治经济学教科书》时又说：“任何国家的共产党，任何国家的思想界，都要创造新的理论，写出新的著作，产生自己的理论家，来为当前的政治服务，单靠老祖宗是不行的。”2016年5月17日，习近平总书记在全国哲学社会科学座谈会上强调：“马克思主义具有与时俱进的理论品质”，“马克思主义是随着时代、实践、科学发展而不断发展的开放的理论体系，它并没有结束真理，而是开辟了通向真理的道路”，“把坚持马克思主义和发展马克思主义统一起来，结合新的实践不断作出新的理论创造，这是马克思主义永葆生机活力的奥妙所在”。

Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping all emphasized combining the universal truth of Marxism with China’s specific realities and the characteristics of the times. This process of combination is precisely the process of upholding and developing Marxism, and it is also the process of transforming the worldview of the entire Party, especially its middle- and senior-ranking cadres. Only by truly mastering Marxism and combining it with concrete practice, fine traditional Chinese culture, and the characteristics of the times can we truly understand and transform the objective world, fully unleash subjective initiative while respecting objective laws, and continuously propel society forward.

毛泽东、邓小平、习近平都强调把马克思主义普遍真理与中国具体实际和时代特征相结合。这一结合的过程，就是对马克思主义坚持和发展的过程，同时也是全党特别是党的中高级干部改造世界观的过程。只有真正地掌握了马克思主义，并把马克思主义与具体实践、中华优秀传统文化和时代特征相结合，才能真正认识和改造客观世界，在尊重客观规律的前提下，充分发挥主观能动性，不断推动社会前进。

After World War II, the successive leading groups of the Soviet Party and state, regardless of whether they had received systematic formal education, generally had a low level of Marxist theoretical literacy. This was reflected not only in their inability to accurately and systematically understand the essence and core tenets of Marxism, but even more so in their inability to flexibly apply Marxism to creatively solve practical problems and continuously advance the socialist cause. To systematically master Marxism, without putting in genuine hard work, one cannot achieve it in a lifetime. To produce several hundred relatively high-level theoretical theorists who systematically master Marxism nationwide, a mass base for studying Marxist theory across the entire Party and the whole country is needed. This is a necessary condition for continuously raising the theoretical level of the entire Party and the highest theoretical level of the Party.

第二次世界大战以后苏联党和国家的几届领导集团，无论是否接受了系统的学历教育，其马克思主义理论素养普遍较低，这既体现在不能准确系统地理解马克思主义精髓要义，更体现在不能灵活运用马克思主义创造性地解决实际问题，把社会主义事业不断推向前进。想要系统掌握马克思主义，不下真功夫，一辈子也做不到。要在全国产生几百个水平较高的、系统掌握马克思主义的理论家，需要有全党全国范围的学习马克思主义理论的群众基础。这是不断提高全党理论水平、党的最高理论水平的一个必要条件。

There must be clear regulations on how cadres study Marxism. The main content of cadres’ study of Marxist theory should be determined based on their educational level, practical work needs, and the objectives and tasks of the New Era. General Secretary Xi Jinping’s speech at the ceremony marking the 200th anniversary of Marx’s birth identified nine key areas of focus for us to study and practice Marxism: (1) Marxist thought on the laws of human social development; (2) Marxist thought on adhering to the people’s standpoint; (3) Marxist thought on productive forces and relations of production; (4) Marxist thought on people’s democracy; (5) Marxist thought on cultural development; (6) Marxist thought on social development; (7) Marxist thought on the relationship between humans and nature; (8) Marxist thought on world history; (9) Marxist thought on the development of Marxist political parties.

对干部如何学习马克思主义要有明确规定。应当根据干部文化水平和实际工作需要，根据新时代的目标任务，确定干部学习马克思主义理论的主要内容。习近平总书记在纪念马克思诞辰200周年大会上的讲话，为我们学习和实践马克思主义明确了九个方面的重点内容：（1）马克思主义关于人类社会发展规律的思想；（2）马克思主义关于坚守人民立场的思想；（3）马克思主义关于生产力和生产关系的思想；（4）马克思主义关于人民民主的思想；（5）马克思主义关于文化建设的思想；（6）马克思主义关于社会建设的思想；（7）马克思主义关于人与自然关系的思想；（8）马克思主义关于世界历史的思想；（9）马克思主义关于马克思主义政党建设的思想。

The study of Marxist theory needs to be institutionalized. Once an institution is established, it must be adhered to over the long term. The system for studying Marxist theory shall be uniformly arranged by the Organization Department and the Publicity Department of the Party Central Committee. Cadre study must be conducted with concentrated time, specific requirements must be put forward, the scope of study must be delineated, the key issues to be resolved at each stage must be identified, and relevant reference books and materials must be provided simultaneously. The study of original texts must be combined with guided study of those texts; periodic thematic study must be combined with holistic and systematic study of theory; the study of Marxism must be combined with the study of the “Four Histories” [8]8 “View of the era” (时代观) and “view of the era’s themes” (时代主题观) refer to the CPC’s theoretical framework for analyzing the historical stage of world development and its central contradictions, as distinct from the Western concept of “epoch.” “Great struggle with many new historical features” is a standard formulation from the political report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC (2017), calling for sustained political struggle against internal and external challenges.; and the study of Marxism must be combined with other necessary training activities.

马克思主义理论学习需要制度化。制度一经确定，就必须长期坚持。马克思主义理论学习制度由党中央组织部、宣传部统一安排。干部学习必须集中安排时间，提出具体要求，划定学习范围，提出各阶段要解决的重点问题，同时提供相关的学习参考书和参考材料。必须把读原著与原著学习辅导结合起来，把阶段性专题学习与对理论的整体性系统性学习结合起来，把学习马克思主义与学习“四史”结合起来，把学习马克思主义与其他必要的进修活动结合起来。

Marxist theory and the study of it must be included in the content of civil service examinations, cadre assessments, and job promotions. In practical work, the guiding role and authority of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of the “Three Represents,” the Scientific Outlook on Development, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era must be established. Study formats must be strictly enforced, formalism must be opposed, and going through the motions must be prevented. Without certain formats as a guarantee, it is impossible to ensure the quality of study.

马克思主义理论及学习情况要列入公务员考试、干部考核、职务晋升等内容。要在实际工作中树立马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想、科学发展观和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导性、权威性。要严格学习形式，反对形式主义，防止走过场。没有一定的形式作为保证，就不可能保证学习的质量。

To promote cadre study and a historical, systematic understanding of the three great leaps in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, it is recommended that, at an appropriate time, the subsequent volumes of the *Selected Works of Mao Zedong* be published in succession. After the publication of the four-volume *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, which reflects the great practical leap of the New Democratic Revolution stage, the subsequent *Selected Works of Mao Zedong* should be published to reflect the great practical leap of the socialist revolution and construction stage, and to reflect the systematic and complete system of Mao Zedong Thought, including the hardships and twists in its exploration, in order to continue to eliminate the influence of historical nihilism in this field. At the same time, it is recommended that, on the basis of the edited and published volumes 1 to 4 of *Xi Jinping: The Governance of China*, a complete

为推动干部学习，历史地、系统地理解马克思主义中国化三次伟大飞跃，建议在合适之时接续出版《毛泽东选集》各卷，在已经出版四卷本《毛泽东选集》、反映新民主主义革命阶段的伟大实践飞跃之后，接续出版后续的《毛泽东选集》，以反映社会主义革命和建设阶段的伟大实践飞跃，反映毛泽东思想的系统、完整体系，包括其中的探索中的艰辛、曲折，以继续清除该领域的历史虚无主义思潮的影响；同时建议在编辑出版《习近平谈治国理政》1至4卷的基础上，提供习近平总书记著述和讲话的全文文集，以满足全国党员干部深入、系统地学习和研究习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想创新成果的迫切需要。新时代出版新内容的领袖著作选集，有利于形成全党全国人民学习马克思列宁主义的新高潮，有利于形成系统学习党的马克思主义中国化创新成果的新高潮，形成实事求是地学习研究的良好氛围。

(10) It is necessary to firmly establish a correct view of the era and a correct view of the era’s themes, to be vigilant in peace time, to strengthen confidence, to constantly wage a great struggle with many new historical features, and to contribute to the creation and development of a new form of human civilization.

（十）必须牢固树立正确的时代观与时代主题观，居安思危，坚定信心，时刻进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争，为创造和发展人类文明新形态作贡献

On September 29, 2017, at a group study session of the Political Bureau of the Party Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphatically pointed out: “We are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism. This is the scientific basis for our firm confidence in Marxism and our unwavering belief in socialism.” This major judgment is extremely important and entirely correct. Furthermore, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping, while affirming that we are still in

2017年9月29日，习近平总书记在中共中央政治局集体学习时强调指出：“我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。这是我们对马克思主义保持坚定信心、对社会主义保持必胜信念的科学根据。”这一重大判断十分重要，完全正确。另外，毛泽东和邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛、习近平总书记在肯定我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代的同时，都直接或间接地肯定我们依然处于帝国主义时代。我们党还审慎处理与同一个大时代中不同时代主题的变化。邓小平看到时代主题从战争与革命向和平与发展的转换，及时作出改革开放这一重大抉择，在中国共产党的领导下中国人民取得举世瞩目的重大成就。但是，帝国主义还存在，帝国主义本质没有改变，只是表现形式和表现方式有了较大的变化。1969年3月，毛泽东在召集有关人员的碰头会上明确指出，“列宁是帝国主义时代的马克思主义。现在还是帝国主义时代”。以邓小平同志为主要代表的党的第二代领导集体的另一位重要成员陈云在1989年十分明确地指出：“列宁论帝国主义的五大特点和侵略别国、互相争霸的本质，是不是过时了？我看，没有过时”，“那种认为列宁的帝国主义论已经过时的观点，是完全错误的，非常有害的。这个问题，到了大呼特呼的时候了”。

Without departing from Lenin’s judgment of the era, it is impossible to correctly assess the historical juncture at which our Party and country now stand, and impossible to correctly view and respond to the various despicable acts of imperialism led by that superpower today. Since capitalism developed from free-market capitalism into monopoly finance imperialism, human history has experienced two world wars. The global financial crisis that erupted in 2008, the COVID-19 pandemic that broke out globally in 2020, and the Russia-Ukraine conflict that erupted in 2022 can in essence also be said to be highly likely a third world war in another form, now underway. In today’s era of deepening economic globalization and international financial crisis, anyone with a conscience who reads Lenin’s work *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism* (abbreviated as *Imperialism*) will reach this conclusion: this short work, like Marx and Engels’ *Communist Manifesto*, possesses a high degree of internal unity among its theory, history, and formal logic. Amid the dense fog of human civilization, it stands as a landmark theoretical lighthouse that increasingly radiates the immense light of truth, guiding people to forge ahead tenaciously. Regrettably, in recent years, fewer people have read Lenin’s *Imperialism*. Some have busied themselves with so-called “financial innovation” while understanding little of the nature of finance controlled by monopoly capital, even turning financial innovation into a tool for personal

离开列宁对时代的判断，就无法正确判断当今我们党和国家所处的历史方位，就无法正确看待和应对当今以那个超级大国为首的帝国主义的种种卑劣行径。自从资本主义从自由资本主义发展到垄断的金融帝国主义之后，人类历史经历了两次世界大战。2008年全球爆发的金融危机、2020年全球发生的新冠肺炎疫情和2022年爆发的俄乌冲突，实质上亦可以说极可能是正在进行的另一种形式的第三次世界大战。在经济全球化和国际金融危机深入发展的今天，只要认真读一读列宁的《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》（简称《帝国主义论》）这一著作，任何有良知的人都会得出这样的结论：这部字数不多的著作，与马克思、恩格斯的《共产党宣言》一样，其理论、历史与形式逻辑有着高度的内在统一，在人类文明史和重重迷雾之中是一座愈发闪烁着巨大真理光芒、照耀人们不断顽强前行的具有里程碑意义的理论灯塔。很可惜，一些年来，读列宁的《帝国主义论》的人不多了。也有一些人，忙着去搞所谓的“金融创新”，而对垄断资本控制的金融的本质不甚了解，甚至把金融创新当成谋取私利的工具。习近平总书记明确指出：“我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。”这也就是说，当前我们既处在马克思主义所指明的由资本主义向社会主义过渡的这个大的历史时代，同时也处于列宁所说的帝国主义这个小的历史时期，还处于帝国主义由垄断的、寄生即腐朽的资本主义开始向垂死的资本主义过渡这个更小的历史阶段。这一阶段，可能需要几十年甚至上百年时间。1953年9月，毛泽东说：“美帝国主义者很傲慢，凡是可以不讲理的地方就一定不讲理，要是讲一点理的话，那是被逼得不得已了。”一方面，我们必须看到国际金融垄断资本主义比商业和工业资本主义有更多的伪善性和欺骗性，但由于其从垄断、寄生即腐朽阶段开始步入垂死阶段的下降通道，它们脸上伪善和欺骗性的油彩便开始更多地剥落，其疯狂、残酷的一面便开始更多地显现，所以我们必须要充分预计前进征程中可能遇到的种种困难，即道路是曲折的；另一方面，我们亦必须看到金融帝国主义气势汹汹、外强中干、色厉内荏的另一面，我们必须坚定胜利的信心，即前途是光明的。我们始终坚持不懈竭诚努力与世界各国其中包括美国、俄罗斯和世界各国人民一道恪守《联合国宪章》，在坚持和平共处五项原则基础上推动和平、发展、合作、共享。但对于时刻想把我们置于死地的敌人，我们首先必须要做到的就是不怕鬼、不信邪和舍生取义，是勇于和敢于斗争，而不是以妥协退让的态度求得怜悯甚至施舍。“威武不能屈”与“和为贵”等同样都是中华民族十分优秀的文化传统之重要组成。对待帝国主义即霸权主义、单边主义和强权政治，我们当然要善于斗争，但敢于斗争是第一位的。我们党百年来的光辉实践充分证明，敢于斗争、敢于胜利，帝国主义和一切反动派就是纸老虎。妥协退让、胆小如鼠，帝国主义和一切反动派就是真老虎。只有敢于斗争，把帝国主义真正打疼了，它才可能讲一点世上绝大多数人公认的常理和公理。否则，它会蛮不讲绝大多数人公认的常理公理。它们的理与我们的理，在多数情况下往往是相对立的，是没有利益交汇和共享之处的。因为从长远讲，帝国主义是为极少数人的利益服务的，其与社会主义是为绝大多数人的根本利益服务的宗旨是完全相悖的，因而必然是纸老虎。只有站在马克思主义指明的时代高度，认清时代特点、世界潮流、历史规律，才能信心百倍地为建设社会主义和实现共产主义的理想而奋斗。随着经济全球化的深入发展，随着国际金融危机的深化，随着2020年新冠肺炎疫情在全球的发生与泛滥，随着全球范围内贫富两极分化的加剧，以美国为主导的资本主义世界的痼疾将暴露得愈加充分。全球各国左翼思潮和马克思主义政党，世界社会主义理论、运动、制度必将在未来二三十年内进入一个极大的活跃期。这是世界百年未有之大变局依据的根本所在、希望所在。我们对世界社会主义光明前途坚信不疑、坚定不移。由于苏共垮台、苏联解体而出现的一切怀疑马克思主义、否定列宁主义和十月革命道路、否定人类历史发展规律的思潮和言论都是错误的和有害的，也是眼光短浅的。

However, we must not take an overly optimistic view of the situation in the struggle. Because imperialism has long implemented a strategy of peaceful evolution against socialist countries, some wavering elements—including figures in the leadership bodies of socialist countries—may degenerate and betray; the "fifth column" bought and nurtured by imperialism is still waiting for opportunities to sabotage and create chaos; the influence of forces in the ideological sphere of socialist countries affected by decadent capitalist thought should not be underestimated; the traps and conspiracies set by imperialism in political, economic, and cultural exchanges still exist; the threat of imperialist war remains; imperialism's use of its advantages in high-tech fields, such as "biological gene weapons," and its activities in finance and other areas to create large-scale social disorder up to and including crises will not cease, and it must not be ruled out that they will employ the filthiest means to achieve the most despicable ends.

但是，不可盲目乐观看待斗争的形势。由于帝国主义对社会主义国家长期实施和平演变战略，还会使一些不坚定者其中包括社会主义国家领导机构人物变质、叛变；帝国主义收买和豢养的“第五纵队”还在伺机破坏、捣乱；社会主义国家意识形态领域受资本主义腐朽思想意识影响的势力还不可低估；帝国主义在政治、经济、文化交往中设置的陷阱和阴谋依然存在；帝国主义战争的威胁依然存在；帝国主义利用其在高科技领域所占有的优势比如“生物基因武器”以及在金融等领域制造大规模社会混乱直至危机的活动不会停息，决不能排除它们会用最为肮脏的手段达到最为卑鄙的目的。

Faced with the changes unseen in a century in today’s world, we must be vigilant in times of peace, fully prepare for the protracted, complex, and acute nature of the struggle, and plan for the worst; at the same time, we should focus on handling our own affairs well, carry out struggle with reason, advantage, and restraint, and strive for the best possible outcome. Imperialism can, through destruction and subversion, choose the mode of collapse for some socialist countries, but it cannot choose its own mode of collapse; its inevitable disintegration and doom are a historical necessity.

面对当今世界百年未有之大变局，我们必须居安思危，对斗争的长期性、复杂性、尖锐性有足够的准备，需要从最坏处着想，做好准备；同时，我们以做好自己的事为主，开展有理、有利、有节的斗争，为争取最好的结局而努力。帝国主义可以通过破坏和演变，为一些社会主义国家选择垮台的方式，但是它自己垮台的方式却是不可选择的，它必然崩溃和灭亡的结局是历史的必然。

In the early 1970s, the renowned British historian Arnold Toynbee, who had once believed that Western civilization could become a globally unified civilization, underwent a major intellectual transformation. He overturned the conclusions of his early work *A Study of History*, arguing that the Western civilization represented by the United States, which relies primarily on military conquest, could not be universally accepted by the world’s people. He creatively proposed that the axis of world civilization lies in playing a vanguard and exemplary role, and that only China possesses this capability, skill, and unparalleled experience of achievement; only Chinese civilization, characterized by peaceful interaction, can become a civilization welcomed by the peoples of the world; he predicted that the Chinese civilization that would be welcomed globally in the future is “the Sinicization of communism.” [9]

20世纪70年代初，曾经认为西方文明能够成为全球统一文明的著名英国历史学家阿诺德·汤因比，实现了思想大转变，他推翻了自己早年在《历史研究》中的结论，认为美国代表的以武力征服为主要手段的西方文明，不可能为世界人民普遍接受。他创造性地提出：世界文明的主轴，就是发挥先锋模范作用，只有中国有这种能力、本领和无与伦比的成果经验；只有以和平交往为特点的中华文明才能成为世界各国人民欢迎的文明；他预测未来受全世界欢迎的中华文明就是“共产主义的中国化”。

For peace-loving peoples of all countries, New China has always been welcome, and today this is even more so

对于爱好和平的世界各国人民来说，新中国历来都是受欢迎的，今天更是如此。正如习近平总书记2014年3月27日在中法建交50周年纪念大会上所说：“实现中国梦给世界带来的是机遇不是威胁，是和平不是动荡，是进步不是倒退。拿破仑说过，中国是一头沉睡的狮子，当这头睡狮醒来时，世界都会为之发抖。中国这头狮子已经醒了，但这是一只和平的、可亲的、文明的狮子。”世界人民对习近平总书记描绘的中国这一大国形象高度认同，构建人类命运共同体和发展人类文明新形态有着无比光明灿烂的未来！

(Author: Li Shenming, Honorary Dean of the School of Political Science and Public Administration, Zhengzhou University; Director of the World Socialism Research Center, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者：李慎明，郑州大学政治与公共管理学院名誉院长，中国社会科学院世界社会主义研究中心主任）

(Project: This article is a phased outcome of the special commissioned research topic of the National Social Science Fund, "New Changes in Capitalism, the Essence and Development Trends of Imperialism, and Our Strategic Response." Team leader: Li Shenming; team members: Liu Shulin, Wang Tingyou, Li Ruiqin, Zhang Shuhua, Fan Jianxin, Zhao Dingqi.)

（项目：本文系国家社会科学基金特别委托研究专题“资本主义新变化、帝国主义本质和发展趋势及我战略应对”的阶段性成果。课题组组长：李慎明；课题组成员：刘书林、汪亭友、李瑞琴、张树华、樊建新、赵丁琪。）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心