The Development Trends of Left-Wing Social Movements in Western Europe Amid Political Changes

Since the 21st century, left-wing social movements have gained considerable momentum in major Western European countries. After achieving initial social influence, they rapidly developed into new types of radical left-wing political parties. Their political mobilization and organizational operations are marked by innovative features, providing excellent cases for observing and assessing the spread and development of left-wing thought in Europe.

21世纪以来，左翼社会运动在主要西欧国家形成一定声势，并在取得初步社会影响力后迅速发展成为新型激进左翼政党，其政治动员和组织运作富有创新特色，为观察和研判左翼思潮在欧洲的传播与发展提供了极佳案例。

The Development Trends of Left-Wing Social Movements in Western Europe

西欧左翼社会运动的发展态势

The political and social ecology of Europe has undergone complex transformations under the impact of a series of crises. Among these, left-wing social movements have shown an upward trend in Western European countries such as France, Italy, Spain, and Germany. In recent years, they have gradually developed into important political forces capable of influencing election outcomes, attracting widespread attention. In France, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who once served as Minister of Vocational Education, leads the "La France Insoumise" (FI) movement, steadily increasing its influence amid fierce political competition. In February 2016, the "La France Insoumise" movement held its founding rally, and in January 2017 it formally established itself as a political party. Mélenchon subsequently ran in the 2017 presidential election as a candidate jointly endorsed by his party and the French Communist Party, winning support from nearly one-fifth of voters. In 2022, Mélenchon again contested the French presidential election, placing third in the first round, only two to three hundred thousand votes behind National Rally candidate Marine Le Pen. In the second round, he led the Nouvelle Union Populaire Écologique et Sociale (NUPES) to surpass the National Rally and become the second-largest political force in parliament, causing Macron's centrist-left alliance to lose control of the legislature. "La France Insoumise" evolved from a social movement into a political party while retaining the movement's forms of activity even after its founding.

欧洲政治与社会生态在一系列危机重创下经历复杂演变，其中，左翼社会运动在法国、意大利、西班牙、德国等西欧国家呈现上升势头，近年来逐渐发展成为能够影响大选结果的重要政治力量，引发外界普遍关注。在法国，曾担任法国职业教育部长的梅朗雄领导“不屈法国”（FI）运动，在激烈的政治角逐中稳步提升影响力。2016年2月，“不屈法国”运动举行成立集会，并在2017年１月正式成立政党，梅朗雄随后作为该党和法国共产党联名支持的候选人参加了2017年大选，获得近五分之一选民支持。2022年，梅朗雄再次参与法国总统大选角逐，不但在第一轮选举中位列第三，与国民联盟候选人勒庞仅相差二三十万张选票，而且在第二轮选举中领导生态和社会人民新联盟（NUPES）力压国民联盟成为议会内第二大政治势力，导致马克龙领导的中左翼联盟失去对议会的控制权。“不屈法国”由社会运动发展成为政党，并且在建党后依然保留了运动的活动形式。

In Italy, the Five Star Movement (M5S) achieved great success with its distinctive platform blending left-wing and right-wing populist political programs, and has maintained its political influence. The movement originated in 2009 from the "Friends of Beppe Grillo" movement launched on the personal website of Italian comedian Beppe Grillo. Through exaggerated and extreme comedic performances, it criticized current affairs, condemned domestic political corruption, EU policies, and the harms of refugee influxes. It attracted grassroots citizens to participate in political activities online via blogs, Facebook, and other platforms, rapidly gaining popularity. It then established the Five Star Movement party and strengthened party building. The Five Star Movement party began participating in local elections in 2010 and rose quickly in Italian politics. At its peak, it won 32.7% of the vote in the 2018 general election, becoming the largest party. Thereafter, the Five Star Movement party governed in coalition in two successive governments, but frequently clashed with other ruling parties, leading to the fall of the Draghi government in 2022. Nevertheless, the party placed third in the September 2022 parliamentary elections and once again became an opposition party.

在意大利，“五星运动”（M5S）以其混合了左翼和右翼民粹主义政治纲领的特色立场获得极大成功，并始终保持政治影响力。该运动源于2009年意大利喜剧演员格里洛在个人网站上发起的“格里洛朋友运动”，通过夸张而极端的喜剧表演形式针砭时事，批判国内政治腐败、欧盟政策和难民潮的危害，在网络上通过博客、脸书等方式吸引草根民众参与政治活动，迅速提升人气，继而成立“五星运动”党并加强政党建设。“五星运动”党自2010年开始参加地方选举，在意大利政坛迅速崛起，其鼎盛时期在2018年的全国大选中斩获32.7%的选票成为第一大党。在这之后，“五星运动”党在两届政府中联合执政，但与其他执政党屡有矛盾分歧，并在2022年导致德拉吉政府下台。不过，该党在2022年9月的议会选举中位列第三，并再度成为反对党。

In Spain, the Podemos party emerged as a new political force during the European debt crisis. Starting on May 15, 2011, the "Indignados" protest movement erupted in Spain, mobilizing young people and the unemployed through the digital platform "Democracia Real Ya" and social networks such as Twitter and Facebook. A series of protests swept across nearly 60 Spanish cities. In March 2014, Pablo Iglesias, a political science professor at the Complutense University of Madrid, formally established the Podemos party based on this movement. The party won five seats in the European Parliament elections that same year, and in the 2015 Spanish general election it unexpectedly emerged as the third-largest party in parliament. It is currently the fourth-largest party.

在西班牙，“我们能”党（Podemos）在欧债危机过程中崛起为政治生力军。自2011年5月15日起，西班牙爆发“愤怒者”示威抗议运动，通过“马上要真民主”数字平台以及推特和脸书等社交网络动员青年人和失业者参与抗议，一系列抗议活动席卷西班牙近60个城市。2014年3月，马德里康普顿斯大学政治学教授伊格莱西亚斯依托该运动正式成立“我们能”党。该党在当年的欧洲议会选举中获得五个议席，在2015年的西班牙大选中更异军突起为议会第三大党，目前是议会第四大党。

In Germany, various protest movements have emerged in succession, but the organizational strength of left-wing protest movements is generally fragmented, and their momentum is relatively weaker compared to the social movements in the countries mentioned above. A relatively influential political force is the "Aufstehen" (Stand Up) rallying movement. Unlike other movements, the "Aufstehen" rallying movement was initiated by prominent figures from the German Left Party, Sahra Wagenknecht and Oskar Lafontaine. It was officially launched in September 2008, widely recruiting supporters on its website and gaining support from some well-known figures in the cultural sphere. Its goal is to launch a nationwide grassroots movement, rallying and mobilizing people who are uninterested in existing politics, and using entirely new political forms to engage in public debate on social issues of common concern to leftists.

在德国，各类抗议运动层出不穷，左翼抗议运动的组织力量整体较为分散，其声势相对于以上国家的社会运动相对薄弱，较有影响力的政治力量是“站起来”（Aufstehen）集结运动。与其他运动不同，“站起来”集结运动是由德国左翼党政要瓦根克内希特和拉方丹发起，2008年9月正式启动，在其官网上广泛招募支持者，收获一些文化领域知名人士的支持，其目标是发起全民草根运动，集结和动员对于现有政治不感兴趣的人群，通过全新的政治形式，就左翼人士共同关切的社会议题展开公共辩论。

Overall, left-wing social movements mostly propose alternative programs to capitalism centered on social justice and encompassing a diverse range of issues. Mélenchon unequivocally opposes capitalism, takes a pro-union stance, advocates taxing the rich, and calls for the elimination of all inequalities, including those based on family background, race, and gender. The Five Star Movement focuses on livelihood issues such as social welfare, employment, universal education, and tax reduction. It advocates reducing the weekly working hours to 20, calls for tax cuts, promotes a thorough reform of the healthcare insurance system, and demands stronger market regulation. After taking office, it introduced a series of livelihood policies, including a universal basic income and labor protections. The German Left Party advocates creating more opportunities for labor-management co-determination, calls for redistributing social wealth through measures such as raising taxes on the rich and introducing a minimum wage system, and demands an end to privatization policies. In addition, left-wing social movements also focus on broad issues such as ecological protection and disarmament, fully demonstrating the diversity of their political agenda.

整体而言，左翼社会运动多提出以社会公正为核心、包含多元化议题的资本主义替代纲领。梅郎雄旗帜鲜明地反对资本主义，立场亲工会，主张向富人征税，要求消灭包括家庭出身、种族、性别等在内的一切不平等现象。“五星运动”党关注社会福利、就业、普及教育、减税等民生议题，主张将每周工作时间降至20小时，呼吁减免税收，倡导彻底改革医疗保险制度，要求加强市场管制，上台执政后推出包括全民基本收入、劳动保障在内的一系列民生政策。德国左翼党则倡导创造更多的劳资共同决策机会，主张通过提高富人税、引入最低工资制度等手段进行社会财富再分配，要求停止私有化政策。除此以外，左翼社会运动同样关注生态保护、裁军等广泛议题，充分彰显其政治议题多元化的特征。

At the same time, left-wing social movements exhibit distinct populist characteristics. Left-wing social movements and related political parties in Western Europe do not hesitate to declare their left-wing populist positioning. Mélenchon uses the concept of left-wing populism, setting elites against the people. He believes that the serious problems facing humanity, such as environmental and social crises, can only be solved by the people, and advocates rallying the people against elites to attract dissatisfied voters. The concept of "the people" that Mélenchon proposes has a clear cross-class character, using an exclusionary method—defining the scope of the concept by determining "who is not," for example, excluding financial oligarchs from the people. The Five Star Movement, in particular, rose to prominence through a populist path that is "neither left nor right" but actually mixes left-wing and right-wing positions. While putting forward a left-wing socioeconomic program, it also insists on an anti-immigration stance characteristic of right-wing populism, thereby pleasing both sides in the context of social crisis and maximizing the scope of its supporter base.

与此同时，左翼社会运动表现出鲜明的民粹主义特征。西欧左翼社会运动及相关政党毫不讳言其左翼民粹主义的定位，梅朗雄使用左翼民粹主义的概念，将精英和人民对立起来，认为人类所面临的环境危机、社会危机等诸多严重问题只有依靠人民才能解决，主张通过召集人民、反对精英来吸引不满选民。梅朗雄提出的人民概念具有明显的跨阶级属性，采用排除的方法，即通过确定“谁不是”来界定概念范畴，例如把金融寡头排除在人民之外。“五星运动”党更是通过“非左非右”但实际是混合左翼和右翼立场的民粹主义路径崛起，在提出左翼社会经济纲领的同时，坚持带有右翼民粹主义特性的反移民立场，从而在社会危机背景下左右逢源，最大限度地扩大支持者范围。

Basic Characteristics of Left-Wing Social Movements in Western Europe

西欧左翼社会运动的基本特征

The specific forms and political and social influence of left-wing social movements in Western Europe vary, but they share some common features in terms of social base, forms of mobilization, and organizational structure that clearly distinguish them from traditional political parties.

西欧左翼社会运动的具体形态和政治及社会影响力各有不同，但其在社会基础、动员形式以及组织架构等方面具备一些明显区别于传统政党的共性特征。

First, in terms of political mobilization, left-wing social movements mostly use online platforms and social media to achieve internet democracy. In the internet age, various online platforms and new media have become the main battleground for promoting and building momentum for left-wing social movements. Social movements and political parties in various countries have deeply cultivated online spaces, establishing dedicated online operations teams, using various online social tools to express political views, communicate with public opinion, solicit policy ideas, and conduct social mobilization. Among them, the Podemos party flexibly uses various online tools and software, engaging in dialogue with the public through popular social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, as well as a space called "Plaza Podemos" established on the Reddit news website. It uses Loomio as a decision-making platform for online communication; currently, more than half of Loomio users worldwide are from Podemos activity circles and local organizations. The party also uses other open-source digital tools, such as real-time polling mini-programs and citizen initiative platforms, to launch online crowdfunding campaigns to raise funds for various activities. In its early days after its founding in 2014, it participated in the European Parliament elections through crowdfunding. Through an effective digital strategy, the Podemos party has developed 370,000 members online.

第一，从政治动员形式看，左翼社会运动多采用网络平台和社交媒体实现互联网民主。在互联网时代，各种网络和新媒体成为左翼社会运动推广和造势的主战场，各国社会运动和政党深耕网络，成立专门的网络运营团队，利用各类线上社交工具发表政见、沟通民意、征集政见、进行社会动员。其中，“我们能”党灵活利用各种在线工具软件，通过脸书、推特等流行的社交网络以及在Reddit新闻网站上建立的名为“Plaza Podemos”的空间与民众进行对话，运用 Loomio作为决策平台进行在线交流，目前全球超过一半的Loomio用户都是“我们能”党的活动圈和地方组织。该党还利用其他开放源码数字工具，比如实时民调小程序、公民倡议平台等发起在线众筹运动，为各类活动募集资金，在2014年成立初期就是通过众筹方式参加欧洲议会选举。通过有效的数字战略，“我们能”党已在线发展了37 万名党员。

Leaders of left-wing social movements also make good use of new media in their daily activities. For example, during his 2017 election campaign, Mélenchon used holographic projection technology to give speeches simultaneously in Lyon and Paris. Grillo, the former leader of the Five Star Movement, used blogs, Facebook and other online platforms to promote his political views and ideas in multiple languages. The meetup.com online social platform he co-founded with network operations expert Casaleggio hosted more than 1,000 exchange meetings between 2009 and 2013. Di Maio, Grillo’s successor as leader of the Five Star Movement, had about ten times as many Facebook followers as the leader of the Italian Democratic Party. The German *Aufstehen* (Stand Up) movement, by contrast, relies on action groups distributed across the country, disseminating and spreading activity information through its website, social media, email and other means, and inviting supporters within the local area to participate.

左翼社会运动领导人在日常活动中也善用新媒体。例如，梅朗雄在2017年竞选中利用全息投影技术，达到在里昂和巴黎两地同时演讲的效果。“五星运动”党前领导人格里洛通过博客、脸书等网络平台，使用多种语言宣传自己的政治观点和政治理念，其与网络运营专家卡萨列丘共同创建的meetup.com网络社交平台在2009年到2013年间举办了1000多场交流会，格里洛之后的“五星运动”党领导人迪马约在脸书上的粉丝量是意大利民主党领导人粉丝量的10倍左右。德国“站起来”运动则依托分布在全国各地的行动小组开展活动，通过网站、社交媒体、电子邮件等方式传播和扩散活动信息，邀请本地区范围内的支持者参加。

Second, in terms of organizational structure, left-wing social movements mostly adopt innovative operational and governance models to realize direct democracy. Emerging left-wing social movements, and the left-wing parties developed on their basis, mostly break with the top-down bureaucratic management structure of traditional parties, adopting a parallel organizational hierarchy for operation and management, and making full use of internet tools at every link. Compared with traditional parties, their organizational framework is relatively loose: they do not introduce complex electoral and representative systems, are more free and open, are as inclusive as possible, and impose few constraints on their members. Anyone who identifies with their political views can join, without even needing to pay membership dues. Many left-wing social movements or parties have their own websites; completing online registration is enough to join the organization. Online registration is simple and convenient, requiring only name, city, email and similar information. *La France Insoumise* (France Unbowed), the Five Star Movement and others mostly use online media to manage the party, distribute action plans and brochures, and conduct various political activities such as discussions, voting, elections and fundraising. Candidates are generated directly online from the bottom up, and the movements are activity-oriented, using a succession of campaigns to connect with and draw in the public. *Podemos* (We Can) adopts a democratic form of parallel organization, establishing more than 1,000 grassroots organizations called “circles” (círculos) across Spain to realize a bottom-up process of democratic participation. The *Aufstehen* movement adopts a localized, decentralized organizational model, forming action groups in each town or region, focusing as much as possible on the everyday concerns of local residents to carry out joint actions. Everyone can check the location, contact information and activity schedule of the action group in their area on the movement’s website and become an activist in the movement.

第二，从组织结构看，左翼社会运动多采取创新运作和治理模式实现直接民主。新兴左翼社会运动以及在其基础上发展起来的左翼政党多打破传统政党自上而下的科层制管理结构，采取平行组织的层级结构实现运作和管理，并在各个环节中充分使用互联网工具。与传统政党相比，其组织架构相对松散，不引入复杂的选举和代表制度，更加自由开放，尽可能面向所有人，对其成员也没有过多约束，任何认同其政治观点的人都可以参加，甚至不需要交纳党费。不少左翼社会运动或政党都设有自己的网站，完成网站注册即可加入组织，网上注册简单便捷，仅需填写姓名、城市、电子邮件等信息。“不屈法国”、“五星运动”党等多采用网络媒体的方式管理政党，散发行动计划和宣传册，开展讨论、投票、选举、募捐等各种政治活动，自下而上直接在线产生候选人，并且以活动为导向，通过此起彼伏的运动联系和拉近民众。“我们能”党采取平行组织的民主形式，在西班牙全境建立起1000多个名为“圈子”的基层组织，实现自下而上的民主参与过程。“站起来”运动则采取本地化、分散化的组织模式，在每个城镇或者地区形成行动小组，尽可能聚焦当地居民日常关切问题开展联合行动，每个人都能在网站地图中查看所在地区行动小组的地点、联系方式和活动安排，并成为运动活跃分子。

Third, in terms of the social composition of their supporters, left-wing social movements exhibit characteristics of being younger and cross-class. In the major Western European countries, the main forces of left-wing social movements and emerging parties all show a trend toward younger ages, and the higher the level of education, the higher the degree of recognition. This is also the biggest difference between the emerging left in Western Europe and the traditional left, whose class base was more composed of the working class, low- and middle-income earners, and the unemployed. Young intellectual elites who grew up in the post-Cold War environment often resonate with left-wing social movements on several fronts. First, they criticize the capitalist mode of production and way of life. Many young people believe capitalism has fallen into systemic difficulties, highlighting institutional flaws that require reckoning and reform. Second, they focus on environmental protection. Young people are more concerned than other age groups about issues affecting humanity’s future, such as climate change; the COVID-19 pandemic intensified their worries and sense of urgency about environmental problems. Third, they oppose inequality. Young people have a stronger desire to promote social progress, especially opposing inequalities based on ascriptive factors such as race, origin and gender, as well as those that are difficult to change later in life. However, young people are divided in their stance toward the EU: young French voters have a lower degree of identification with the EU than voters over 55, while young Italian voters’ support for the EU far exceeds that of voters over 45. Furthermore, left-wing social movements in Italy adopt a programmatic line that mixes left and right, winning broad support from voters across generations and classes; their supporters show wide diversity and variety in terms of gender, age, occupation, region and other distributions.

第三，从支持者的社会组成看，左翼社会运动表现出年轻化和跨阶级的特点。在主要西欧国家，左翼社会运动和新兴政党的生力军均呈现年轻化的趋势，且受教育程度越高认可度就越高，这也是西欧新兴左翼与传统左翼的最大区别，传统左翼政党的阶级基础更多由工人阶级、中低收入者和失业者构成。在后冷战环境中成长起来的青年知识精英，往往在多个方面和左翼社会运动存在共鸣：一是批判资本主义生产生活方式。很多年轻人认为资本主义陷入系统性困境，凸显制度缺陷，需要进行清算和改造。二是关注环境保护。年轻人比其他年龄段人群更加关注气候变化等事关人类未来的议题，新冠疫情大流行加剧其对环境问题的担忧和紧迫感。三是反对不平等。年轻人推动社会进步的意愿更强烈，尤其反对基于种族、出身、性别等先天因素以及后天无力改变的不平等。不过，年轻人对欧盟立场分化，法国年轻选民对欧盟的认同度低于55岁以上选民，而意大利年轻选民对欧盟的支持度却远超45岁以上选民。此外，意大利的左翼社会运动采用混合左右的纲领路线，赢得跨代际、跨阶层选民的普遍支持，其支持者在性别、年龄、职业、地域等分布上均呈现广泛性和多样性。

The Driving Forces Behind Left-Wing Social Movements in Western Europe

西欧左翼社会运动背后的驱动力

The rise of left-wing social movements in some Western European countries has multiple roots and driving forces. This is the result of the combined effect of multiple factors in the 21st century, including globalization, technological revolution and political turmoil.

左翼社会运动在一些西欧国家的勃兴有着多方面的根源和驱动力，这是进入21世纪之后全球化、技术革命、政治乱局等多重因素共同作用的结果。

First, the intensification of the gap between rich and poor under neoliberalism further sharpens social contradictions. Since the end of the Cold War, globalization entered a new phase of rapid development. Neoliberalism held sway in the capitalist countries of Western Europe, and the industrial structures of various countries underwent deep adjustment. The process of globalization and technological progress once drove the middle class as a whole to rise as the backbone of society. However, after a period of development, the neoliberal economy became unsustainable, creating the social reality of a continuously widening gap between rich and poor. This led to drastic changes in the social structure formed in Western Europe after World War II, triggering new social conflicts and contradictions. In particular, the successive international financial crisis and the European debt crisis caused the European economy to decline continuously, bringing social problems such as a surge in unemployment. In Italy, Spain and other countries, young people were particularly hard hit by the economic crisis. The youth unemployment rate in Spain remained above 50%, and in some regions it reached as high as 69% in 2015. Western Europe has a long tradition of radical left-wing revolution and student movements. Some young students, former middle-class people who have fallen to the bottom, and low-income groups, feeling powerless in the face of bleak employment prospects and various social injustices, find resonance in the political programs of left-wing social movements and new parties. They therefore turn against the system, begin to criticize the direction of neoliberal development, and strive to find alternatives.

第一，新自由主义下的贫富分化加剧进一步激化社会矛盾。自冷战结束以来，全球化进入新一轮迅猛发展阶段，新自由主义在西欧资本主义国家大行其道，各国产业结构经历深层调整，全球化进程和技术进步一度推动中产阶级整体崛起为社会中坚力量。然而，新自由主义经济在经历了一段时间的发展后难以为继，造成了贫富分化持续加剧的社会现实，导致西欧在二战后形成的社会结构发生急剧变化，引发新的社会冲突和社会矛盾，尤其是接踵而来的国际金融危机和欧债危机导致欧洲经济持续下滑，带来了失业率激增等社会问题。在意大利、西班牙等国，青年人受经济危机的冲击尤为严重，西班牙青年的失业率一直维持在50%以上，一些地区在2015年曾高达69%。西欧素有激进左翼革命和学生运动传统，一些青年学生、落入底层的昔日中产阶层和低收入群体在面对就业前景黯淡和各种社会不公时无能为力，在左翼社会运动和新型政党的政治纲领中找到共鸣，因此走向了体制的对立面，开始批判新自由主义的发展方向，并力图找寻替代方案。

Second, the traditional political and party system is undergoing accelerated restructuring. Since the 21st century, the role of traditional European parties as political spokespersons in social and political life has continuously declined, their capacity for organizational mobilization has weakened, their credibility among the public has steadily fallen, their social base has become increasingly fragile, and their membership numbers and vote counts have dropped markedly. The ability of many traditional major parties to control the political situation has seriously declined. The degree of political fragmentation in European countries has deepened, intensifying political competition and political deadlock. In France, Italy and other countries, the traditional party landscape has approached collapse after being hit by several general elections. The influence of former ruling parties is waning, and their vote shares have fallen off a cliff. At the same time, emerging political forces have risen rapidly, posing a powerful challenge to the party landscape and squeezing the living space of traditional parties. Among these, various types of social movements have become important channels for guiding and representing public opinion, attracting large numbers of supporters and producing relatively lasting social impact. In the emerging social movements, political outsiders become leaders. Core figures, relying on the power of fans rather than the organizational work of parties, build popularity, clearly oppose the existing system and political corruption, advocate for protecting the interests of the底层 (lower strata) [1]1 The term *diceng* (底层), literally “bottom layer” or “lowest stratum,” refers to the most disadvantaged social groups, including the poor, the marginalized and those at the bottom of the socioeconomic hierarchy., and adopt innovative forms of organization and mobilization, attracting many voters dissatisfied with and angry at real politics. As German scholar Henrik Müller points out, Western democracy is undergoing a fundamental structural transformation: political competition has intensified, the threshold for participation has lowered, and complex organizational structures and long-term ties are no longer needed. This is conducive to the organization and mobilization of social movements.

第二，传统政治和政党体制加速重构。21世纪以来，欧洲传统政党在社会与政治生活中作为政治代言人的作用持续下降，组织动员能力减弱，在民众中的公信力不断下滑，社会基础日渐松动，党员人数和选票数明显下跌。不少传统大党政治控局能力严重下降，欧洲各国政治碎片化程度加深，加剧政治竞争和政治僵局。在法国、意大利等国，传统政党格局在经历数次大选冲击之后濒临解体，昔日执政党影响力日渐式微，得票率出现断崖式下跌。与此同时，新兴政治力量迅速崛起，对政党格局提出有力挑战，挤压传统政党的生存空间。其中，各类社会运动成为引领和代言民意的重要渠道，吸引了大批支持者，产生了较为持久的社会影响。在新兴社会运动中，素人成为政治领袖，核心人物凭借粉丝的力量而非政党的组织工作积聚人气，旗帜鲜明地反对现行体制和政治腐败，宣扬保护底层民众利益的主张，采取创新的组织动员形式，吸引了不少对现实政治不满和愤怒的选民。正如德国学者亨里克·穆勒（Henrik Müller）所指出，西方民主正经历根本性的结构转型，政治竞争加剧、参与门槛降低，不再需要复杂的组织结构和长期的联系纽带，这有利于社会运动的组织动员。

Third, the technological revolution is driving the transformation of Western democratic politics. The information technology revolution and the proliferation of social media have led to the constant emergence of entirely new forms and channels of political mobilization. Especially amid the latest wave of digital transformation, the digital economy, represented by “Internet Plus” and “Intelligence Plus,” is flourishing, and “digital existence” is shifting from a hot topic to reality. The widespread adoption of the internet and social media has, to a great extent, reshaped the power structure of Western democratic politics, intensified the deconstruction of traditional party politics, and driven changes in party politics and innovations in party models. On the one hand, the emergence of the internet has greatly influenced and altered people’s ideas, political views, and modes of behavior. Political openness, transparency, and mass online political participation have become major trends. Online democracy, direct democracy, and new political phenomena pose unprecedented challenges to traditional indirect democracy. On the other hand, technological progress has provided technical means and innovative channels for de-bureaucratized parallel organizations and transparent, equal, real-time forms of democratic participation. In past party competition, traditional parties often relied on strong organizational resources accumulated through years of operation to gain a competitive advantage, with many parties evolving into elitist, state-oriented, bureaucratized, and “cartel-type” parties. In the era of “digital existence,” political leaders, and even political novices, can use the internet as their main battlefield to communicate directly with the public. A variety of online platforms and software tools can quickly achieve organizational, mobilization, and dissemination functions at the local or national level. This phenomenon poses a major challenge to traditional parties.

第三，科技革命推动西方民主政治转型。信息技术革命和社交媒体的普及使得全新的政治动员方式和动员渠道不断涌现，尤其在新一轮数字化转型浪潮中，以“互联网+”“智能+”为代表的数字经济蓬勃发展，“数字化生存”开始从热门话题变为现实，互联网和社交媒体的普及在极大程度上重塑了西方民主政治的权力结构，加剧对传统政党政治的解构，驱动政党政治变革与政党模式创新。一方面，互联网的出现极大影响和改变了民众的思想观念、政治观念与行为方式，政治公开透明与大众网络政治参与成为大势所趋，网络民主、直接民主和新的政治现象给传统间接民主带来前所未有的挑战；另一方面，技术进步为去科层化的平行组织和透明、平等、实时的民主参与形式提供了技术手段和创新渠道。在过去的政党竞争中，传统政党往往依靠多年经营积累的强大组织资源形成竞争优势，不少政党发展成为精英化、国家化、官僚化和“卡特尔型”的政党，而在“数字化生存”时代，政治领袖乃至政治素人都可将互联网作为主战场与民众直接对话，各种名目繁多的网络平台和工具软件可以快速实现本地或全国范围内的组织、动员和传播功能，这一现象对于传统政党构成极大挑战。

Fourth, multiple crises in Europe have catalyzed political upheaval and social problems. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Europe has been hit by a succession of multiple crises, including terrorist attacks, the international economic and financial crisis, the European debt crisis, and the refugee crisis. These have led to political deadlock and regime changes in several countries. The unstable economic and employment outlook and the sharp increase in immigrants and refugees have exacerbated conflicts of interest between local and foreign populations, and have impacted some conservative voters, especially culturally conservative groups and the lower social strata, giving rise to identity politics and deepening social problems and contradictions. The political, economic, cultural, and social consequences of these multiple crises have overlapped, triggering a wave of populism across Europe. Some left-wing social movements have also ridden this wave, leveraging it to enhance their influence. The countries where left-wing social movements have been more successful, such as Italy and Spain, are precisely the weakest links severely battered by Europe’s multiple crises. Unlike the pro-European stance of traditional political parties in Western Europe, left-wing social movements represented by the Five Star Movement mostly hold a skeptical or even negative attitude toward European integration. They oppose the EU, the euro, and integration achievements such as the European Stability Mechanism, openly advocate for national referendums on leaving the eurozone and “exiting the EU,” and oppose the cosmopolitanism promoted by mainstream political elites.

第四，欧洲多重危机催化政治变局和社会问题。自21世纪以来，欧洲接连遭遇恐怖袭击、国际经济金融危机、欧债危机和难民危机等多重危机冲击，带来政治僵局并导致多国政权更迭，经济就业前景不稳定和移民难民大幅增长的社会现实又加剧本土和外来人口之间的利益冲突，并冲击部分保守选民，尤其是文化保守人群和社会底层，带来身份政治的勃兴，加深社会问题和社会矛盾。多重危机的政治、经济、文化和社会后果相互叠加，在整个欧洲引发民粹主义浪潮盛行一时，部分左翼社会运动也在其中推波助澜，借势提升影响力。左翼社会运动更为成功的国家，例如意大利和西班牙，恰恰是欧洲多重危机重创之下最薄弱的环节。与西欧各国传统政党持有的亲欧立场不同，以“五星运动”党为代表的左翼社会运动大多对欧洲一体化持怀疑甚至否定态度，反对欧盟、欧元以及欧洲稳定机制等一体化成果，公开主张就本国退出欧元区和“脱欧”举行全民公投，并反对主流政治精英宣扬的世界主义。

Bottlenecks in the Development of Left-Wing Social Movements in Western Europe and Their Future Direction

西欧左翼社会运动的发展瓶颈与未来走向

Overall, the emerging left-wing social movements in Western Europe are more open and flexible compared to traditional left-wing forces, attracting broad popular support and achieving certain political results. The experiences and practices of these emerging left-wing social movements and their subsequent political parties during their rise—such as innovative practices in political mobilization, operational forms, and organizational structures—have provided inspiration and reference for the modernization and transformation of traditional parties.

整体而言，西欧新兴左翼社会运动与传统左翼相比更加开放、灵活，吸引大批民众支持并取得一定政治成果。西欧新兴左翼社会运动及其后续政党在崛起过程中的经验做法，例如在政治动员、运作形式和组织架构等方面的创新实践，为传统政党的现代化转型提供了启示和借鉴。

However, from movement to party, the emerging left-wing social movements in Western Europe still face numerous internal and external constraints in their development. On the one hand, the biggest constraint on the further development of left-wing social movements and their subsequent political parties is a serious lack of governing capacity. Although the traditional party system is under immense pressure, political parties still play an irreplaceable role in Western political life, especially in assuming important functions such as obtaining government and parliamentary positions and participating in governance. Emerging left-wing parties transformed from social movements generally lack experience in state governance. Many of their political demands are overly idealistic, radical, and unrealistic. Their capacity to deconstruct European politics far exceeds their capacity to construct it. The Five Star Movement, due to its insufficient governing capacity, found it difficult to advance its policy agenda in line with its campaign slogans. After coming to power in 2018, its approval ratings in opinion polls quickly dropped to second place within the same year. It performed poorly in some cities it governed and in the 2021 local elections, losing a large number of voters in the 2022 national election, with its vote share slashed by more than half compared to the previous election.

不过，西欧新兴左翼社会运动从运动到政党，在发展过程中仍旧面临诸多内外掣肘。一方面，左翼社会运动及其后续政党进一步发展的最大制约是执政能力严重不足。尽管传统政党体制承受巨大压力，但政党在西方政治生活中的作用仍不可替代，尤其在获得政府议会职务、参与执政方面承担重要职能。由社会运动转型而成的新兴左翼政党普遍缺乏治国理政经验，很多政治诉求过于理想、激进、不切实际，对于欧洲政治的解构能力远远超过建构能力。“五星运动”党就因执政能力不足，难以按照竞选口号推进施政纲领，在2018年上台执政当年民调支持率就迅速跌至第二位，其在一些执政的城市以及2021年的地方选举中表现不佳，在2022年全国大选中流失大量选民，得票率较上届选举削减大半。

On the other hand, left-wing social movements face fierce competition from right-wing populism. American scholar Francis Fukuyama has pointed out that a general phenomenon in European and American countries is the weakness of the left and the prevalence of right-wing populism. The main reason for this, he argues, is the failure of the left in the ideological sphere, while the right has occupied the ideological high ground with its concept of liberty first. European right-wing populism also focuses on livelihood issues, seeking supporters among low-income groups, thereby significantly diverting supporters away from left-wing social movements. The French National Rally emphasizes in its election platform the need to increase people’s purchasing power and ensure that French people have priority access to jobs and social benefits. Its candidate, Marine Le Pen, is most popular in traditional industrial areas and among workers and employee groups. The German Left Party attempted to rally left-wing political forces through the “Stand Up” movement, but this movement did not help the Left Party escape its marginal position, and its political and social influence is difficult to match with that of the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany.

另一方面，左翼社会运动受到来自右翼民粹主义的激烈竞争。美国学者福山曾指出，欧美国家普遍存在左翼乏力、右翼民粹盛行的情况，造成这一现象的主要原因是左翼在思想领域的失败，右翼以自由至上的理念占据了意识形态制高点。欧洲右翼民粹主义同样关注民生问题，在低收入人群中寻求支持者，极大分流了左翼社会运动的支持者。法国国民联盟在竞选纲领中强调要提高民众购买力，确保法国人优先获得就业岗位和社会救济，其候选人勒庞在传统工业区和工人及雇员群体中最受欢迎。德国左翼党希望通过“站起来”运动集结左翼政治力量，但该运动并没有助推左翼党走出边缘境地，其政治和社会影响力难与右翼民粹的德国选择党相匹敌。

Currently, the protracted COVID-19 pandemic has severely dragged down the European economy. The geopolitical conflict triggered by the Russia-Ukraine war has shaken Europe’s security architecture, causing an energy supply crisis and price increases in Europe, threatening the prospects for Europe’s post-pandemic economic recovery, and leading to serious livelihood problems. Europe continues to move from one crisis to the next, raising the risk of social conflict, exacerbating political chaos, and providing opportunities for left-wing social movements to further expand their influence. After left-wing social forces develop from movements into political parties, whether they can continuously enhance their political and social influence depends to a large extent on whether they can improve their governing capacity and, in terms of programmatic ideology, successfully resist competition from right-wing populism by presenting more convincing and feasible alternative proposals.

当前，延宕数年的新冠疫情严重拖累欧洲经济，俄乌冲突下的地缘冲突撼动欧洲安全格局，引发欧洲能源供应危机和物价上涨，威胁欧洲经济的疫后复苏前景，并带来严重的民生问题。欧洲持续从一个危机走向下一个危机，推高发生社会冲突的风险，加剧政治乱局，为左翼社会运动进一步壮大声势提供了机会。左翼社会力量在从运动发展为政党之后，能否持续提升政治和社会影响力，在很大程度上取决于其能否提高执政能力，并在纲领意识形态方面成功抵制住来自右翼民粹主义的竞争，拿出更有说服力和可行性的替代方案。

(Author’s bio: Professor at the Institute of German Studies, Tongji University)

（作者简介：同济大学德国问题研究所教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心